January 3, 2025 • 30 mins
Andrew talks with Gare about the spread of anarchist and labor movements in the smaller states of Central America and the Caribbean including Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic.
Sources:
Cappelletti, Angel. (2018). Anarchism in Latin America. AK Press.
See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Mark as Played
Transcript
Episode Transcript
Available transcripts are automatically generated. Complete accuracy is not guaranteed.
Speaker 1 (00:01):
Al the media. Hello, and welcome to Happen here. I'm
Andrew Siege. I'm also andrewism on YouTube, and I'm here
once again.
Speaker 2 (00:12):
With Garrison Davis. Happy to be here.
Speaker 1 (00:15):
Happy to have you, and we're going to continue our
journey through Latin American anarchisms and their histories. We've already
discussed Peru, Chile, Argentina and Brazil, Paraguay, Cuba, uapouch Struggle, Ecuador, Colombia, Panama,
and Venezuela, and so there are just a few territories
left that are considered Latin America. So just before we
(00:35):
get to Mexico and Uruguay and possibly even Quebec, I
want to round up all the anarchist histories in the
smaller states.
Speaker 2 (00:44):
You're not wrong, but it still is funny.
Speaker 1 (00:48):
Yeah, Quebec. I mean, honestly, you could say the same
for like Haiti, Guadeloube, Martinique.
Speaker 2 (00:55):
Yeah yeah, I mean there's even a lot of anarchists
in Montreal today as a booming anarchist movement, but it
still is a little funny.
Speaker 1 (01:05):
Right, Yeah, yeah. I actually wanted to include explorations of
Haiti and in Guadelupe and Martinique in this episode, since
it's you know, fairly small anarchist movements there. But I mean,
I suppose I could just summarize it one time, which
is that Martinique had a section of the International at
(01:26):
one point in eighteen ninety five. There was also a
branch of the International in eighteen sixty six in the
island of Guadeloup, And it's very difficult to establish whether
there were any anarchist groups in Heati. Ever, from my
research there there was an appearance of socialism more broadly
as part of the struggle against domination and taking place
(01:48):
in the country. But the dictatorships of Haiti have made
those kinds of movements very difficult to spring out and thrive.
Speaker 2 (01:58):
Yeah, I can see that.
Speaker 1 (02:00):
But today we're going to be focusing on the anarchist
histories and the rest of the smaller states of Central
America and the Caribbean. So we'll be covering the sparks
of anarchism in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvor, Guatemala,
Dimerican Republic, and Puerto Rico. And as with previous episodes,
this is all possible thanks to Health Capitalet's exhaustive work
(02:20):
titled Anarchism in Latin America. But let me set the
scene first and foremost across the lush rainforests and turquoise
seas of Central America. Historically, there were several indigenous peoples
that have called it home, and that home was violated
in the nearly sixteenth century as Spanish conquistadors carved bloody
paths through the region, replacing the ones vibrant pre colonial
(02:42):
societies with the feudal like arrangements of the incomeenda system,
which forced indigenous peoples into labor under Spanish landowners. The
colonial eras of the rise of vast plantations for cash
crops like cocoa, indigo and later coffee in Richina small
elite while indigenous and after descendant population endured brutal oppression
over the centuries. Fast forward to the early nineteenth century
(03:05):
and the wave of independence sweeping Acrosslast America reached Central America.
In eighteen twenty one, the region officially threw off Spanish rule,
and in eighteen twenty three, Central America gained its independence
from the Mexican Empire. For a fleeting moment, from eighteen
twenty three to eighteen thirty nine, Central America united as
the Federal Republic of Central America modeled after the US
(03:25):
Constitution and encompass in modern day Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica. Why eighteen thirty eight, the cracks in
the federation would become in too large to ignore. I mean,
for most of its existence, the capital of the country
alternated between Guatemala City and San South Law, so they
couldn't even decide on that. Liberals and conservatives were also
(03:46):
split on the economy, centralization versus decentralization, and the role
of the Catholic Church, and Guatemala was kind of resented
by the other states because it had such disproportionate influence.
So political infight and regional rivalries eventually caused the union
to splinter. Each state went its own way. But the
(04:06):
collapse of the federation wasn't the end of the story,
as seas of resistance would sprout across the former territory
of the Republic, and among those seeds with the anarchists.
Let's start from Costa Rica and head north. In nearly
nineteen hundreds, in Costa Rica, you had libertarian newspapers popping
up all over the place as usual.
Speaker 2 (04:25):
And when you say libertarian, You don't necessarily.
Speaker 1 (04:30):
I mean anarchists. Yes, yeah, I refuse let them appropriate
that to it. Yes, so you had names like Eleora
social Eldra Bajo, and Raluca, which would echo in the
struggles of local workers and the cross continental knowledge of
international discourses. But even before these publications, which you believe,
(04:52):
there was enough anarchist danger to still up the establishment.
Speaker 2 (04:55):
A very little anarchist danger is enough anarchist danger history
of the tablished.
Speaker 1 (05:00):
No, but to tell you how how unsettled the establishment was.
So you know we're recording this a couple of weeks
before Christmas.
Speaker 2 (05:08):
Right, Yes, this is going to come out I think
right after New Year's okay.
Speaker 1 (05:12):
And I don't know if you've gone to chooch for
Christmas before. If that's the thing that you've done, okay,
I have as well. And imagine eighteen ninety two, go,
it's Christmas time, you go into church, you sit down
to get your little you know, you're supposed to keep
the sermon short and sweet, let people get home to
(05:33):
do what they have to do, right, But in eighteen
ninety two, Bishop thil decided to use his Christmas sermon
to one against anarchists.
Speaker 2 (05:43):
That that's pretty funny.
Speaker 1 (05:45):
Like imagine you just trying to go home at each
of Christmas lunch and you have to listen to this
guy preach against like these radical anarchists who come in
to rest up the country.
Speaker 2 (05:53):
They're giving out food, they're healing the sick, they're doing.
Speaker 1 (05:58):
I mean to be fairly because at the time were
generally a threat to the to the clerical establishment.
Speaker 2 (06:04):
Sure, of course, as was our Lord and Savior Christ
Jesus age Christ Jesus and his affinity group of twelve
traveling around the countryside, stirring up all kinds.
Speaker 1 (06:15):
Of trouble, indeed indeed.
Speaker 2 (06:18):
Seeding revolt against the Roman Empire. We got to stop them.
Speaker 1 (06:23):
Yeah, I mean, gosh, that's the whole kind of roombs
I could have got into right there.
Speaker 2 (06:28):
Sure is.
Speaker 1 (06:31):
Yeah, I mean, I mean, seriously, Christianity went from being
a response to the Roman Empire to be in the
Roman Empire, and that is like one of the biggest
downgrades of the millennia.
Speaker 2 (06:41):
Yeah. No, it's a super successful recuperation. And that's why
I do find as much as it has some problems,
Liberation theology, especially the version in the South to be
kind of compelling. I wouldn't consider myself a Christian necessarily,
but as of like a religious sect goes, I am
interested in in what liberation theology kind of does and
(07:02):
how it tries to reradicalize forms of Christianity.
Speaker 1 (07:07):
For sure, for sure I have some concerns about it.
Another strands of Christian anarchism, same as somebody who grew
a Christian. Yeah, same, But of course this is not
the place to like ask about that toffic as we
do have quite a few countries to cover. So because
three can anarchists were not just being called out by
(07:30):
the bishops bishops, you know, and they were also struggling,
you know, print eight our work day, such as with
the beaker strike in nineteen oh five, and they would
also demonstrate against the assassination of anarchists educator Francisco Frere Nice.
They would also found the Centauri Studio Socialist Criminal, which
was a collective of intellectuals and workers who focus on
(07:53):
study and expanded upon anarchism at A nineteen eleven, and
they woul launch the journal Renovacion, which a sid and
impressive seventy plus issues. They helped organize Costarica's first May
Day celebration in nineteen thirteen and he results. As in
nineteen twenties, groups explicitly formed for libertarian action, but unfortunately,
(08:13):
the anarchist influen wouldn't be as impactful in the country
heading into the mid twentieth century, as the country faced
two dictatorships. However, the defeat of the latter in nineteen
forty nine actually ushered in the most peaceful and stable
political situation in all of Latin America. I suppose that
might be because the democratic government that followed didn't transgress
(08:34):
US interests. They do have a US military base in
the country, after all, But let me not speculate too much.
Speaker 2 (08:42):
Look who doesn't have a US military base these days?
Speaker 1 (08:46):
Come on, cut them some sack.
Speaker 2 (08:49):
That's right, that's right, Andrew. I thought you were pro internationalism,
but here we go.
Speaker 1 (08:57):
Yeah, yeah, look at this, Look at this, this this
perole ko backwards regressive. You're telling me you don't want
boots on the ground in your country.
Speaker 2 (09:08):
Globe aboji in bio version of internationalism.
Speaker 1 (09:25):
So moving on north to Nicaragua. The spark of labor
organization began to flicker in the early nineteen hundreds, but
there's little evidence of any anarchists specific influence. In nineteen eighteen,
in the Federals Nicaraguenes or the fo N, emerged and
pulled together various mutual societies from across the country, from
shoemakers to baker's to telas, from Leon to Managua. But
(09:49):
this federation wasn't anarchist and character both conservative and liberal
elites actually tried to use these workers groups with their
own ends. Within the fo N, the group of Socialista
ended up emerging as a rebel force to challenge these
elites and the influence and the workers' movements. But even
that rebel group was a performist in nature. Now it
(10:10):
is possible that libertarians from Spain in Mexico played roles
in the Stevedore strikes of nineteen nineteen in Corinto, which
was nicragu was major port city, but a caste for Shure.
For my research, we do know that at least one
influential person was perhaps inspired by anarchism, and that was
Augusto Sandino, the leader of the Sandinista rebellion against the
(10:32):
US occupation of Nicaragua. Sandino worked alongside anarchists during his
time in exile in Mexico, Juni's revolution, and the red
and black of the Sandinistas actually came from that anarchist influence.
By the nineteen thirties, after the US withdrawal, the labor
movement had to navigate a somewhats of family dictatorship, which
was marked by the severe oppression of anything that even
(10:53):
smelled red. Even in the face of state violence, unions
and workers groups continue to organize, laying the groundwork for
future resistance, including the eventual Sandinista revolution that overthrew the
Soumotzas in the late seventies. Some social progress was then
possible in the country, but it was still marred by
corruption and authoritarianism, made worse by the re election of
(11:16):
Daniel Rodegger in two thousand and six. He still holds
the presidency in nicarat War to this day. Managine to
stave off this swell of protests against him between twenty
eighteen and twenty twenty, of which anarchists, however small number
did indeed take part if returned to Honduras. Now, this
not too much to say about anarchists so again, but
(11:36):
Honduras did have a vibrant labor movement. In eighteen ninety,
La Democracia, one of the country's first mutual aid societies,
emerged with a cooperative spirit that laid the foundation for
was to come. By the early twentieth century, the workers
move when in Honduras had begun to heat up even more,
particularly among miners and banana plantation laborers, two groups that
were central to the country's economy. In March nineteen o nine,
(11:59):
miners struck against brutal conditions and poverty wages. The response Garson,
maybe you can guess bad things, violent, brutal repression, ding
ding ding ding ding.
Speaker 2 (12:11):
Yeah, that is, that is you know what I was assuming,
but I didn't want to, you know, make a fool
out of myself.
Speaker 1 (12:17):
Nineteen sixteen banana plantation workers at the Quama Food Company.
What was their.
Speaker 2 (12:22):
Response, Oh, violence, murder, I assume.
Speaker 1 (12:27):
Ding ding ding, ding ding. Four hundred strikers were four
hundred strikers were arrested and imprisoned in the infamous Castillo
der Moor. I didn't see any evidence of mass deaths
in this particular case.
Speaker 2 (12:40):
Which is honestly progressive considering the time.
Speaker 1 (12:44):
I don't know, mass incarceration not really that much better.
I mean, they literally got imprisoned in this castle, dungeon jail.
Not not something I would want to be. Rats nibbling
at you tools and stuff like that. You know, no,
no so. Following these early twentieth century strikes, workers gradually
(13:04):
began to build some momentum when they're fired for rights,
but circularly during the nineteen fifty four general strike against
the US banana companies. This strike led to significant gains,
including the legal right to organize and the emergence of
a more unified labor movement. Now will anarchists involve these movements.
It's possible, as movements do bear much of the language
(13:25):
and hallmarks of the anarchist Cynicolus thoughts at the time,
but identify specific names as difficult, and there doesn't seem
to be any evidence of specifically anarchist groups in the
early labor history of the country. As in other parts
of Central America, it appears that Marxists had a bit
more influence in their struggles. In response to the workers' gains,
the US backed military coups of roles to counter that progress.
(13:48):
The nineteen sixty three coup against President Harmone vieda Morales
usher in decades of military rule, which stifled labor movements
and pasiant movements, often violently. Due to the nineteen seventies,
Campesino or peasant land struggles intensified as the people demanded
redistribution and reforms. They did get some reform under General
(14:09):
Zuldo Lopez Ariano, but these reforms were limited and met
with the usual repression. In transition in to a civilian
government in nineteen eighties, Honduras remained under heavy US influence,
serving as a base for anti communist activities and Central America.
Then neoliberal policies in nineteen nineties eroded many of the
hard won social and labor rights, as privatization and austerity
(14:32):
measures deepened the inequality in the country. Two thousand and
nine coups against President Manuel's Liar marked another turning point
in modern hundred resistance. Slaia's progressive policies, including raised in
the minimum wage and considering a Greeran reform. Imagine you're
considered progressive, even considering a greering reform. But for that
(14:53):
thought crime of considering a Greeran reform, he was alienated
by the business elite and the US aligned military and
thus could and this triggered, of course, a wave of
militarization and repression, and protests were met with violence and
human rights abuses usual in the years following the coop.
Movements like that Resistentsia unified a broad coalition of workers,
(15:15):
indigenous grows, feminists, students who were all demanding systemic change.
But the issues persist and Dorus continues to face crises
of poverty, violence and migration, but Grassts organizing continues. The
ground there is indeed fertile for an anarchist resurgence, and
then we come to the Salvor. Anarchists, both local and international,
(15:40):
played a key role in shape in the early labor movement. Spanish,
Mexico and Panamanian anarchisynicalists work with them ideas of collector
resistance and workers' autonomy. One of the earliest milestones in
the country was the Union Operetra Savagorinia, founded in nineteen
twenty two, which united workers under the principles of mutual
aid and direct action. Nineteen before the Ferracri Theravadores Salvador
(16:03):
or FRTs emerged and was initially steeped in anarchist cynicleust
ideas before shifting towards Marxism in the late nineteen twenties.
In the nineteen thirties, the anarchist Centro Synical Libretario was
founded and operated in San Salvador. Unfortunately, for pretty much
everybody in El Salvador, nineteen thirty two happened the devastating
(16:24):
La Mantaza of nineteen thirty two. To be specific, this
was a massacre that was orchestrated by the dictatorship of
General Or I shouldn't have told you. I should have
asked you what you think to la matanza means un
as you've be brushed up in your Spanish.
Speaker 2 (16:39):
Unfortunately. No, my Spanish is actually quite famously bad. I
really should work on it.
Speaker 1 (16:46):
I'm sure you're envying my my stumbling through the all
these Spanish names throughout this series.
Speaker 2 (16:51):
See, that's usually me. I'm just happy to have it
be someone else, so James doesn't laugh at me for
reading too many books but not practicing saying things out
loud as a kid.
Speaker 1 (17:05):
Yeah, yeah, yeah, I feel you. I mean for me,
I think one of the difficulties I have been in
the Spanish like all my life. Yeah. The difficulty is
when you're speaking at a momentum in one language, at
least in my experience, it's really difficult to switch the
patterns of pronunciation to the other language. You know, the
way that Spanish like reads vowels is different from how
(17:27):
English reads vowels, so it's hard to like quickly switch
in and switch out.
Speaker 2 (17:31):
Yeah, that's that has always been my struggle is reading
their vowels like my vowels, and it produces some sometimes
quite quite comical pronunciation which is really really my bad.
Speaker 1 (17:46):
I can imagine, but yeah. The La Matanza of nineteen
thirty two was a massacre orchestrated by the dictatorship of
General Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez that aimed to crush the peasant
u prize in that was sparked by systemic poverty and
landist possession. Tens of thousands were slaughtered, many of them
(18:10):
indigenous people, and the anarchists and labor movements in the
country suffered immense losses as activists were either killed or
forced underground. This marked the beginning of decades of military
rule designed to protect the interests of the land owned
in oligarchy, the fourteen families that practically owned everything in
Al Salvor. But despite this repression, radical organizations have persisted.
(18:34):
The mid to lay twentieth century, so the rise of
armed revolutionary groups, culminating in the salvadorra In Civil War
from nineteen eighty eight to nineteen ninety two. The war
pitted the primarily marx Lenists and socialist factions against the
US backed salvador And military dictasership. The Marxists transitioned into
a political party after the nineteen twinety two peace Accords,
which ended the war but left many systemic inequalities unresolved.
(18:58):
In the twenty first century, labor struggles have continued amid
new liberal economic reforms and international financial pressures. While the
left wing fml AND won the president seems those nine
and held power one until twenty nineteen. His tenure was
criticized for failing to sufficiently addressed issues plague in the country.
Recent years under President Abukele have seen the construction of
(19:19):
a proper mass casseral police state while we were going
to struggle against privatization and austerity measures. By the way,
the rise of Achille is just really fascinating to me,
particularly from a Trindardy in context, because we have a
pre surveyor murder rate situation going on. Our murder rate
(19:39):
has been rising steadily in the past two decades, and
there's just been in general a lot of crime issues
lately and the response a lot I've seen a lot
of Trindadians have toward the rise of Auchilli and a
Salvador is literally like, we do that too, We need
to do that too, like we need to you know,
institute like a mass cossus as well. And I feel
(20:01):
like I'm fighting a wave. I'm like talking to a wall.
Like really, it's really difficult for me, I think, to
challenge that because I know some people's frustrations, but to me,
my mind is just boggled at it. You know, like
you really think we we complaining about corruption all the time, right,
Like it's very openly nepotistic and corrupt in this place,
(20:23):
people who are like either political party that is presented
to us as the options. And yet people are so
thinking about the crime situation that they're willing to put
that much power in the hands of the government to
make that judgment. That's the thing is, we know that
they are innocent people in for killer's prisons. You know,
we know that journalists haveing locks of criticizing the government.
(20:44):
We know that all people are locked up without charges,
without rights, without anything. And what's crazy to me is
that like people are like cheering it on until it's them,
until you happen to be unlucky enough to have a tattoo.
Speaker 2 (21:01):
I mean, yeah, as long as it's someone else, then
it's not them.
Speaker 1 (21:05):
Yeah exactly. It's like it's fine as long as somebody else.
But like, let's say you have a tattoo or I mean,
the thing is the police. I'm sure it's the case
in Saba as well, because the police are themselves a
gang pretty much anywhere in the world, but the police
and should not literally connected in some cases with with gangs.
In fact, there's some gang members who end up like
(21:25):
joining the police force later on in their lives. And
so to just give that kind of policy that, you know,
let's say you criticize an officer, you say something they
were like, and then before you know it, you're the
one behind boss as well. I understand the frustration, I
don't understand the response, and it remains to be seen
how Pikuli's policies continue to play out in the country.
(21:47):
I feel like it's a disaster wayson to happen. In
many ways, it is already a disaster. But you know
there are people point to oh, look, I'll see if
things have got no But I don't know how long
that will last, especially when the families that are responsible
for so much of the disparity in the country are
(22:09):
still in their position of power. But I digress. The
spirit of mutually direct action and anti Thoritain resistance still
has a potential to persist in the country without Salbado.
At last, we've reached Guatemala. The nineteen twenty sixth, the
(22:31):
publication Orientacition Syndical started circulating in Guatemala calling for the
kind of direct, grassroots union action that went around or
even opposed fiscal parties as obstacles liberation. Meanwhile, the Marxists
in the country had a different vision. They pushed for
the formation of the Federaci Jianalo Verradia Guatemala and with
that the launch of fan Gardia Proletaria, a communist led
(22:54):
people that aim to rally the working class behind Marxist ideas.
At the same time, Spanish and Peruvian workers alongside Quatemalan
students and workers came together to form the Committee Proxy
and Sindical, which was the space where anarchistyndicalism truly found
its voice in Quatemala, Guds. You can probably guess the
powers that be weren't going to let this kind of
antical action stand. In nineteen thirty a military dictatorship spread
(23:17):
swept into the country and in the committ Dae, effectively
silence and anarchistnicalism in Quatermala and set in the stage
for years of political oppression as the state worked tirelessly
to suppress any form of workers self organization, often with
the back end of the one and only us say
us say us say. The mid twentieth century marked a
(23:41):
period of extreme violence against workers movements, passive movements, and
leftists movements, especially after the nineteen fifty four CIA backed coup.
Despite these setbacks, workers and political movements really never stopped fighting.
In the nineteen sixties and seventies, thriller movements gainablemental inspired
by Marxist and anti imperialist side urologies, and although these
(24:02):
movements were frequently crushed with state violence in the Fourth
massacres and disappearances, they persisted until the end of the
Civil War nineteen ninety six. Still, social inequality and economic
exploitation persisted they will move on, especially in this sweatshop industry,
have continued to fight for workers' rights. Automno today is
still fighting to breathe free. Its people are still fighting
against the continued dominance of neoliberal economic policies, fighting against
(24:25):
crop political elites, and most importantly fighting for autonomy, frest
indigenous and working peoples, and that it was time to
hit the islands on. Our first stop is the Dominican Republic.
Through the efforts of Spanish immigrant workers, the ideas of
mutual aid and syndicalism found very fertile ground, particularly in
the mid eighteen eighties, where we see the emerging into
the first mutualist associations such as La Alianza Chipayania in
(24:50):
eighteen eighty four and Society dad at tsinale Ecosted Pueblo
in eighteen ninety. The River road Workers strike and eighteen
ninety six struck in protest against their conditions on the
Puerto Plata Santiago Line among the first direct actions in
the American Republic outside of its historical maroonages and slaver vootes.
In eighteen ninety seven, the first labor union was formed,
(25:11):
the Union de Panaderos de Santo Domingo. Not long after,
strikes erupted across the country. Bakers, cobblers, bricklayers all marched
in protest, often the heart of Cologne Park, fighting for
better working conditions and respect from their employers. Fast forward
a bit, and in nineteen twenty we saw the first
Premier Congress to de Rabajadores Dominicanos convene in Santremingo, where
(25:34):
the Confederacion Dominicano del Tabajo was born. The demands were
basic but crucial, things like the eight hour workday, the
right to strike, a salary schedule, and profit sharing. But
it wasn't just about improving their daily lives. They also
sought to fight foreign intervention. Specifically, they called to the
end to the North American occupation, which had had a
(25:55):
heavy presence in the region for decades. The nineteen twenties
also the rise of another powerful union, the Ferreacion Local
Devajo de sant Domingo, which was founded by thirty one
different unions. But despite the strength of these movements, the
Dominican Republic remained under the heavy influence of foreign powers
and corrupt local elites. In nineteen forty six, the Dominican
(26:16):
Republic saw a major strike in the sugar plantations of
La Romana and San Pedro de Macoris, and this time
the influence of Spanish anarchists who had fled the Spanish
Civil War was undeniable. Today, the anarchist presence in the
American Republic is not pronounced, but the conditions are as
with the others ripe for such a transformation. Finally, let's
(26:36):
jump across to Puerto Rico for a final historical review.
Puerto Rico, as we know, was a Spanish colony into
eighteen ninety eight, but after that it fell under the
control of the United States. Anarchism in Puerto Rico didn't
have quite the same impact as it did in there
By Cuba, let us men, it wasn't there pushing back
against the powers of be anarchism. Militans, particularly from Spain,
(26:57):
made their way to Perto Rico and eighteen eighties bring
them the fire of direct action and commitment to the
idea that workers should control their own lives. In the
liberal period between eighteen sixty eight and eighteen seventy three,
the first artist and based organizations started popping up. These
were mutual aid societies and cooperatives, They weren't exactly radical
in organization, a far cry from the anarchist uprisings happening
(27:20):
elsewhere in that America, but there were spaces where workers
could find solidarity and support. In eighteen ninety four, things
began to change. A monetary crisis hit, followed by a
devaluation that ten prices chyrocketing, and the population started to
push back. Dis triggered a wave of strikes and mass protests,
and this is where we started to see the direct
influence of anarchists. Were now for sure that Spanish anarchists
(27:43):
who had settled in Puerto Rico were active in these
early struggles, pushing freemancipation and non sin expoitation. Eighteen ninety eight,
when Puerto Rico was already under US control, anarchists and
socialists came together to form the Federacrialrichnal the Rostrabadories, a
group clearly inspired with the Spanish Rasciol Richiernallystpanola. Their program
was a simple yet radical one, abolished the exploitation of
(28:06):
workers and build a society without borders or masters. But
as with all movements, there were contradictions and splits. In
eighteen ninety nine, a major rift occurred within the Federation
when it became clear that some of its leaders were
more willing than others to accept the support of political parties,
something the anarchists traditionally rejected. This caused those that were
true to syndicalist autonomy to form the Federascian Libre, a
(28:30):
group that split from that original federation and stuck to
the principles of the First International. Yet, just a few
years later, in nineteen oh one, this same group ended
up affiliated with the Conservative American Federation of Labor, which
is a very strange bedfellow considering their earlier anarchist commitments.
(28:50):
But the anarchists didn't feed away just after these splits.
They didn't achieve the downant position in Puertrico's worker movement,
but they kept pushing forward anyway, and one of the
ways they did this was through the press, as they
spread ideas, shared literature, and build networks. Bauz Sumana, a
publication based on Kaguas, was one such example. The energy
anarchist in Pertorico was translated into action, especially in the
(29:12):
labor front, where they were there and part of strikes
and meetings and ongoing battles. So as we look at
Puerto Rico today, whether with the fight for sovereignty, for
labor rights, against crunalism, or whatever else, we can remember
the potential of anarchism on the island. There are Puerto
Ricans and history who understood that freedom wasn't solely about
(29:34):
political independence, but about the liberation of all people from
all forms of exploitation. So I take a step back
and look at the broader picture of labor and anarchists
struggle across the region. Do the anarchist move once We're
not as vibrant as elsewhere, whether indeed dormant or dead
in many cases, we still see a very powerful thread
(29:54):
of resistance and a very futile ground for anarchist development,
which our comrades in these places can hope the flourish within.
That's all for me today. You can find me on
YouTube at andrazom and pature on nat seem Drew. This
is it could happen here. All power to all the people. Peace.
Speaker 2 (30:17):
It could happen here is a production of cool Zone Media.
For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website
Coolzonemedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts, you can
now find sources for it could happen here, listed directly
in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.
Al the media. Hello, and welcome to Happen here. I'm
Andrew Siege. I'm also andrewism on YouTube, and I'm here
once again.
Speaker 2 (00:12):
With Garrison Davis. Happy to be here.
Speaker 1 (00:15):
Happy to have you, and we're going to continue our
journey through Latin American anarchisms and their histories. We've already
discussed Peru, Chile, Argentina and Brazil, Paraguay, Cuba, uapouch Struggle, Ecuador, Colombia, Panama,
and Venezuela, and so there are just a few territories
left that are considered Latin America. So just before we
(00:35):
get to Mexico and Uruguay and possibly even Quebec, I
want to round up all the anarchist histories in the
smaller states.
Speaker 2 (00:44):
You're not wrong, but it still is funny.
Speaker 1 (00:48):
Yeah, Quebec. I mean, honestly, you could say the same
for like Haiti, Guadeloube, Martinique.
Speaker 2 (00:55):
Yeah yeah, I mean there's even a lot of anarchists
in Montreal today as a booming anarchist movement, but it
still is a little funny.
Speaker 1 (01:05):
Right, Yeah, yeah. I actually wanted to include explorations of
Haiti and in Guadelupe and Martinique in this episode, since
it's you know, fairly small anarchist movements there. But I mean,
I suppose I could just summarize it one time, which
is that Martinique had a section of the International at
(01:26):
one point in eighteen ninety five. There was also a
branch of the International in eighteen sixty six in the
island of Guadeloup, And it's very difficult to establish whether
there were any anarchist groups in Heati. Ever, from my
research there there was an appearance of socialism more broadly
as part of the struggle against domination and taking place
(01:48):
in the country. But the dictatorships of Haiti have made
those kinds of movements very difficult to spring out and thrive.
Speaker 2 (01:58):
Yeah, I can see that.
Speaker 1 (02:00):
But today we're going to be focusing on the anarchist
histories and the rest of the smaller states of Central
America and the Caribbean. So we'll be covering the sparks
of anarchism in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvor, Guatemala,
Dimerican Republic, and Puerto Rico. And as with previous episodes,
this is all possible thanks to Health Capitalet's exhaustive work
(02:20):
titled Anarchism in Latin America. But let me set the
scene first and foremost across the lush rainforests and turquoise
seas of Central America. Historically, there were several indigenous peoples
that have called it home, and that home was violated
in the nearly sixteenth century as Spanish conquistadors carved bloody
paths through the region, replacing the ones vibrant pre colonial
(02:42):
societies with the feudal like arrangements of the incomeenda system,
which forced indigenous peoples into labor under Spanish landowners. The
colonial eras of the rise of vast plantations for cash
crops like cocoa, indigo and later coffee in Richina small
elite while indigenous and after descendant population endured brutal oppression
over the centuries. Fast forward to the early nineteenth century
(03:05):
and the wave of independence sweeping Acrosslast America reached Central America.
In eighteen twenty one, the region officially threw off Spanish rule,
and in eighteen twenty three, Central America gained its independence
from the Mexican Empire. For a fleeting moment, from eighteen
twenty three to eighteen thirty nine, Central America united as
the Federal Republic of Central America modeled after the US
(03:25):
Constitution and encompass in modern day Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica. Why eighteen thirty eight, the cracks in
the federation would become in too large to ignore. I mean,
for most of its existence, the capital of the country
alternated between Guatemala City and San South Law, so they
couldn't even decide on that. Liberals and conservatives were also
(03:46):
split on the economy, centralization versus decentralization, and the role
of the Catholic Church, and Guatemala was kind of resented
by the other states because it had such disproportionate influence.
So political infight and regional rivalries eventually caused the union
to splinter. Each state went its own way. But the
(04:06):
collapse of the federation wasn't the end of the story,
as seas of resistance would sprout across the former territory
of the Republic, and among those seeds with the anarchists.
Let's start from Costa Rica and head north. In nearly
nineteen hundreds, in Costa Rica, you had libertarian newspapers popping
up all over the place as usual.
Speaker 2 (04:25):
And when you say libertarian, You don't necessarily.
Speaker 1 (04:30):
I mean anarchists. Yes, yeah, I refuse let them appropriate
that to it. Yes, so you had names like Eleora
social Eldra Bajo, and Raluca, which would echo in the
struggles of local workers and the cross continental knowledge of
international discourses. But even before these publications, which you believe,
(04:52):
there was enough anarchist danger to still up the establishment.
Speaker 2 (04:55):
A very little anarchist danger is enough anarchist danger history
of the tablished.
Speaker 1 (05:00):
No, but to tell you how how unsettled the establishment was.
So you know we're recording this a couple of weeks
before Christmas.
Speaker 2 (05:08):
Right, Yes, this is going to come out I think
right after New Year's okay.
Speaker 1 (05:12):
And I don't know if you've gone to chooch for
Christmas before. If that's the thing that you've done, okay,
I have as well. And imagine eighteen ninety two, go,
it's Christmas time, you go into church, you sit down
to get your little you know, you're supposed to keep
the sermon short and sweet, let people get home to
(05:33):
do what they have to do, right, But in eighteen
ninety two, Bishop thil decided to use his Christmas sermon
to one against anarchists.
Speaker 2 (05:43):
That that's pretty funny.
Speaker 1 (05:45):
Like imagine you just trying to go home at each
of Christmas lunch and you have to listen to this
guy preach against like these radical anarchists who come in
to rest up the country.
Speaker 2 (05:53):
They're giving out food, they're healing the sick, they're doing.
Speaker 1 (05:58):
I mean to be fairly because at the time were
generally a threat to the to the clerical establishment.
Speaker 2 (06:04):
Sure, of course, as was our Lord and Savior Christ
Jesus age Christ Jesus and his affinity group of twelve
traveling around the countryside, stirring up all kinds.
Speaker 1 (06:15):
Of trouble, indeed indeed.
Speaker 2 (06:18):
Seeding revolt against the Roman Empire. We got to stop them.
Speaker 1 (06:23):
Yeah, I mean, gosh, that's the whole kind of roombs
I could have got into right there.
Speaker 2 (06:28):
Sure is.
Speaker 1 (06:31):
Yeah, I mean, I mean, seriously, Christianity went from being
a response to the Roman Empire to be in the
Roman Empire, and that is like one of the biggest
downgrades of the millennia.
Speaker 2 (06:41):
Yeah. No, it's a super successful recuperation. And that's why
I do find as much as it has some problems,
Liberation theology, especially the version in the South to be
kind of compelling. I wouldn't consider myself a Christian necessarily,
but as of like a religious sect goes, I am
interested in in what liberation theology kind of does and
(07:02):
how it tries to reradicalize forms of Christianity.
Speaker 1 (07:07):
For sure, for sure I have some concerns about it.
Another strands of Christian anarchism, same as somebody who grew
a Christian. Yeah, same, But of course this is not
the place to like ask about that toffic as we
do have quite a few countries to cover. So because
three can anarchists were not just being called out by
(07:30):
the bishops bishops, you know, and they were also struggling,
you know, print eight our work day, such as with
the beaker strike in nineteen oh five, and they would
also demonstrate against the assassination of anarchists educator Francisco Frere Nice.
They would also found the Centauri Studio Socialist Criminal, which
was a collective of intellectuals and workers who focus on
(07:53):
study and expanded upon anarchism at A nineteen eleven, and
they woul launch the journal Renovacion, which a sid and
impressive seventy plus issues. They helped organize Costarica's first May
Day celebration in nineteen thirteen and he results. As in
nineteen twenties, groups explicitly formed for libertarian action, but unfortunately,
(08:13):
the anarchist influen wouldn't be as impactful in the country
heading into the mid twentieth century, as the country faced
two dictatorships. However, the defeat of the latter in nineteen
forty nine actually ushered in the most peaceful and stable
political situation in all of Latin America. I suppose that
might be because the democratic government that followed didn't transgress
(08:34):
US interests. They do have a US military base in
the country, after all, But let me not speculate too much.
Speaker 2 (08:42):
Look who doesn't have a US military base these days?
Speaker 1 (08:46):
Come on, cut them some sack.
Speaker 2 (08:49):
That's right, that's right, Andrew. I thought you were pro internationalism,
but here we go.
Speaker 1 (08:57):
Yeah, yeah, look at this, Look at this, this this
perole ko backwards regressive. You're telling me you don't want
boots on the ground in your country.
Speaker 2 (09:08):
Globe aboji in bio version of internationalism.
Speaker 1 (09:25):
So moving on north to Nicaragua. The spark of labor
organization began to flicker in the early nineteen hundreds, but
there's little evidence of any anarchists specific influence. In nineteen eighteen,
in the Federals Nicaraguenes or the fo N, emerged and
pulled together various mutual societies from across the country, from
shoemakers to baker's to telas, from Leon to Managua. But
(09:49):
this federation wasn't anarchist and character both conservative and liberal
elites actually tried to use these workers groups with their
own ends. Within the fo N, the group of Socialista
ended up emerging as a rebel force to challenge these
elites and the influence and the workers' movements. But even
that rebel group was a performist in nature. Now it
(10:10):
is possible that libertarians from Spain in Mexico played roles
in the Stevedore strikes of nineteen nineteen in Corinto, which
was nicragu was major port city, but a caste for Shure.
For my research, we do know that at least one
influential person was perhaps inspired by anarchism, and that was
Augusto Sandino, the leader of the Sandinista rebellion against the
(10:32):
US occupation of Nicaragua. Sandino worked alongside anarchists during his
time in exile in Mexico, Juni's revolution, and the red
and black of the Sandinistas actually came from that anarchist influence.
By the nineteen thirties, after the US withdrawal, the labor
movement had to navigate a somewhats of family dictatorship, which
was marked by the severe oppression of anything that even
(10:53):
smelled red. Even in the face of state violence, unions
and workers groups continue to organize, laying the groundwork for
future resistance, including the eventual Sandinista revolution that overthrew the
Soumotzas in the late seventies. Some social progress was then
possible in the country, but it was still marred by
corruption and authoritarianism, made worse by the re election of
(11:16):
Daniel Rodegger in two thousand and six. He still holds
the presidency in nicarat War to this day. Managine to
stave off this swell of protests against him between twenty
eighteen and twenty twenty, of which anarchists, however small number
did indeed take part if returned to Honduras. Now, this
not too much to say about anarchists so again, but
(11:36):
Honduras did have a vibrant labor movement. In eighteen ninety,
La Democracia, one of the country's first mutual aid societies,
emerged with a cooperative spirit that laid the foundation for
was to come. By the early twentieth century, the workers
move when in Honduras had begun to heat up even more,
particularly among miners and banana plantation laborers, two groups that
were central to the country's economy. In March nineteen o nine,
(11:59):
miners struck against brutal conditions and poverty wages. The response Garson,
maybe you can guess bad things, violent, brutal repression, ding
ding ding ding ding.
Speaker 2 (12:11):
Yeah, that is, that is you know what I was assuming,
but I didn't want to, you know, make a fool
out of myself.
Speaker 1 (12:17):
Nineteen sixteen banana plantation workers at the Quama Food Company.
What was their.
Speaker 2 (12:22):
Response, Oh, violence, murder, I assume.
Speaker 1 (12:27):
Ding ding ding, ding ding. Four hundred strikers were four
hundred strikers were arrested and imprisoned in the infamous Castillo
der Moor. I didn't see any evidence of mass deaths
in this particular case.
Speaker 2 (12:40):
Which is honestly progressive considering the time.
Speaker 1 (12:44):
I don't know, mass incarceration not really that much better.
I mean, they literally got imprisoned in this castle, dungeon jail.
Not not something I would want to be. Rats nibbling
at you tools and stuff like that. You know, no,
no so. Following these early twentieth century strikes, workers gradually
(13:04):
began to build some momentum when they're fired for rights,
but circularly during the nineteen fifty four general strike against
the US banana companies. This strike led to significant gains,
including the legal right to organize and the emergence of
a more unified labor movement. Now will anarchists involve these movements.
It's possible, as movements do bear much of the language
(13:25):
and hallmarks of the anarchist Cynicolus thoughts at the time,
but identify specific names as difficult, and there doesn't seem
to be any evidence of specifically anarchist groups in the
early labor history of the country. As in other parts
of Central America, it appears that Marxists had a bit
more influence in their struggles. In response to the workers' gains,
the US backed military coups of roles to counter that progress.
(13:48):
The nineteen sixty three coup against President Harmone vieda Morales
usher in decades of military rule, which stifled labor movements
and pasiant movements, often violently. Due to the nineteen seventies,
Campesino or peasant land struggles intensified as the people demanded
redistribution and reforms. They did get some reform under General
(14:09):
Zuldo Lopez Ariano, but these reforms were limited and met
with the usual repression. In transition in to a civilian
government in nineteen eighties, Honduras remained under heavy US influence,
serving as a base for anti communist activities and Central America.
Then neoliberal policies in nineteen nineties eroded many of the
hard won social and labor rights, as privatization and austerity
(14:32):
measures deepened the inequality in the country. Two thousand and
nine coups against President Manuel's Liar marked another turning point
in modern hundred resistance. Slaia's progressive policies, including raised in
the minimum wage and considering a Greeran reform. Imagine you're
considered progressive, even considering a greering reform. But for that
(14:53):
thought crime of considering a Greeran reform, he was alienated
by the business elite and the US aligned military and
thus could and this triggered, of course, a wave of
militarization and repression, and protests were met with violence and
human rights abuses usual in the years following the coop.
Movements like that Resistentsia unified a broad coalition of workers,
(15:15):
indigenous grows, feminists, students who were all demanding systemic change.
But the issues persist and Dorus continues to face crises
of poverty, violence and migration, but Grassts organizing continues. The
ground there is indeed fertile for an anarchist resurgence, and
then we come to the Salvor. Anarchists, both local and international,
(15:40):
played a key role in shape in the early labor movement. Spanish,
Mexico and Panamanian anarchisynicalists work with them ideas of collector
resistance and workers' autonomy. One of the earliest milestones in
the country was the Union Operetra Savagorinia, founded in nineteen
twenty two, which united workers under the principles of mutual
aid and direct action. Nineteen before the Ferracri Theravadores Salvador
(16:03):
or FRTs emerged and was initially steeped in anarchist cynicleust
ideas before shifting towards Marxism in the late nineteen twenties.
In the nineteen thirties, the anarchist Centro Synical Libretario was
founded and operated in San Salvador. Unfortunately, for pretty much
everybody in El Salvador, nineteen thirty two happened the devastating
(16:24):
La Mantaza of nineteen thirty two. To be specific, this
was a massacre that was orchestrated by the dictatorship of
General Or I shouldn't have told you. I should have
asked you what you think to la matanza means un
as you've be brushed up in your Spanish.
Speaker 2 (16:39):
Unfortunately. No, my Spanish is actually quite famously bad. I
really should work on it.
Speaker 1 (16:46):
I'm sure you're envying my my stumbling through the all
these Spanish names throughout this series.
Speaker 2 (16:51):
See, that's usually me. I'm just happy to have it
be someone else, so James doesn't laugh at me for
reading too many books but not practicing saying things out
loud as a kid.
Speaker 1 (17:05):
Yeah, yeah, yeah, I feel you. I mean for me,
I think one of the difficulties I have been in
the Spanish like all my life. Yeah. The difficulty is
when you're speaking at a momentum in one language, at
least in my experience, it's really difficult to switch the
patterns of pronunciation to the other language. You know, the
way that Spanish like reads vowels is different from how
(17:27):
English reads vowels, so it's hard to like quickly switch
in and switch out.
Speaker 2 (17:31):
Yeah, that's that has always been my struggle is reading
their vowels like my vowels, and it produces some sometimes
quite quite comical pronunciation which is really really my bad.
Speaker 1 (17:46):
I can imagine, but yeah. The La Matanza of nineteen
thirty two was a massacre orchestrated by the dictatorship of
General Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez that aimed to crush the peasant
u prize in that was sparked by systemic poverty and
landist possession. Tens of thousands were slaughtered, many of them
(18:10):
indigenous people, and the anarchists and labor movements in the
country suffered immense losses as activists were either killed or
forced underground. This marked the beginning of decades of military
rule designed to protect the interests of the land owned
in oligarchy, the fourteen families that practically owned everything in
Al Salvor. But despite this repression, radical organizations have persisted.
(18:34):
The mid to lay twentieth century, so the rise of
armed revolutionary groups, culminating in the salvadorra In Civil War
from nineteen eighty eight to nineteen ninety two. The war
pitted the primarily marx Lenists and socialist factions against the
US backed salvador And military dictasership. The Marxists transitioned into
a political party after the nineteen twinety two peace Accords,
which ended the war but left many systemic inequalities unresolved.
(18:58):
In the twenty first century, labor struggles have continued amid
new liberal economic reforms and international financial pressures. While the
left wing fml AND won the president seems those nine
and held power one until twenty nineteen. His tenure was
criticized for failing to sufficiently addressed issues plague in the country.
Recent years under President Abukele have seen the construction of
(19:19):
a proper mass casseral police state while we were going
to struggle against privatization and austerity measures. By the way,
the rise of Achille is just really fascinating to me,
particularly from a Trindardy in context, because we have a
pre surveyor murder rate situation going on. Our murder rate
(19:39):
has been rising steadily in the past two decades, and
there's just been in general a lot of crime issues
lately and the response a lot I've seen a lot
of Trindadians have toward the rise of Auchilli and a
Salvador is literally like, we do that too, We need
to do that too, like we need to you know,
institute like a mass cossus as well. And I feel
(20:01):
like I'm fighting a wave. I'm like talking to a wall.
Like really, it's really difficult for me, I think, to
challenge that because I know some people's frustrations, but to me,
my mind is just boggled at it. You know, like
you really think we we complaining about corruption all the time, right,
Like it's very openly nepotistic and corrupt in this place,
(20:23):
people who are like either political party that is presented
to us as the options. And yet people are so
thinking about the crime situation that they're willing to put
that much power in the hands of the government to
make that judgment. That's the thing is, we know that
they are innocent people in for killer's prisons. You know,
we know that journalists haveing locks of criticizing the government.
(20:44):
We know that all people are locked up without charges,
without rights, without anything. And what's crazy to me is
that like people are like cheering it on until it's them,
until you happen to be unlucky enough to have a tattoo.
Speaker 2 (21:01):
I mean, yeah, as long as it's someone else, then
it's not them.
Speaker 1 (21:05):
Yeah exactly. It's like it's fine as long as somebody else.
But like, let's say you have a tattoo or I mean,
the thing is the police. I'm sure it's the case
in Saba as well, because the police are themselves a
gang pretty much anywhere in the world, but the police
and should not literally connected in some cases with with gangs.
In fact, there's some gang members who end up like
(21:25):
joining the police force later on in their lives. And
so to just give that kind of policy that, you know,
let's say you criticize an officer, you say something they
were like, and then before you know it, you're the
one behind boss as well. I understand the frustration, I
don't understand the response, and it remains to be seen
how Pikuli's policies continue to play out in the country.
(21:47):
I feel like it's a disaster wayson to happen. In
many ways, it is already a disaster. But you know
there are people point to oh, look, I'll see if
things have got no But I don't know how long
that will last, especially when the families that are responsible
for so much of the disparity in the country are
(22:09):
still in their position of power. But I digress. The
spirit of mutually direct action and anti Thoritain resistance still
has a potential to persist in the country without Salbado.
At last, we've reached Guatemala. The nineteen twenty sixth, the
(22:31):
publication Orientacition Syndical started circulating in Guatemala calling for the
kind of direct, grassroots union action that went around or
even opposed fiscal parties as obstacles liberation. Meanwhile, the Marxists
in the country had a different vision. They pushed for
the formation of the Federaci Jianalo Verradia Guatemala and with
that the launch of fan Gardia Proletaria, a communist led
(22:54):
people that aim to rally the working class behind Marxist ideas.
At the same time, Spanish and Peruvian workers alongside Quatemalan
students and workers came together to form the Committee Proxy
and Sindical, which was the space where anarchistyndicalism truly found
its voice in Quatemala, Guds. You can probably guess the
powers that be weren't going to let this kind of
antical action stand. In nineteen thirty a military dictatorship spread
(23:17):
swept into the country and in the committ Dae, effectively
silence and anarchistnicalism in Quatermala and set in the stage
for years of political oppression as the state worked tirelessly
to suppress any form of workers self organization, often with
the back end of the one and only us say
us say us say. The mid twentieth century marked a
(23:41):
period of extreme violence against workers movements, passive movements, and
leftists movements, especially after the nineteen fifty four CIA backed coup.
Despite these setbacks, workers and political movements really never stopped fighting.
In the nineteen sixties and seventies, thriller movements gainablemental inspired
by Marxist and anti imperialist side urologies, and although these
(24:02):
movements were frequently crushed with state violence in the Fourth
massacres and disappearances, they persisted until the end of the
Civil War nineteen ninety six. Still, social inequality and economic
exploitation persisted they will move on, especially in this sweatshop industry,
have continued to fight for workers' rights. Automno today is
still fighting to breathe free. Its people are still fighting
against the continued dominance of neoliberal economic policies, fighting against
(24:25):
crop political elites, and most importantly fighting for autonomy, frest
indigenous and working peoples, and that it was time to
hit the islands on. Our first stop is the Dominican Republic.
Through the efforts of Spanish immigrant workers, the ideas of
mutual aid and syndicalism found very fertile ground, particularly in
the mid eighteen eighties, where we see the emerging into
the first mutualist associations such as La Alianza Chipayania in
(24:50):
eighteen eighty four and Society dad at tsinale Ecosted Pueblo
in eighteen ninety. The River road Workers strike and eighteen
ninety six struck in protest against their conditions on the
Puerto Plata Santiago Line among the first direct actions in
the American Republic outside of its historical maroonages and slaver vootes.
In eighteen ninety seven, the first labor union was formed,
(25:11):
the Union de Panaderos de Santo Domingo. Not long after,
strikes erupted across the country. Bakers, cobblers, bricklayers all marched
in protest, often the heart of Cologne Park, fighting for
better working conditions and respect from their employers. Fast forward
a bit, and in nineteen twenty we saw the first
Premier Congress to de Rabajadores Dominicanos convene in Santremingo, where
(25:34):
the Confederacion Dominicano del Tabajo was born. The demands were
basic but crucial, things like the eight hour workday, the
right to strike, a salary schedule, and profit sharing. But
it wasn't just about improving their daily lives. They also
sought to fight foreign intervention. Specifically, they called to the
end to the North American occupation, which had had a
(25:55):
heavy presence in the region for decades. The nineteen twenties
also the rise of another powerful union, the Ferreacion Local
Devajo de sant Domingo, which was founded by thirty one
different unions. But despite the strength of these movements, the
Dominican Republic remained under the heavy influence of foreign powers
and corrupt local elites. In nineteen forty six, the Dominican
(26:16):
Republic saw a major strike in the sugar plantations of
La Romana and San Pedro de Macoris, and this time
the influence of Spanish anarchists who had fled the Spanish
Civil War was undeniable. Today, the anarchist presence in the
American Republic is not pronounced, but the conditions are as
with the others ripe for such a transformation. Finally, let's
(26:36):
jump across to Puerto Rico for a final historical review.
Puerto Rico, as we know, was a Spanish colony into
eighteen ninety eight, but after that it fell under the
control of the United States. Anarchism in Puerto Rico didn't
have quite the same impact as it did in there
By Cuba, let us men, it wasn't there pushing back
against the powers of be anarchism. Militans, particularly from Spain,
(26:57):
made their way to Perto Rico and eighteen eighties bring
them the fire of direct action and commitment to the
idea that workers should control their own lives. In the
liberal period between eighteen sixty eight and eighteen seventy three,
the first artist and based organizations started popping up. These
were mutual aid societies and cooperatives, They weren't exactly radical
in organization, a far cry from the anarchist uprisings happening
(27:20):
elsewhere in that America, but there were spaces where workers
could find solidarity and support. In eighteen ninety four, things
began to change. A monetary crisis hit, followed by a
devaluation that ten prices chyrocketing, and the population started to
push back. Dis triggered a wave of strikes and mass protests,
and this is where we started to see the direct
influence of anarchists. Were now for sure that Spanish anarchists
(27:43):
who had settled in Puerto Rico were active in these
early struggles, pushing freemancipation and non sin expoitation. Eighteen ninety eight,
when Puerto Rico was already under US control, anarchists and
socialists came together to form the Federacrialrichnal the Rostrabadories, a
group clearly inspired with the Spanish Rasciol Richiernallystpanola. Their program
was a simple yet radical one, abolished the exploitation of
(28:06):
workers and build a society without borders or masters. But
as with all movements, there were contradictions and splits. In
eighteen ninety nine, a major rift occurred within the Federation
when it became clear that some of its leaders were
more willing than others to accept the support of political parties,
something the anarchists traditionally rejected. This caused those that were
true to syndicalist autonomy to form the Federascian Libre, a
(28:30):
group that split from that original federation and stuck to
the principles of the First International. Yet, just a few
years later, in nineteen oh one, this same group ended
up affiliated with the Conservative American Federation of Labor, which
is a very strange bedfellow considering their earlier anarchist commitments.
(28:50):
But the anarchists didn't feed away just after these splits.
They didn't achieve the downant position in Puertrico's worker movement,
but they kept pushing forward anyway, and one of the
ways they did this was through the press, as they
spread ideas, shared literature, and build networks. Bauz Sumana, a
publication based on Kaguas, was one such example. The energy
anarchist in Pertorico was translated into action, especially in the
(29:12):
labor front, where they were there and part of strikes
and meetings and ongoing battles. So as we look at
Puerto Rico today, whether with the fight for sovereignty, for
labor rights, against crunalism, or whatever else, we can remember
the potential of anarchism on the island. There are Puerto
Ricans and history who understood that freedom wasn't solely about
(29:34):
political independence, but about the liberation of all people from
all forms of exploitation. So I take a step back
and look at the broader picture of labor and anarchists
struggle across the region. Do the anarchist move once We're
not as vibrant as elsewhere, whether indeed dormant or dead
in many cases, we still see a very powerful thread
(29:54):
of resistance and a very futile ground for anarchist development,
which our comrades in these places can hope the flourish within.
That's all for me today. You can find me on
YouTube at andrazom and pature on nat seem Drew. This
is it could happen here. All power to all the people. Peace.
Speaker 2 (30:17):
It could happen here is a production of cool Zone Media.
For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website
Coolzonemedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts, you can
now find sources for it could happen here, listed directly
in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.
It Could Happen Here News
Hosts And Creators
Robert Evans
Garrison Davis
James Stout
Show Links
AboutPopular Podcasts
Dateline NBC
Current and classic episodes, featuring compelling true-crime mysteries, powerful documentaries and in-depth investigations.
Monster: BTK
'Monster: BTK', the newest installment in the 'Monster' franchise, reveals the true story of the Wichita, Kansas serial killer who murdered at least 10 people between 1974 and 1991. Known by the moniker, BTK – Bind Torture Kill, his notoriety was bolstered by the taunting letters he sent to police, and the chilling phone calls he made to media outlets. BTK's identity was finally revealed in 2005 to the shock of his family, his community, and the world. He was the serial killer next door. From Tenderfoot TV & iHeartPodcasts, this is 'Monster: BTK'.
Stuff You Should Know
If you've ever wanted to know about champagne, satanism, the Stonewall Uprising, chaos theory, LSD, El Nino, true crime and Rosa Parks, then look no further. Josh and Chuck have you covered.