11-9-24 The Weekend Hour 1: The Election of Donald Trump & JD Vance

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Goo night. Michael Brown joins me here, the former FEMA
director of talk show host Michael Brown. Brownie, no, Brownie,
you're doing a heck of a job the Weekend with
Michael Brown. Hey, welcome to the Weekend with Michael Brown.
Glad to have you with me. I don't know what
we're going to do today. There's not a lot to
talk about. It's uh today. I'm broadcasting live on Saturday,
November nine. Let's see this week. Well, I had my

(00:21):
birthday this week, so you can tell me I have
be birthday. But I don't know. Did anything else go on? Anybody?
Let me chuck? Well, the building's kind of empty. Let
me look here on the TV. Trump. They're talking about
Trump for some reason. I don't know. I don't know
what's going on. We got rules of engagement on this program.
If you want to send me a text message, which

(00:41):
you can do anytime you want to, whether you're listening
to me live delayed podcasts, or you're just laying in
bed thinking I want to tell that Brown guy something.
Here's the number on your message app three three one
zero three three three one zero three. Then you start
your message with one of two words. Mike or Michael,
and then you TMA tell me anything or you AMA

(01:04):
ask me anything. So that's first rule of engagement, and
then go over and follow This would have been a
good week befollowing me on x formerly Twitter. It's at
Michael Brown USA, at Michael Brown USA, So go get
that done. So Michael, my producer in LA, asked me
before the program started, what did I think about Tuesday,

(01:28):
November five? And those of you who've listened to me
for some time know that I started hinting probably a
month ago that what I was hearing from some of
the people on site on the inside of the campaign
was that their internal pulling showed that things looked pretty good.
But I wasn't willing to or I wasn't willing to

(01:51):
allow myself to come out and say publicly that there's
a good chance that Trump's going to win, although I
really believe that. And then Trump started doing crazy things.
On the surface, they seemed crazy, going to New Mexico
for a rally in Albuquerque, going to Coachella, going doing

(02:16):
those little stops. Now I understand some of the original
stops in the state of New York were because he
was sitting in a courtroom, so you know, during lunch
hour or during a break, or you know, when court's
over with, let's go to a barber shop, let's go
to the bronx, Let's go to Brooklyn. And then he

(02:38):
did the Madison Square garden thing, and then he stopped
in Virginia, and and on the on the surface, that
would look like, Okay, you're wasting your time. Turns out
he's not. And what I was hearing about what was
going on inside the campaign was true. Their internal polling

(03:02):
showed that they believed that they had not just the
two seventy electoral votes to win the presidency, but they
were probably going to go way beyond that, and in fact,
they did go way beyond that. If you can find
it online, there is a map that shows the counties,
not the states, which I know we count electoral votes

(03:25):
based on the states, but if you look at the counties,
because for example, Colorado, Colorado, and our electoral votes went
to Kamala Harris. Because this is primarily because of Denver
in the Front Range, it is primarily a blue state.
They own all the state wide offices, and Democrats. Democrats

(03:48):
back in two thousand and eight or so, I forget
when it was exactly published a strategy. They published it
right out for everybody to read. Call the blueprint, ironic,
right the blueprint, and it was how they were going
to turn Colorado blue. And they did so. And they
did so primarily by starting at something I've been preaching

(04:09):
about for a long time, starting at lower level offices
and working their way up, getting people elected to school districts,
getting people elected to county commissioners, and then they would
start moving up and become state legislators. And then you know,
we would take a congressman that was a Democrat and
he would come back and run for governor, and he'd
got the governor's office, and slowly but surely they turned

(04:29):
Colorado blue. But if you look at the map of
Colorado and the counties that voted Harris versus the counties
that voted for Trump, Colorado looks like a red state.
The problem is those blue counties have the dominance of
the population. So if you look at the entire country,

(04:52):
it's a sea of red except for a few spots
in Texas, these spots in Colorado, a few you know,
places around Albuquerque, in area New Mexico. If you look
at California. California is a fascinating place because if you
look at California, it's just it's as if along the
Oregon California border, somebody took a corkscrew and opened the

(05:17):
top of that border and just poured red ink into
the middle of California and between the mountains and through
the bread basket of California down through the central part
of California, you know, setting San Francisco and the coastal
cities over on one side, and then setting the areas
that along the Nevada border on another side. It's all red.

(05:39):
And if you look at New York, it's the same thing.
Upstate New York. A lot of red around New York City,
a lot of blue. You look at Florida, Oh my gosh, Florida,
Miami Dade County. You look at all of the details
of the demographics, this was a red tsunami. And while

(05:59):
I wanted to believe that, I didn't want to say it.
But the Senate was pretty easy to predict, to predict
because the numbers. You know, we elect one third of
the Senators every two years, So just simply based on
the numbers, we were likely to gain the Senate. Plus

(06:20):
we had two independents formerly Democrats, Joe Mansion of West
Virginia and Kirsten Cinema of Arizona, who were not running again.
So those were two likely pickups. West Virginia. Yes, Arizona
is still in question. But Pennsylvania, Bob Casey, longtime political

(06:43):
dynasty in Pennsylvania, falls to Trump. And while there are
you know, victory always has, you know, defeat, Well, let's
find somebody to blame. Let's find a scapegoat, and let's
push the scapegoat over the cliff. But victory always has
all of these you know, mothers that birth all of

(07:06):
the victory. And everybody's a mother of the victory. So
I want to point out one person in particular, Scott Presler,
a name that maybe you have unless you're in Pennsylvania,
probably haven't heard. I think Trump. Trump may have mentioned
Scott Presler in his speech the night of the election,

(07:29):
or he may not. It's it's immaterial. Scott Presler did
probably more than anybody else in Pennsylvania to turn that
state red. He put together a get out the vote
ground game that was simply amazing. Not only was it,
let's make sure that everybody that's registered Republican that we

(07:52):
know is going to vote for Trump, get out and
vote for Trump, and vote at and get out there
and vote early because we can bank those votes. Now.
Many people would have argued that by banking those votes,
and this was the Democrat. These are just the talking
point from the from some Republicans, but primarily from the cabal,
that by banking those votes early, you're cannibalizing those people

(08:15):
because they would normally go vote on election day and
you've just got them voting now on you know, two
weeks ahead of election day. But that wasn't his strategy,
and that's what most people missed. By banking those votes,
in other words, getting the likely voters out to go

(08:36):
ahead and cast their vote, and to do that early,
that then frees up time, energy, and resources to focus
on what's now in our now in our political vernacular.
Low propensity voters those voters that registered Republican or are

(08:58):
of a particular demographic group, or of a particular income group,
or of a particular persuasion about religion or any other
issue that they have identified. Because in this era of
big data, whether you want to live off the grid
or not, good luck there's still so much data about
each of us that we can drill down into that

(09:19):
data and find out you're a low propensity. You voted
two years ago, but you didn't vote last year. You
voted four years ago, or maybe eight years ago, but
you didn't vote the last time, but you are a
registered Republican, or you have indicated in polling or samples
or phone calls or text message or whatever that you
are a likely Trump voter. So by banking all of

(09:42):
those early votes, that gave Scott Pressler time to organize
get out the vote for those little propensity voters and
to focus on them as opposed to the people who
are going to vote for Trump anyway. And then that
carried through out the Blue Wall. So that's what happened

(10:02):
on Tuesday all across the country. But now the real
difficult part starts. It's the Weekend with Michael Brown. Thanks
for tuning in. Be sure and follow me on x
It's at Michael Brown USA, and do me a favor
and go subscribe to the podcast. It's the Situation with
Michael Brown. Find out on your podcast app, search for it,
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(10:24):
And that will automatically download all five days of the
weekday morning program plus this weekend program. Hang tight, I'll
be right back. Hey, welcome back to the Weekend with
Michael Brown. Glad to have you with me. I appreciate
you tuning in. So there is for those of us
who are conservative, libertarian constitutionalists, this is this is a

(10:48):
day to celebrate. This week has been a day of celebration,
and we ought to be happy about it, and we
ought to we ought to step back for a moment
and think about me. Everybody likes to talk about it,
and I probably will too. Everybody likes to talk about
the details of the returns. Who voted, why do they vote?

(11:10):
What did it look like in the blue wall? You know, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Michigan, Pennsylvania.
You know. Why are we still waiting on, for example,
on the Senate race in Arizona, a Maricopa County. Why
are we waiting on a congressional district, the eighth congressional
district in Colorado, which will help determine the fate of

(11:30):
the US House of Representatives. There are a lot of
things like that to talk about, but I want to
talk on I want to talk for a moment on
a much higher plane. Now I don't mean I don't
mean that like intellectually higher. I want to talk. I
want to step back from some of the details. And
maybe this is again confirmation by us on my part,

(11:55):
but it's always been my belief always that the majority
of Americans. Now I don't know whether that's fifty percent
plus one. You know, there's one person out of three
hundred and forty five million Americans or whatever the number is,
there's one person out there that puts us right over
fifty percent, or whether it's fifty five percent or sixty percent.

(12:20):
But I have always believed that this country is generally speaking,
a center right country, that the majority of Americans, whatever
that percentage might be, is generally conservative slash libertarian slash constitutionalists,
and we generally believe that the less that government does,

(12:42):
the less it taxes and regulates us, the more it
leaves us alone, the more we can thrive. And I
mean that not just individually, but as a society, as
a nation, we can thrive. And that's why the Founders
set the Constitution up the way they did, the whole
concept of federalism that the government that's at the lowest

(13:05):
level should be the most representative of the people and
have you know, the most broad authority and that other government.
As you get higher and higher in the hierarchy of federalism,
you go from local government to state government to federal government.
That the higher you get, the issues or the policies

(13:26):
or the the issues over which the federal government has
purview might be greater in the sense of their impact
on the nation, but it should be more limited in
the number of things that the federal government should oversee.
That's why when you look at Article one of the

(13:47):
US Constitution, the legislative branch, it's a government of limited
and enumerated powers. The founding fathers thought, yes, there are
some things that ought to be dealt with at a
national level, and number one defense Immigration is a great example.

(14:10):
Why should immigration be handled at the national level, Because
immigration not as we currently understand it, but as the
founders understood it. Immigration was a way to build the country,
to populate the country. Remember in the seventeen hundreds, there

(14:31):
weren't many of us around, and in fact, geographically we
were small. So they knew that immigration was going to
be key to making the country grow. And we wanted
people to come that wanted to come and join in
this great experiment of individual liberty, individual freedom, limited government,

(14:51):
freedom of speech, freedom of religion, all of those things.
We wanted people who really wanted to assimilate, who really
wanted to participate in a civil society based on the
ideas set forth in the Declaration of Independence and then Constitution.
So we needed a national immigration policy. Plus, you didn't want,

(15:15):
you know, at the time, thirteen colonies, thirteen states. You
didn't want thirteen states having thirteen separate individual immigration policies.
Nor today do we want fifty individual states having their
own immigration policy, although when it comes to sanctuary cities,
it seems that is exactly what they're trying to do.

(15:36):
So the founding father said, look, let's have immigration be
one of the enumerated powers of the United States Congress,
and let's put that in the legislative branch. And the
legislative branch was originally set up this way prior to
the seventeenth Amendment, that the lower house, will we call
the Congress the House of Representatives, would be elected in

(15:59):
a portioned among the states, meaning that the states, based
on their population, would get a certain number of congressmen,
and they would be elected every two years so that
we could hold them accountable. That's why they that's why
spending bills and tax bills have to start in the
House because if they tried to impose too many taxes
on us, we can throw the bums out two years

(16:21):
down the road. We don't have to wait six years.
And the Senate was supposed to represent the states. That's
why prior to the seventeenth Amendment, every state legislature had
to come to an agreement about who would represent. For example,

(16:41):
since I'm sitting in Colorado, let's use the state of Colorado,
and let's use the state of Colorado right now, because
it's controlled by Democrats, but it's not always been controlled
by Democrats, and there are still some Republicans. Now there's
a super majority in the Senate, but there's not a
super majority in the House at the state level. So

(17:02):
prior to seventieth Amendment, all of those Republicans Democrats in
both the Colorado House and sident would have to get
together and they would have to come upon they would
have to reach an agreement. Now, let's set aside the
first time they did it, because the first time they
did it. They had to come up with two people.
But let's say we're down the roadways, so they appoint

(17:25):
someone for a six year term. They have to come
to an agreement on a bipartisan basis, like we've got
to get enough Republicans or enough Democrats to agree that
we ought to point Joe Blow as a US Senator
because he's going to represent us the state of Colorado
at the federal government. It was perfect symmetry until Woodrow

(17:51):
Wilson came along and the progressive started getting a foothold
in and started destroying federalism. Some of the things that
we have to celebrate about being a center right country.
Let's think more about that. Next texta word Michael Michael
to three three Wednesday erro three. I'll be right back tonight.

(18:14):
Michael Brown joins me here, the former FEMA director of
talk show host Michael Brown. Brownie, No, Brownie, You're doing
a heck of a job the Weekend with Michael Brown. Hey,
welcome back to the Weekend of Michael Brown. Glad to
have you with me. It is a it is a
weekend of celebration. And first let me just say thank
you to everybody sending text messages in wishing me a
belated happy birthday. I appreciate that. What we're doing right

(18:39):
now is I want us to think about what does
trump victory means. He had long coat tails, he had
coat tails like Ronald Reagan had in nineteen eighty. But
now that he won, the very very difficult job of

(19:03):
governing begins, and Republicans are not very good at governing.
Republicans are always, well, what's the phrase, snapping victory, snapping
defeat from the jaws of victory. The Republicans didn't tend
to do that a lot. But I think there's good news,

(19:26):
and I think the good news is in the very
first appointment that Donald Trump made, and that was Susie Wiles. Michael,
Who's Susie Wiles? Who's that She going to be the
Secretary of Defense. Nope, she's going to be the chief
of Staff. And he announced it early, and he announced

(19:46):
it fast. And I think what we're going to see now, Look,
Trump's always going to be Trump. You know, our character.
My character is my character. I know that I'm a
sarcastic ahole and I'll always have and I always will
and I know that I always push the envelope. I always,
you know, my wife, for my entire family and my

(20:09):
friends are always like, why do you push things as
far as you can when you know it's going to
come back and blow back on you. Well, because if
it's the right thing to do, then I want to
see how far I can get it. It's it's I'm
kind of an anti authoritarian. I'm kind of like, if
that's the right thing to do, then I think we
ought to be doing it, and the hell with everything else.

(20:32):
Sometimes I'm not very good at picking my battles. Sometimes
I I just go charging in don Quixote, tilting at
the wind mills, wind mills, trying to get things done.
And I know that. And I say that because and
I'm not trying to compare myself to Trump. I'm just
I'm just saying that we all have our personalities and
those get formed very young, at young ages, and it's

(20:56):
a combination of our genetics and our environment, and we
are who we are now. I know we can change things,
and we can. You know, if if you have an
addictive personality and you end up an alcoholic, I know
that you can you can get that under control. I've
never been an alcoholic, so I wouldn't know, but I

(21:17):
understand that once an alcoholic, you're always an alcoholic, but
you learn to control it and you fight that battle
all the time, and I admire people that are able
to do that. Trump will always be Trump, and Trump
will always at times do those things that will cause
those of us who who voted for him and support

(21:41):
him and want him to succeed to drop our chin
to our chest and go, oh, why did you say
that or why did you do that? So let's just
get it embedded in our brains right now that that's
going to happen, and it's nothing we can do about it,

(22:03):
and all we can hope is for the best. But
the appointment of Susan Susie Wiles as his chief of
staff says probably more than anything else, not just about
the campaign, but about how he intends to govern from

(22:25):
the Oval Office. I did a little bit of this yesterday,
but I want to go through it again because obviously
I have a larger audience today, but as someone who
has spent a lot of time in the Oval Office
and watched how President manages the West Wing, because the
West Wing, while the West Wing itself geographically speaking, space

(22:46):
wise is very very small. The numbers of people. In fact,
let me do something I don't often do here. I'm
just talking. I want to google something I want to
see if the the Executive Office of the President. Let

(23:09):
me just I just googled real quickly, which took me
to White House dot gov. The Executive Office of the
President includes the Council of Economic Advisors, Council and Environmental Quality,
the Domestic Policy Council. This one of the time looking
at the Biden White House dot gov. A Gender Policy Council,

(23:32):
good grief, Get rid of that stupid thing, National Economic Council,
the National Security Council, a Climate Policy Office, get rid
of that. The Office of the Intellectual Property Enforcement Coordinator.
Yeah maybe, okay, I don't remember that under Bush. Office
of the Inner Governmental Affairs, Office of Management and Budget,
Office of National Drug Control Policy, Office of Pandemic Preparedness

(23:55):
and Response of the Office of Public Engagement, Office of
Science and Technology, Office of the National Cyber Director, Office
of the United States Trade Representative, the Presidential Personnel Office,
the National Space Council. I mean, there are just thousands
of people in the Executive Office of the President. So
it's a it's like managing a small company and you

(24:21):
and as the CEO of that small company, you're not
only managing that office itself and having to deal with
all of those people, but then you have your cabinet Secretary, Defense,
Homeland Security, Commerce, Agriculture, Secretary of State. You've got all
of those cabinet officials, and then you had people like me,

(24:41):
all of the under secretaries. So you're managing all of us.
And then you're trying to manage the Congress, the Supreme Court,
the embassies around the world. You're trying to manage all
of the things that come at you that you don't expect.
You take up every morning expecting to take care of X,

(25:02):
y Z, and instead you get the Presidential Daily Brief
and you suddenly realize that a skirmish is broken out
between China and Taiwan, or that China is doing something
in the South China Sea and they're bumping into ships
in the Philippines, or you find out that for whatever reason,
something's blown up in Southeast Asia, or something's happening domestically

(25:28):
that you have to deal with. So your agenda for
the day goes out the window, and everybody trust me
on this one. Everybody wants to rub shoulders with the president.
So everybody's got the greatest idea since sliced bread, and
they want to present that to the president. They went
the president to adopt this policy. They want the president

(25:49):
to do this. So you have to manage those thousands
of peape that let's just say a thousand people. You
have to manage the thousand people. And the executive offers
the president, and you do that because you have a
press secretary, you have a chief of staff. The chief
of staff has maybe two or three deputy chiefs of staff.
You've got the communications director, You've got the Director of

(26:13):
Legislative Affairs, You've got the director of that. You've got
the National Security Council, you got that. You've got the
National Homeland Security Council, you got the Economic Council. All
of those people are coming up and trying to implement
your policies, implement your agenda because you set this broad agenda.
I want to deregulate. I want us to drill, I
want us to you know, in the war in Ukraine,

(26:35):
I want to make sure that China understands that, you know,
it's a there's a new sheriff in town. I want
the I want I want Hamas, I want Israel to
understand that there's a new sheriff in town. And I
fully support Israel in defending itself. So you've got to
get all of that agenda spread out throughout the entire bureaucracy.
And the way you do that is through the chief

(26:57):
of chief of staff. Why do I emphasize so much
about the chief of staff because she was also the
co chair of the campaign. So when you look at
how this campaign was run. Now we know that Trump
would be giving a speech, and much like I will do.
You know, I'll get a text message, or I'll see

(27:18):
an email, or I'll see something up here on the
TV screen. It'll cause me to chase that squirrel. It'll
cause me to go chase peanut, and suddenly I'm off
on something else for a while. He calls it his weave.
I call it chasing squirrels. But he'll eventually come back
to it. He was disciplined, he was focused, he was

(27:39):
on message, and he worked his ass off. For guys
of his age, he has the stamina and the ability
and the resilience and the energy. You think about everything
that that guy has been facing lawsuits out the wazoo,

(27:59):
trying to destroy not just him but his business, his family, friends, associates.
The lawfair was amazing, and then they literally try to
kill him. And yet he persevered, and he was able

(28:20):
to persevere. And if you watched him closely throughout that campaign,
you saw a different Donald Trump. I think in defeat,
and I think in the law fair, and I think
in the assassination attempts. Let's go back to sometime in
I forget whether it was two thousand and thirteen or fourteen,

(28:44):
the White House correspondence dinner. Barack Obama is president, Donald
Trump is in the audience, and Donald Trump sits there
kind of head down but eyes up, glaring at Barack
Obama because Barack Obama is vilifying him. Barack Obama is

(29:11):
villifying Donald Trump in front of all these muckety MUCKs
at the Capitol Hilton in downtown DC. And Trump, I know,
was thinking to himself at that time, Okay, all right,
you want to get it on. Hold my beer. You've

(29:34):
just lit the match and I'm going to explode. And
I think that's when he decided to initially run for president.
Now you fast forward, he gets beat in twenty twenty,
and he believes that he won. He believes that he won,

(29:55):
but he lost. Whether you believe it or not, he lost.
How do we don't he lost? He has been he
hasn't been in the White House for four years. He
left on January twentieth. Yes, so we know that he lost.
But I think that made him more determined than ever.
And that's what we saw in this past campaign. Text

(30:15):
the word Mike or Michael to three three one zero three.
Hang tight, I'll be right back. Hey, welcome back to
the Weekend with Michael Brown. Glad to have you with me.
So let's wrap up real quickly this hour about why
I think Susie Wiles is such a brilliant choice to
be chief of staff. One. She kept Trump on message

(30:37):
during the campaign. Their strategy was brilliant, and they stuck
to the strategy. And when it was time to change
tactics in order to meet the objective of the strategy,
they were willing to do so. And when they saw
opportunity that may have not made sense to an outsider

(30:58):
about hey, let's stop in Virginia or let's stop in
New York because we might be able to swing a
couple of congressional seats or influence the Senate seat, then
let's go do that. So she obviously for someone for
a Donald Trump that we are told by those on
the left is a misogynist, chauvin us, sexist, a hole

(31:25):
that hates women. He obviously loves strong willed women, because
that's what Susie Wilds is. Gil She started out as
a scheduler, which is not an easy job, So don't
misinterpret that. She started out as a scheduler for Ronald Reagan.

(31:46):
That's how long she's been involved in politics. And I
say that because I think about my scheduler when I
was the undersecretary. Oh my god, was she a tough
old bird. Not old, but she was a tough bird
because she knew that she had to keep me on schedule,
and she knew that she had to help control who

(32:06):
came in and out of my office so that I
could get the work done that needed to be done
any given day, or particularly when I was traveling. So
Susie Wils has made her way up up to an
including helping run ron Desanders's campaign, Rick Scott's campaign. She's
been involved as a lobbyist, She's done all sorts of things.

(32:28):
But the most important thing she's done is that she
got the trust of Donald Trump, and Donald Trump respected
it and followed her advice. And so now she's going
to be the chief of staff. And I think we
are going to see an entirely different West Wing than
we saw in twenty sixteen. And I think it's going

(32:51):
to be a West wing. It's going to be disciplined.
Now again, Trump's still going to be Trump. There'll be
days when you'll think to yourself, Michael Brown told us
that was swing was going to be disciplined. Well, look,
it looks like a bunch of it looks like a
clown car today. Well, every president has those days, and
Trump will be Trump. And I'm sure there'll be days

(33:12):
when he's off on a foreign visit somewhere, or he's
traveling the country and he says something and the media
will latch onto it and that's all you hear. You'll
hear about for seventy two hours. But behind the scenes,
they're going to start getting stuff done, and they're already
having an effect. They're already having an effect. The idea

(33:37):
that the new sheriffs in town is already causing ripples
around the world. That migrant caravan, all those illegal aliens
in the caravan that are headed to the Mexican Texas
border already starting to break up. Yep, uh, maybe we

(33:58):
don't want to go in right now. I bet you'll
start to see some self deportations. You've already seen, Cutter.
We're gonna skip over to the Middle East. Now, Cutter
has already kicked Hamas and the Hamas leadership out of
the country. They see the writing on the wall. They

(34:19):
know that Trump is going to be coming down the
heart on Iran, which is the proxy supporter of Hamas.
So Cutters like, wipe our hands of that, get out
of the country. We got to deal with this new sheriff.
You're already seeing the effects of just his presence and

(34:42):
the winning this week. So where do we go from here?
What happens next? Well, we have to govern, and Trump's
made promises, some pretty big ass promises. At that deportation.

(35:02):
I want to set expectations. Let's use deportation as an example.
He talks about, let's, you know, mass deportation. I'll be
happy if he just starts deporting the criminals. You got
to start somewhere Now, back in the fifties, the late fifties,

(35:23):
President Eisenhower had something called Operation Wetback. That's historically that's
the name of it, and it was Dwight Eisenhower looked
around and said, well, oh wait, wait, we have too
many illegal aliens coming into the country. So we're going
to start Operation wet Back, and we're going to start
pushing these people, taking these people back to their country

(35:44):
of origin. And he did it, so we have precedent
for it. It can be done, and I think there
will be a lot of self deportation. I think a
lot of people who have come here. I think Venezuelan's,
for example. The courts have already ruled that you can't
just automatically start granting all of these people. What's called

(36:05):
parole has nothing to do with jail parole. In terms
of immigration status, temporary protected status, no revoke that. If
you can't get that, and you can't get automatic work documents,
work permits, why would have Venezuela or Cuban or Haitian

(36:26):
come here. So just by revoking those simple things, you'll
start slowing it down, and some people will start self deporting.
But then comes all of the economic issues, the cultural
issues like transgenders in sports and all of that. Yes,

(36:51):
it's going to be a wild ride. Hang on because
here we go. So we came with Michael Brown. Text
any question or comment the numbers three three, one zeroal
three on your message, yap. Just start your message. Tell
me anything, ask me anything. Use either Mike or Michael.
I'll be right back.