March 26, 2026 • 16 mins
Resident historian of The Morning Show with Preston Scott, Dr. Ed Moore, shares the unique aspects of the Presidential election of 1824.
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Speaker 1 (00:03):
No loss of energy here, my friends. Uh huh no, no, no, no.
Now we are in our twenty fifth year of doing
this radio program. It's The Morning Show with Preston Scott.
I am Preston. He is Jose and this is doctor Edmore,
formerly the president of the Independent Colleges and Universities of Florida.
Now he is the resident historian of this radio program.
Speaker 2 (00:27):
How are you go? And I think I've been doing
I know I've been doing that for more than twenty years, so.
Speaker 1 (00:31):
I think we're right at about twenty years years. Yeah,
that's amazing. And they said it wouldn't last.
Speaker 2 (00:38):
And you don't look any older.
Speaker 1 (00:41):
You don't lie very well.
Speaker 2 (00:42):
Oh yeah, I know. I came in twenty years ago
with white hair.
Speaker 1 (00:46):
Yes you did so. Yeah, yeah, mine has been gradually
moving in that direction. I'm just grateful to have it.
We have been talking about presidents that aren't very often
in the discussions of presidents, not even in a discussion
of great presidents or anything. Just in general. We forget
these guys.
Speaker 2 (01:05):
Yeah, we forget a lot of people during those time frames,
not just presidents, vice presidents, speakers of the House, Supreme Court, judges,
people that have you know, everybody knows the Founders. They
know I have bibbles. Yeah, You've got babbleheads of Founders.
It's like the guys that made the plans and then
(01:27):
broke the ground. Everybody knows all of those guys, the
ones that end up erecting what we are as a
country and who we are as a country. Nobody knows
who they are, but a lot of major, major decisions.
My attention today, and I sent you a text was, well,
we're gonna move on to Andy Jackson. And then when
I started Andy, Yeah, Andy, you knew him by his
(01:48):
first you know, everyone knew him by Andy. That's what
you called him because that well, well we can talk
about the beginning of real politics in America. Yeah, that's
where it really began. And it was a cultural divide
sort of that occurred the eighteen twenty four election. And
we talked about that kind of last time, but I
(02:09):
want to talk a little more about it today. Eighteen
twenty four election when John Quincy Adams got elected by
Congress and defeated Andrew Jackson was really the beginning of
retail politics stuff as we know it today, party evolution.
Back then, when that election occurred there was really one party.
Speaker 1 (02:33):
Was that the reason the way that that election unfolded,
or was it more ideologically birthed?
Speaker 2 (02:39):
I think it both. I think what occurred is that
election allowed regional differences to be magnified. It allowed cultural
differences to be magnified. And if you compare John Quincy
Adams's upbringing, his life living in Europe for most of
his adult life, coming back being President of the United
States out of Massachusetts, well educated, to Andrew Jackson or
(03:04):
Andy from Tennessee rough heun you know, a general seminole war.
He was down here Louisiana, the hero of their you
ended up. People started identifying with presidents in a different
way or candidates a different way, and we still do
(03:28):
that today. You know the old adages about way he's
a man of the people and these you know, uh
Bob Graham doing the work of days to get in
touch with the even though he was at the elite level,
he wanted to get in touch and stay in touch
with the common folk. Andy Jackson his whole image, even
(03:49):
though if you've been to Hermitage, not common. He didn't
live in some shock down by the river, right, I mean,
he lived in a very big mansion and man of means,
but his image that was portrayed. So that eighteen twenty
four election was probably the first one that you have
those kind of social conflicts where the people going against
(04:15):
one another and I don't like you because where you're
from or who you are, and you're too high falutin
for me, you know, that kind of stuff. The campaigning
started to be a little different, where they would have rallies,
people bring in kegs of rum and big parties and
you know what I mean. It was the we were
learning the politics of all of that. And it was
(04:37):
also after the Twelfth Amendment had been passed, so how
we ended up picking presidents changed, which was a significant
change in the country.
Speaker 1 (04:50):
Back with doctor Ed Moore, we were talking about the
times surrounding Andrew Jackson as President of the United States,
and you're not done.
Speaker 2 (05:00):
No, I'm not done. Yeah, yeah, my bad, I said, No,
I'm gonna talk about Andrew Jackson all the day. But
then I started thinking more and more about that eighteen
twenty four election.
Speaker 1 (05:09):
Well, actually, you said, Andrew Jackson and Martin van Buren,
if we could get to.
Speaker 2 (05:12):
It, how many hours do you have? But we're talking.
Speaker 1 (05:17):
So you're not done with the eighteen twenty four election.
Speaker 2 (05:20):
No, I think it was. It gets overlooked by historians,
but I think it was a breaking point in our
country for how we dealt with politics. I mean, if
you think of the two thousand election, that's very relevant
to Florida. A lot was going on here in Florida.
We were the focus of the country and the time frame.
Part of what pushed that time frame then is we
(05:42):
had a November election and they had to get the
certifications to so that the Electrical Electrical Electrical Electrical College
could meet and get stuff to Congress by a certain date,
so they could be done by January seventh and inaugurate.
It's January twenty as dates. Yeah, the pressure was on it,
(06:02):
a lot of pressure to get a lot of stuff done.
Can you do recounts in twelve states in that short
time frame? No, And but we're going to we're dealing
with it. We haven't had that close of an election,
but in this one, nobody got a majority. He had
four candidates running that Jackson was probably the most national
(06:24):
in a sense of the states that he won. But
you had Henry Clay running, who was Speaker of the
House from Kentucky. He won a certain number of states.
He had William Crawford. Does anybody know who William Crawford was? No,
William Crawford ended up winning four state ballots in the
House of Representatives as trying to decide who's going to
(06:46):
be president. William Crawford had had a stroke and a
heart attack and was barely moving and he still won
four states.
Speaker 1 (06:54):
So kind of an orderly Joe Biden.
Speaker 2 (06:56):
Yeah, it was maybe a little more advanced, and Joe
by making me love now. But you had two hundred
and sixty one electoral votes. Jackson won ninety nine. Okay,
so he ended up being thinking he was the leader.
(07:17):
He had thirty eight percent of the vote. I think
about this. There were maybe ten million people in the
twenty six states, or one hundred and fifty two hundred
and seventy one votes Andrew Jackson, and he was the leader.
One hundred and fifty one thousand out of ten million
people didn't vote. It wasn't that big of a deal.
(07:38):
It really wasn't, you know. And it was very narrow
who got the vote, and women couldn't vote, slaves, and
then later on you got three fists, compromise and all
that stuff.
Speaker 1 (07:47):
Well, in government expansion into every area of life, hadn't
it taken place?
Speaker 2 (07:52):
This was the beginning of that, you know. And you
had people like Henry Clay, who was Hamiltonian in his viewpoint,
where they thought there should be a much stronger role
of the federal government. You think about taxes, okay, I'd
rather not. Well, where were the revenue sources in eighteen
twenty four. They didn't have a They didn't have property
(08:14):
taxes per se. Some of the towns did, but the
federal government didn't. They didn't have an income tax, They
didn't have those various revenue sources excise taxes and stuff.
What they had were tariffs. Where are we back to now? Tariffs?
I mean, there's nothing new under the sun. It all
comes back that the tariffs ND selling land was what
(08:37):
was feeding the federal government in eighteen twenty four. They
would sell off federally owned land, particularly in the West,
and that was why there was a big push and
there was no one looks really at the reasons for
manifest destiny and stuff. Well, yeah, the good pr Madison
Avenue kind of things. It was a fundraiser, Hey, let's
go out west, and it's the girl Scout cookies of
(08:58):
the time. You bet you, we'll sell you this acreage
and you get homestead it. And well, most homesteading failed,
Most people that went failed, But that's the environment we
were in. In eighteen twenty four, Congress met. There was
what they called a corrupt bargain between Henry Clay, who
was a speaker, John Quincy Adams, who won. Because of this,
(09:24):
four states switched their votes that should have gone to
Andrew Jackson. One I actually went to Crawford, oddly enough,
who was very ill. And then John Quincy Adams became
president as a precursor for the eighteen twenty eight election
because for four years Jackson was mad and his supporters
were too.
Speaker 1 (09:48):
Hose Ken. You see in Studio one A the Morning
Show band over there in the suite with Iggy directing
the band and in studio with me, doctor Ed Moore,
a little more history, and we're talking about we were
going to be talking about the presidency of Andrew Jackson.
But what we've really settled into, I think is a
(10:10):
deep dive into the election of eighteen twenty four, and
it's the ramifications.
Speaker 2 (10:16):
Yeah, what it changed about our country and the forming
of political parties. I mean, at that point in time,
there was the Democratic Republican Party that who the Federalists.
Speaker 1 (10:29):
Imagine that, friends, you.
Speaker 2 (10:30):
Know, the Federalists had faded. I get a kick out
of when they have the Jackson Jefferson Jackson used to dinners,
and you know, they weren't today's Democrats or today's Republicans
or whatever. And the beginning, this was the beginning of
the Republican Party. Henry Clay one of the most integral
people in the formation of what our country began. As
(10:53):
speaker and then as a senator, he formed a triumvirate
really of disparate people. John C. Calhoun, who was a
Senator from South Carolina, was vice president for Quincy Adams
and vice president for Andrew Jackson, and they hated each other.
But the way we picked back in those days, he
(11:14):
was on the cusp of that. He's also a relative
of mine, an ancestor of mine. He, Henry Clay and
Daniel Webster kind of were three guys that would get together,
maybe have a bourbon or something, and try to figure
out how could we best do this, how could we
do that? Not so animous to each other. Now. John C.
(11:35):
Calhoun down the road ended up being a big secessionist.
But a lot of the groundwork for that kind of
stuff was how people got treated around eighteen twenty four
and the Andy Jackson stuff and how that all evolved
into we are really a regional country. And when I
talked earlier about how we funded the government with tariffs
(11:59):
in the south. South hated tariffs because they produced mercantile
type goods and wanted to free trade, and the North,
who was into all different kind of trade, they wanted
to protectionists for manufacturing and other things going on. That's
when we started being divided. So when people say, oh,
our politics today are so divided, we've always been divided.
(12:23):
We're talking about two hundred and two years ago. Yeah,
I mean the time flies we're getting ready to sell it.
Where we were in the middle of celebrating our two
hundred and fiftieth We had gotten through our infancy as
a country in eighteen twenty four, okay, but we weren't
and we were just trying to figure out how to
be an adult, and the world was very different the
(12:45):
way the rest of the world looked at us, and
we started to be able to flex a little bit
and have a little bit of influence in what was
going on. But we were still focused inward, not outward.
And then all of that evolved and next time we're
really talk about the eighteen twenty eight election. But it
was animosity on steroids. Nobody, like anybody varied a lot
(13:10):
of tension. We don't see that level of animosity even
in today's politics. Now, are you sure about that kind
of genteel I mean, DC always keeps trying to be
They don't call it like it is.
Speaker 1 (13:25):
It's rare.
Speaker 2 (13:25):
John Kennedy from Louisiana is about the only one that
I see, and N Paul maybe where actually will say
what's on their mind and say it very forcefully. Most
of them are little bumpers on them. And we got
to I can't really tell you that I think you're
an idiot. You know, those do in a gentle way.
(13:48):
I love the way John Kennedy.
Speaker 1 (13:50):
Well, the people that do that host talk shows.
Speaker 2 (13:52):
Well, but you need people on the floor of the
Senate to do the same thing, to call bs on
what these people are doing. If you don't think something's right,
oppose it with all your might. Yeah, And we don't
tend to do that. We compromise, and well.
Speaker 1 (14:11):
We're certainly seeing that happened, but even then to no effect.
But wrap up this segment, well, the role of the
federal government changed tremendously starting in eighteen twenty four, and
I'll go through a quick list.
Speaker 2 (14:24):
We needed a standing army and the federal control of
state militias that began to occur. We needed the Navy,
so they had to find a way to fund building frigates.
It was the battleships in those days. We needed more
funds for national defense and a structure for national defense.
(14:44):
We needed federal aid. It was the beginning of federal
aid for the construction of roads and canals for transport
of goods. The railroads were starting to be built predominantly
on the East coast, but then through the eighteen hundreds
going west. We needed a strong national bank and that
was a huge political issue during that time frame. And
(15:07):
stable credit. I mean, if you didn't have you couldn't
trade if you didn't have credit to do it. But
there wasn't a lot of assets laying around. That was
done by finance, and what they ended up doing was
coming in with strong protective tariffs that the relationships between
the North and Northern states and the South, agriculture and
(15:30):
cotton predominantly big ben change the role of anti slavery.
There was no more slavery after what eighteen six I think,
if I recall, no trading or whatever, but there were
still slaves existed. New states coming in affected the politics
would it be a slave state? The slave states wanted
(15:50):
to have a balance and keep the balance that they
were losing on that battle. All of this really began
to lead up to two things. The growth of our
country and what kind of a country we were going
to be, and then the division of our country in
eighteen sixty when we just fell completely apart.
Speaker 1 (16:09):
We're gonna have to pick it up there next time,
next month, eighteen twenty eight and forward.
Speaker 2 (16:13):
Yes, well, I promise, Thanks so
Speaker 1 (16:15):
Much, Doctor Ed Moore with us this morning, a little
more history on the Morning Show with Preston Scott
No loss of energy here, my friends. Uh huh no, no, no, no.
Now we are in our twenty fifth year of doing
this radio program. It's The Morning Show with Preston Scott.
I am Preston. He is Jose and this is doctor Edmore,
formerly the president of the Independent Colleges and Universities of Florida.
Now he is the resident historian of this radio program.
Speaker 2 (00:27):
How are you go? And I think I've been doing
I know I've been doing that for more than twenty years, so.
Speaker 1 (00:31):
I think we're right at about twenty years years. Yeah,
that's amazing. And they said it wouldn't last.
Speaker 2 (00:38):
And you don't look any older.
Speaker 1 (00:41):
You don't lie very well.
Speaker 2 (00:42):
Oh yeah, I know. I came in twenty years ago
with white hair.
Speaker 1 (00:46):
Yes you did so. Yeah, yeah, mine has been gradually
moving in that direction. I'm just grateful to have it.
We have been talking about presidents that aren't very often
in the discussions of presidents, not even in a discussion
of great presidents or anything. Just in general. We forget
these guys.
Speaker 2 (01:05):
Yeah, we forget a lot of people during those time frames,
not just presidents, vice presidents, speakers of the House, Supreme Court, judges,
people that have you know, everybody knows the Founders. They
know I have bibbles. Yeah, You've got babbleheads of Founders.
It's like the guys that made the plans and then
(01:27):
broke the ground. Everybody knows all of those guys, the
ones that end up erecting what we are as a
country and who we are as a country. Nobody knows
who they are, but a lot of major, major decisions.
My attention today, and I sent you a text was, well,
we're gonna move on to Andy Jackson. And then when
I started Andy, Yeah, Andy, you knew him by his
(01:48):
first you know, everyone knew him by Andy. That's what
you called him because that well, well we can talk
about the beginning of real politics in America. Yeah, that's
where it really began. And it was a cultural divide
sort of that occurred the eighteen twenty four election. And
we talked about that kind of last time, but I
(02:09):
want to talk a little more about it today. Eighteen
twenty four election when John Quincy Adams got elected by
Congress and defeated Andrew Jackson was really the beginning of
retail politics stuff as we know it today, party evolution.
Back then, when that election occurred there was really one party.
Speaker 1 (02:33):
Was that the reason the way that that election unfolded,
or was it more ideologically birthed?
Speaker 2 (02:39):
I think it both. I think what occurred is that
election allowed regional differences to be magnified. It allowed cultural
differences to be magnified. And if you compare John Quincy
Adams's upbringing, his life living in Europe for most of
his adult life, coming back being President of the United
States out of Massachusetts, well educated, to Andrew Jackson or
(03:04):
Andy from Tennessee rough heun you know, a general seminole war.
He was down here Louisiana, the hero of their you
ended up. People started identifying with presidents in a different
way or candidates a different way, and we still do
(03:28):
that today. You know the old adages about way he's
a man of the people and these you know, uh
Bob Graham doing the work of days to get in
touch with the even though he was at the elite level,
he wanted to get in touch and stay in touch
with the common folk. Andy Jackson his whole image, even
(03:49):
though if you've been to Hermitage, not common. He didn't
live in some shock down by the river, right, I mean,
he lived in a very big mansion and man of means,
but his image that was portrayed. So that eighteen twenty
four election was probably the first one that you have
those kind of social conflicts where the people going against
(04:15):
one another and I don't like you because where you're
from or who you are, and you're too high falutin
for me, you know, that kind of stuff. The campaigning
started to be a little different, where they would have rallies,
people bring in kegs of rum and big parties and
you know what I mean. It was the we were
learning the politics of all of that. And it was
(04:37):
also after the Twelfth Amendment had been passed, so how
we ended up picking presidents changed, which was a significant
change in the country.
Speaker 1 (04:50):
Back with doctor Ed Moore, we were talking about the
times surrounding Andrew Jackson as President of the United States,
and you're not done.
Speaker 2 (05:00):
No, I'm not done. Yeah, yeah, my bad, I said, No,
I'm gonna talk about Andrew Jackson all the day. But
then I started thinking more and more about that eighteen
twenty four election.
Speaker 1 (05:09):
Well, actually, you said, Andrew Jackson and Martin van Buren,
if we could get to.
Speaker 2 (05:12):
It, how many hours do you have? But we're talking.
Speaker 1 (05:17):
So you're not done with the eighteen twenty four election.
Speaker 2 (05:20):
No, I think it was. It gets overlooked by historians,
but I think it was a breaking point in our
country for how we dealt with politics. I mean, if
you think of the two thousand election, that's very relevant
to Florida. A lot was going on here in Florida.
We were the focus of the country and the time frame.
Part of what pushed that time frame then is we
(05:42):
had a November election and they had to get the
certifications to so that the Electrical Electrical Electrical Electrical College
could meet and get stuff to Congress by a certain date,
so they could be done by January seventh and inaugurate.
It's January twenty as dates. Yeah, the pressure was on it,
(06:02):
a lot of pressure to get a lot of stuff done.
Can you do recounts in twelve states in that short
time frame? No, And but we're going to we're dealing
with it. We haven't had that close of an election,
but in this one, nobody got a majority. He had
four candidates running that Jackson was probably the most national
(06:24):
in a sense of the states that he won. But
you had Henry Clay running, who was Speaker of the
House from Kentucky. He won a certain number of states.
He had William Crawford. Does anybody know who William Crawford was? No,
William Crawford ended up winning four state ballots in the
House of Representatives as trying to decide who's going to
(06:46):
be president. William Crawford had had a stroke and a
heart attack and was barely moving and he still won
four states.
Speaker 1 (06:54):
So kind of an orderly Joe Biden.
Speaker 2 (06:56):
Yeah, it was maybe a little more advanced, and Joe
by making me love now. But you had two hundred
and sixty one electoral votes. Jackson won ninety nine. Okay,
so he ended up being thinking he was the leader.
(07:17):
He had thirty eight percent of the vote. I think
about this. There were maybe ten million people in the
twenty six states, or one hundred and fifty two hundred
and seventy one votes Andrew Jackson, and he was the leader.
One hundred and fifty one thousand out of ten million
people didn't vote. It wasn't that big of a deal.
(07:38):
It really wasn't, you know. And it was very narrow
who got the vote, and women couldn't vote, slaves, and
then later on you got three fists, compromise and all
that stuff.
Speaker 1 (07:47):
Well, in government expansion into every area of life, hadn't
it taken place?
Speaker 2 (07:52):
This was the beginning of that, you know. And you
had people like Henry Clay, who was Hamiltonian in his viewpoint,
where they thought there should be a much stronger role
of the federal government. You think about taxes, okay, I'd
rather not. Well, where were the revenue sources in eighteen
twenty four. They didn't have a They didn't have property
(08:14):
taxes per se. Some of the towns did, but the
federal government didn't. They didn't have an income tax, They
didn't have those various revenue sources excise taxes and stuff.
What they had were tariffs. Where are we back to now? Tariffs?
I mean, there's nothing new under the sun. It all
comes back that the tariffs ND selling land was what
(08:37):
was feeding the federal government in eighteen twenty four. They
would sell off federally owned land, particularly in the West,
and that was why there was a big push and
there was no one looks really at the reasons for
manifest destiny and stuff. Well, yeah, the good pr Madison
Avenue kind of things. It was a fundraiser, Hey, let's
go out west, and it's the girl Scout cookies of
(08:58):
the time. You bet you, we'll sell you this acreage
and you get homestead it. And well, most homesteading failed,
Most people that went failed, But that's the environment we
were in. In eighteen twenty four, Congress met. There was
what they called a corrupt bargain between Henry Clay, who
was a speaker, John Quincy Adams, who won. Because of this,
(09:24):
four states switched their votes that should have gone to
Andrew Jackson. One I actually went to Crawford, oddly enough,
who was very ill. And then John Quincy Adams became
president as a precursor for the eighteen twenty eight election
because for four years Jackson was mad and his supporters
were too.
Speaker 1 (09:48):
Hose Ken. You see in Studio one A the Morning
Show band over there in the suite with Iggy directing
the band and in studio with me, doctor Ed Moore,
a little more history, and we're talking about we were
going to be talking about the presidency of Andrew Jackson.
But what we've really settled into, I think is a
(10:10):
deep dive into the election of eighteen twenty four, and
it's the ramifications.
Speaker 2 (10:16):
Yeah, what it changed about our country and the forming
of political parties. I mean, at that point in time,
there was the Democratic Republican Party that who the Federalists.
Speaker 1 (10:29):
Imagine that, friends, you.
Speaker 2 (10:30):
Know, the Federalists had faded. I get a kick out
of when they have the Jackson Jefferson Jackson used to dinners,
and you know, they weren't today's Democrats or today's Republicans
or whatever. And the beginning, this was the beginning of
the Republican Party. Henry Clay one of the most integral
people in the formation of what our country began. As
(10:53):
speaker and then as a senator, he formed a triumvirate
really of disparate people. John C. Calhoun, who was a
Senator from South Carolina, was vice president for Quincy Adams
and vice president for Andrew Jackson, and they hated each other.
But the way we picked back in those days, he
(11:14):
was on the cusp of that. He's also a relative
of mine, an ancestor of mine. He, Henry Clay and
Daniel Webster kind of were three guys that would get together,
maybe have a bourbon or something, and try to figure
out how could we best do this, how could we
do that? Not so animous to each other. Now. John C.
(11:35):
Calhoun down the road ended up being a big secessionist.
But a lot of the groundwork for that kind of
stuff was how people got treated around eighteen twenty four
and the Andy Jackson stuff and how that all evolved
into we are really a regional country. And when I
talked earlier about how we funded the government with tariffs
(11:59):
in the south. South hated tariffs because they produced mercantile
type goods and wanted to free trade, and the North,
who was into all different kind of trade, they wanted
to protectionists for manufacturing and other things going on. That's
when we started being divided. So when people say, oh,
our politics today are so divided, we've always been divided.
(12:23):
We're talking about two hundred and two years ago. Yeah,
I mean the time flies we're getting ready to sell it.
Where we were in the middle of celebrating our two
hundred and fiftieth We had gotten through our infancy as
a country in eighteen twenty four, okay, but we weren't
and we were just trying to figure out how to
be an adult, and the world was very different the
(12:45):
way the rest of the world looked at us, and
we started to be able to flex a little bit
and have a little bit of influence in what was
going on. But we were still focused inward, not outward.
And then all of that evolved and next time we're
really talk about the eighteen twenty eight election. But it
was animosity on steroids. Nobody, like anybody varied a lot
(13:10):
of tension. We don't see that level of animosity even
in today's politics. Now, are you sure about that kind
of genteel I mean, DC always keeps trying to be
They don't call it like it is.
Speaker 1 (13:25):
It's rare.
Speaker 2 (13:25):
John Kennedy from Louisiana is about the only one that
I see, and N Paul maybe where actually will say
what's on their mind and say it very forcefully. Most
of them are little bumpers on them. And we got
to I can't really tell you that I think you're
an idiot. You know, those do in a gentle way.
(13:48):
I love the way John Kennedy.
Speaker 1 (13:50):
Well, the people that do that host talk shows.
Speaker 2 (13:52):
Well, but you need people on the floor of the
Senate to do the same thing, to call bs on
what these people are doing. If you don't think something's right,
oppose it with all your might. Yeah, And we don't
tend to do that. We compromise, and well.
Speaker 1 (14:11):
We're certainly seeing that happened, but even then to no effect.
But wrap up this segment, well, the role of the
federal government changed tremendously starting in eighteen twenty four, and
I'll go through a quick list.
Speaker 2 (14:24):
We needed a standing army and the federal control of
state militias that began to occur. We needed the Navy,
so they had to find a way to fund building frigates.
It was the battleships in those days. We needed more
funds for national defense and a structure for national defense.
(14:44):
We needed federal aid. It was the beginning of federal
aid for the construction of roads and canals for transport
of goods. The railroads were starting to be built predominantly
on the East coast, but then through the eighteen hundreds
going west. We needed a strong national bank and that
was a huge political issue during that time frame. And
(15:07):
stable credit. I mean, if you didn't have you couldn't
trade if you didn't have credit to do it. But
there wasn't a lot of assets laying around. That was
done by finance, and what they ended up doing was
coming in with strong protective tariffs that the relationships between
the North and Northern states and the South, agriculture and
(15:30):
cotton predominantly big ben change the role of anti slavery.
There was no more slavery after what eighteen six I think,
if I recall, no trading or whatever, but there were
still slaves existed. New states coming in affected the politics
would it be a slave state? The slave states wanted
(15:50):
to have a balance and keep the balance that they
were losing on that battle. All of this really began
to lead up to two things. The growth of our
country and what kind of a country we were going
to be, and then the division of our country in
eighteen sixty when we just fell completely apart.
Speaker 1 (16:09):
We're gonna have to pick it up there next time,
next month, eighteen twenty eight and forward.
Speaker 2 (16:13):
Yes, well, I promise, Thanks so
Speaker 1 (16:15):
Much, Doctor Ed Moore with us this morning, a little
more history on the Morning Show with Preston Scott
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