August 19, 2025 • 36 mins
Embark on an enlightening journey through Brazil in this captivating first-hand account by an Englishman exploring the vibrant coastal regions of the Northeast just before Brazils independence from Portugal. Kosters travels, which also lead him to the northern port city of Maranh√£o, reveal the rich cultural practices and everyday life of the Brazilian people through a refreshingly objective lens. More than a mere travelogue, this work serves as a compelling ethnographic study that immerses readers in the essence of Brazilian society. (Summary by KevinS)
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter seven, Part two of Travels in Brazil, volume one
by Henry Coster. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain.
Chapter seven, Part two. The town of the Fortress of
Sierra is built upon heavy sand in the form of
a square with four streets leading from it, and it
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has an additional long street on the north side of
the square, which runs in a parallel direction but is
unconnected with it. The dwellings have only a ground floor,
and the streets are not paved, but some of the
houses have footpaths of brick in front. It contains three churches,
a governor's palace, the town hall and prison, a custom house,
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and the treasury. The number of inhabitants I judge to
be from one thousand to twelve hundred. The fort from
which the place derives its name, stands upon a sand
hill close to the town, and consists of a sand
or earth rampart towards the sea, and of stakes driven
into the ground on the land side. It contains four
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or five pieces of cannon of several sizes, which were
pointed various ways, and I observed that the gun of
heaviest metal was mounted on the land side. Those which
pointed to the sea, were not of sufficient caliber to
have reached a vessel in the usual anchorage ground. The
powder magazine is situated upon another part of the sand hill,
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in full view of the harbor. There is not much
to invite the preference given to the spot. It has
no river nor any harbor, and the beaches bad to
land upon. The breakers are violent, and the hesifi or
reef of rocks Ford very little protection to vessels roddy
at anchor upon the coast. The settlement was formerly situated
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three leagues to the northward, upon a narrow creek, where
there exists only the remains of an old fort. The
beach is steep, which renders the surf dangerous for a
boat to pass through and making for the shore. A
vessel unloaded during my stay there, and part of her
cargo consisted of the flower of the Mangia in small bags.
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The long boat approached as near to the shore as
it could without striking, and the bags were landed on
men's heads. The persons employed to bring them ashore passed
through the surf with them, but if they were caught
by a wave, the flower was wetted and injured. And
indeed very few reached the shore perfectly dry. The anchorage
ground is bad and exposed. The winds are always from
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the southward and eastward, and if they were very variable,
a vessel could scarcely ride upon the coast. The reef
of rocks forms a complete ridge at a considerable distance
from the shore, and is to be seen at low water.
Upon this part of the coast, the reef runs lower
than towards Pernabuco, which has obliged the people of Sierrat
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to take advantage of the rocks be rather higher here,
in fording some little protection to ships at anchor. The
spot seems to have been preferred owing to this advantage,
trifling as it is, though the rocks are much inferior
to those which form the bold reef of Pernambuco. The
ridge runs parallel with the shore for about one quarter
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of a mile, with two openings, one above and the
other below the town. A small vessel may come to
anchor between it and the shore, but a large ship
can only bring up either to the northward or to
the southward of the town in one of the openings
of the ridge, or on the outside of it. The
opening to the northward is to be preferred. A vessel
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coming from the northward should make the point of Mokoripe,
which lies one league to the southward at the town,
and upon it stands a small fort. This being done,
she will be able to make the anchorage ground on
the appearance of a ship. The ford of the town
has a white flag flying upon a high flag's death.
To the northward of the town, between the reef and
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the shore, there is a rock called Pedra that Valia,
or the old Woman's Rock, which is to be seen
even at high water by the breakers upon it. When
a vessel leaves the port, she may either pass between
this rock and the shore, giving a berth to a
shoal about one hundred yards to the northward, or she
may run between the rock and the principal ridge or reef.
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The public buildings are small and low, but are neat
and whitewashed, and adapt it to the purposes for which
they are intended. Notwithstanding the disadvantage to the general appearance
imparted by the wretched soil upon which the town has
been erected, I could not avoid thinking that its look
was that of a thriving place. But the difficulty of
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land carriage particularly in such a country. The want of
a good harbor and the dreadful droughts prevent any sanguine
hope of its rise to opulence. The commerce of sea
a is very limited and is not likely to increase.
The long credits which it is necessary for the traitor
to give preclude the hope of quick returns to which
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British merchants are accustomed. I wrote immediately on my arrival
to the house of Signor Marcos Antonio Bricio, the chief
of the Treasury and of the Naval Department, with several
other titles which are not transferable into our language. To
this gentleman I had a letter of introduction from Senor Bajoso.
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I found several persons assembled at his house to drink
tea and play at cards. Signor Marcos is an intelligent
and well informed man, who has seen good society in
Lisbon and had held a high situation at Maregnon before
he was appointed to Sierra. I was introduced to Signor Lorenzo,
a merchant who had connections in trade with England. He
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recognized my name, for he had been acquainted with near
relations of mine in Lisbon. I was invited to stay
with him, and received from him every civility. The morning
after my arrival, I visited the governor Luis barba A
Larbo de mename this footnote. This person has since been
removed to a province of more importance and footnote, and
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was received by him with much affability. He said that
he wished he had more opportunities of showing the regard
which he entertained for my countrymen, and that some of
them would come and settle in his captaincy. He built,
during the administration of the province the center of the palace,
and employed Indian workmen, paying them half the usual price
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of labor. He was in the habit of speaking of
the property of individuals residing within the province as if
it was his own, saying his ships is cotton, et cetera.
I happened to be at Sierra on the Queen of
Portugal's birthday. The company of regular troops, consisting of one
hundred and fourteen men, was reviewed. They looked respectable and
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were in tolerable order. In the chief apartment of the
palace stood a full length picture of the Prince Regent
of Brazil, which was placed against the wall and was
raised about three feet from the ground. Three or four
steps ascended from the floor to the foot of the picture.
Upon the lowst of these, the Governor stood in full uniform,
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and each person passed before him and bowed, that thus
the state of the sovereign court might be kept up.
I dined with the Governor this day, at whose table
were assembled all the military and civil officers, and two
or three merchants. He placed me at his right hand
as a stranger, thus showing the estimation in which Englishmen
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are held. About thirty persons were present at the table,
of which more than half were uniforms. Indeed, the whole
display was much more brilliant than I had expected. Everything
was good and handsome. I had opportunities of seeing the
Indian villages of aranci Us and Masangana, and there is
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a third in this neighborhood, of which I have forgotten
the name. Each is distant from Sierra, between two and
three leagues in different directions. They are built in the
form of a square, and each contains about three hundred inhabitants.
One of my usual companions on these occasions was acquainted
with the Vicar of Oronashas, and we therefore made him
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a visit. He resided in a building which had formerly
belonged to the Jesuits. It is attached to the church
and has balconies from the principal corridor which look into it.
The Indians of these villages, and indeed of all those
which I passed through, are Christians, though it is said
that some few of them follow in secret their own
heathenish rites, paying adoration to the Moraca, and practicing all
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the customs of their religion. If I may use this word,
of which so inexact a description is given in mister
Southea's History of Brazil. When the Roman Catholic religion does
have root in them, it of necessity degenerates into the
most abject superstition. In adherence to superstitious rights, whether of
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Roman Catholic ordination or prescribed by their own undefined faith,
appears to be the only part of their character in
which they show any consistency. Each village has its priest,
who is oftentimes a vicar and resident for life upon
the spot. A director is also attached to each village,
who is supposed to be a white man. He is
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great power of the persons within his jurisdiction. If a
proprietor of land is in want of workmen. He applies
to the director, who agrees for the price at which
the daily labor is to be paid, and he commands
one of his chief Indians to take so many men
and proceed with them to the estate for which they
are hired. The laborers receive the money themselves and expend
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it as they please, but the bargains thus made are
usually below the regular price of labor. Each village has
two juises ordinarius, or mayors, who act for one year.
One juis is a white man and the other an Indian,
but it may easily be supposed that the former has
in fact the management. These juises have the power of
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putting suspicious persons into confinement, and of punishing for small crimes.
Those of more importance wait for the cohesum or circuit
of the ovidor of the captaincy. Each village contains a
town hall in prison. The administration of justice in the
certain is generally spoken of as most wretchedly bad. Every
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crime obtains impunity by the payment of a sum of money.
An innocent person is sometimes punished through the interest of
a great man, whom he may have offended, and the
murder escapes who has the good fortune to be under
the protection of a powerful patrons. This proceeds still more
from the feudal state of the country than from a
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corruption of the magistrates, whom might often be inclined to
do their duty, and yet be aware that their exertions
would be of no avail and would possibly prove fatal
to themselves. The Indians have likewise their capitoins mores, and
this title is conferred for life. He gives the holders
some power over his fellows, but as it is among
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them unaccompanied by the possession of property, the Indian capitines
moras are much ridiculed by the whites, and indeed the
half naked officer with his gold headed cane is a
personage who would excite laughter from the most rigid nerves.
The Indians are in general a quiet and inoffensive people.
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They have not much fidelity, but although they desert, they
will not injure those whom they have served. Their lives
are certainly not passed in a pleasant manner under the
eye of a director by whom they are imperiously treated. Consequently,
it is not surprising that they should do all in
their power to leave their villages and free from an
immediate superior. But even when they have escaped from the
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irksome dominion of the director, they never settle in one place.
The Indian scarcely ever plants for himself, or if he does,
rarely waits the crop. He sells his maize or maggio
for half its value before it is fit to be
gathered and removed to some other district. His favorite pursuits
are fishing and hunting. A lake or rivulet will alone
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induce him to be stationary for any length of time.
He has a sort of independent feeling which makes him
spurn at anything like a wish to deprive him of
his own free agency. To the directory submits, because it
is out of his power to resist. An Indian can
never be persuaded to address the master to whom he
may have hired himself by the term of seignor, though
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it is made use of by the whites and speaking
to each other and by all other free people in
the country. But the Negroes also use it in speaking
to their masters. Therefore the Indian will not He addresses
his temporary master by the term of amo or patraun
protector or patron. The reluctance to use the term of
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senor may perhaps have commenced with the immediate descendants of
those who are in slavery, and thus the objection may
have become traditionary. They may refuse to give by courtesy
what was once required from them by law. However, if
it began in this manner, it is not now continued
for the same reason as none of those with whom
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I conversed, and there were very many, appear to know
that their ancestors had been obliged to work as slaves.
The instances of murder committed by Indians are rare. They
are pilferers rather than thieves. When they can, they eat immoderately,
but if it is necessary they can live upon a
very trifling quantity of food, to which their idleness often
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reduces them. They are much addicted to liquor, and will
dance in a ring, singing some of the monotonous ditties
of their own language, and drink for nights and days
without ceasing. Their dances are not indecent as those of Africa.
The Molatos consider themselves superior to the Indians, and even
the Creole blacks look down upon them. He is as
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paltry as an Indian footnote mofilo komakaboclo and footnote is
a common expression among the lower orders in Brazil. They
are vilely indifferent regarding the conduct of their wives and daughters,
lying in other vices attached to savage life belong to them.
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Affection seems to have little hold upon them. They appear
to be less anxious for the life and welfare of
their children than any other caste of men who inhabit
that country. The women, however, do not. Among these semi barbarians,
perform the principal drudgery. If the husband is at home,
he fetches water from the rivulet and fuel from the wood.
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He builds the hut, whilst his wife takes shelter in
some neighbor's shed. But if they travel, she has her
young children to carry the pots, the baskets and the
excavated gourds, whilst the husband takes the wallet of goat
skin and his hammock rolled up upon his back, his
fishing net and his arms, and walks in the rear.
The children are washed on the day of their birth
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in the nearest brook or pool of water. Both the
men and the women are cleanly in many of their habits,
and particularly in those relating to their persons, but in
some other matters their customs are extremely disgusting. The same
knife is used for all purposes, and with little preparatory cleaning,
is employed. In surfaces of descriptions widely opposite. They do
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not reject any kind of food, and devour it almost
without being cooked. Rats and other small vermin, snakes and
alligators are all accepted. The instinct, for I know not
what else to call it, which the Indians possess above
other men. In finding their way across a wood to
a certain spot on the opposite side, without path or
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apparent mark, is most surprising. They trace footsteps over the
dry leaves which lie scattered under the trees. The letter
carriers from one province to another are mostly Indians, for
from habit they endure great fatigue, and will walk day
after day with little rest for months together. I have
met them with their wallets made of goat skin upon
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their shoulders, walking at a regular pace which is not
altered by rough or smooth ground. Though a horse may
outstrip one of these men for the first few days. Still,
if the journey continues long, the Indian will in the
end arrive before him. If a criminal has eluded the
diligence of the police officers, Indians are sent in pursuit
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of him as a last resort. It is well known
that they will not take him alive. Each man who
sees the offender fires, for they do not wish to
have any contention. Nor is it possible for the magistrate
to fix upon the individual of the party who shot
the criminal. For if any of them are asked who
killed him, the answer invariably is omens the men. It
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is usually said that a party of Indians will fight
tolerably well, but that two or three will take to
their heels at the first alarm. Some of them, however,
are resolute and sufficiently courageous, but the general character is
usually supposed to be cowardly and constant, devoid of acute feelings,
as forgetful of favors, as of injuries, obstinate in trifles,
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regardless of matters of importance. The character of the Negro
is more decided. It is worse, but it is also
occasionally better. From the black race, the worst of men
may be formed, but they are capable likewise of great
and good actions. The Indians seem to be without energy
or exertion, devoid of great good or great evil. Much
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may at the same time be said in their favor.
They have been unjust dealt with. They have been trampled
upon and afterwards treated as children. They have been always
subjected to those who consider themselves their superiors, and this
desire to govern them has even been carried to the
direction of their domestic arrangements. But no, if they are
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a race of acute beings, capable of energy, of being
deeply interested upon any subject, they would do more than
they have done. The priesthood is open to them, but
they do not take advantage of it. Footnote I heard
from good authority that there are two instances of Indians
having been ordained as secular priests, and that both these
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individuals died from excessive drinking. And footnote I never saw
an Indian mechanic in any of the towns. There is
no instance of a wealthy Indian rich. Mulattos and Negroes
are by no means rare. I have had many dealings
with them as guides and carriers and subsequently as laborers,
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and have no reason to complain, for I was never
injured by any of them, but neither did I receive
any particular good service, excepting in the instance of Julio.
For guides and carriers, they are well adapted, as their
usual habits lead them to the rambling life which these
employments encourage. As laborers, I found that they had usually
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a great inclination to overreach, but their schemes were badly
laid and consequently easily discovered. I never could depend upon
them for any length of time, and to advance money
or clothing to them is a certain loss. If I
had any labor which was to be performed by a
given time. The overseer would always reckon upon his Mulatto
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and Negro free people, but did not mention in the
list of persons who were to work any of the
Indians whom I was then employing. And on my speaking
of them, he answered in Indian is only to be
mentioned for the present day, meaning that no reliance is
to be placed upon them. Footnote gabok loyeso para oji
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end footnote. Like most of the Aboriginal inhabitants of the
Western hemisphere, these people are of a copper color. They
are short and stoutly made, but their limbs, though large,
have not the appearance of possessing great strength. They have
no show of muscle. The face is disportionately broad, the
nose flat, the mouth wide, the eyes deep and small.
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The hair black, coarse, and lank. None of the men
have whiskers, and their beards are not thick. The women,
when they are young, have by no means an unpleasant appearance,
but they soon fall off and become ugly. Their figures
are seldom well shaped. Deformity is rare among the Indians.
I do not recollect to have seen any individual of
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this race who had been born defective, and the well
and four persons with whom I conversed were of opinion
that the Indians are more fortunate in this respect than
any other race with whom they were acquainted. All the
Indians of Pernobuco speak Portuguese, but few of them pronounce
it well. There is always a certain twang which discovers
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the speaker to be an Indian, although the voice was
heard without the person being seen. Many of them, however,
do not understand any other language. The Indians seldom, if ever,
speak Portuguese so well as the generality of the Creole Negroes.
It must be perfectly understood that although there may be
some unfair dealings occasionally of the director toward the Indian,
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still this race cannot be enslaved. The Indian cannot be
made to work for any person against his inclination. He
cannot be bought and sold. An Indian will sometimes make
over his child, when very young, to a rich person,
to be taught some trade, or to be brought up
as a household servant. But as soon as the child
is of an age to provide for itself, it cannot
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be prevented from so doing. It may lead the person
under whose care it has been placed, if so inclined.
Two Indians presented themselves at the gate of the Carmelike
Convent of Guayana and requested and were permitted to see
the prior. They put into his hands a purse containing
several gold coins, saying that they had found it near
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dous heels. They begged that he would order a number
of masses to be set in their behalf, which were
to be paid for from the contents of the purse.
The prior, admiring their honesty, asked one of them to
remain with him as his servant, to which the man agreed.
The friar was in the habit of going into the
country to a friend's house to shoot. On one occasion,
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after the Indian had served him for some time, he
left the convent and took him on one of his expeditions.
But when they were about half way, the friar discovered
that he had forgotten his powder horn. He gave the
key of his trunk to the Indian and desired him
to fetch the powder whilst he proceeded In vain, he
waited at his friend's house for his servant, and on
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his returned to the convent in the evening, he heard
that he was not there. He went immediately to his cell,
supposing that he had been robbed of all his money
and whatever else the fellow could carry off. But to
his joy, he discovered on examination that the man had
only taken the powder horn, two silver coins of about
four shillings value each, an old clerical gown, and a
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pair of worn out nankeen pantaloons. This story I had
from an intimate friend of the prior. One of the
days of my stay at Sierra, we passed upon the
borders of a lake which is between two and three
leagues distant from the town, for the purpose of shooting.
This lake was very nearly dry. The general feature of
the country about Sierra is arid. The captaincy produces no sugar,
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but the lands are adapted for cotton, of which, however,
the crop this year was very trifling, so excessive had
the drought become that a famine was feared, in great
distress would have been experienced if vessel had not arrived
from the southward laden with the flower of the Mangio.
The usual price of it was six hundred and forty
hays per al queri, but the cargo of this vessel
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was sold at six thousand, four hundred hays per al qyeri,
a fact which proves the scarcity to have been very great. Formerly,
considerable quantities of beef were salt dried here and were
exported to the other captaincies. But from the mortality among
the cattle caused by the frequent dry seasons, this trade
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has been unavoidably given up entirely, and the whole country
is now supplied from the Hio Grandi do sou the
southern boundary of the Portuguese dominions, but the meat which
arrives at Pernambuco from the Hio Grandi do Sou still
preserves its name of Sierra meat Carnido Sierra. The country
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to the northward and eastward I understood to be much
superior to that in the neighborhood of Sierra. The captaincy
of pi a U, which lies in that direction, is
account at fertil and is not subject to droughts. Many
were the praises which I heard of the late governor
of Sierra, Juan Carlos, who was appointed to this province
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before he had arrived at the age of twenty years,
and who was at the time I visited Sierra, Captain
General of Monto Grosso. His administration of justice was in
general summary, but on one occasion he waived his usual severity.
He was informed, whilst playing at cards at the house
of Senor Marcos, which is near to the palace, that
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a soldier was robbing his garden. He answered, poor fellow,
great must be his hunger when he runs the risk
of entering his governor's garden. Don't molest him. Some persons
were in the practice of taking doors off their hinges
and other tricks of the same sort. During the night,
the governor had in vain attempted to discover who they were,
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and he resolved at last to wrap himself up in
his cloak, and to apprehend some of them, if possible,
with his own hands. A young man with whom I
was acquainted, had met the governor on one of these knights.
He demanded his name, and, on discovering who it was,
admonished him to be at home at an earlier hour
on the following evening. The family of the Pithosas still
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exists in the interior of this captaincy and that of
pi a Ui, in possession of extensive estates, which are
covered with immense droves of cattle. In the time of
Juan Carlos, the chiefs had risen to such power and
were supposed to be so completely out of reach of punishment,
that the entirely refused obedience to the laws, both civil
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and criminal, such as they are. They revenged their own wrongs.
Persons obnoxious to them were publicly murdered in the villages
of the interior. The poor man who refused obedience to
their commands was devoted to destruction and the rich man,
who was not of their clan, was obliged silently to
acquiesce in deeds of which he did not approve. The
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Pythosis are descendants of Europeans, but many of the branches
are of mixed blood, and perhaps few are free from
some tinge of the original inhabitants of Brazil. The chief
of the family was a colonel of militia and could
at a short notice call together about one hundred men,
which is equal to ten or twenty times the number
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in a well peopled country. Deserters were well received by him,
and murderers who had committed this crime in the revenge
of injuries. The thief was not accepted, and much less
the man who, for the sake of pillage, had taken
the life of another. Tuan Carlos had received from Lisbon
secret instructions to secure the person of this chief of
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the pythosas his first step was to inform the colonel
that he intended on a certain day to visit him
at his village for the purpose of reviewing his regiment.
The village is not many leagues from the coast, but
is distant considerably from Sierra Fathosa. Answered that he should
be ready to receive his excellency on the appointed day.
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The time came, and guan Carlos set out, accompanied by
ten or twelve persons. The colonel greeted him most courteously
and had assembled all his men to make the greatest
possible show. After the review, the colonel dismissed them, fatigued
with a day's exercise, for many of them had traveled
several leagues. He retired with the governor to his house,
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accompanied by a few of his near relations. At the
time all the party were preparing to settle for the night,
guan Carlos, having arranged everything with his own people, rose
and presented a pistol to the breast of the chief,
his followers doing the same to the colonel's relations and servants,
who were unable to make any resistance as they were
unprepared and not so numerous as the governor's men. Guan
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Carlos told Fethosa that if he spoke or made the
least noise, he should immediately fire, Though he well knew
that his own destruction would be certain. He conducted him
to the back door and ordered him and all the
persons present to mount the horses, which had been prepared
for them. They made for the seashore and arrived there
very early in the morning. Jemgadas were in waiting to
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take them on board a smack which was lying off
and on near the coast. The alarm was given soon
after their departure from Fathos's village, and as the governor
reached the smack, he saw the colonel's adherents upon the beach,
embarking in Jingadas to try to overtake them, but it
was too late. The smack left the land and the
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next day made for the shore, landed the Governor, and
then proceeded on her voyage. Faithoso was supposed to be
in the prison of Li Moera at Lisbon when the
French entered Portugal, and either died about that time or
was released by them footnote. Another member of this family
was also to be apprehended, but the governor could not
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fix upon any means by which the arrest was to
be accomplished. A man of well known intrepidity and of
some power was sent for by the governor to consult
with him upon the subject. This person offered to go
alone and acquaint the Fethoso with the orders that had
been issued against him, and in fact to try to
take him into custody. He set off, but Fethoso was
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apprized of his coming and of his errand, and immediately
leaving his estate, proceeded to Baiea, where he embarked for Lisbon,
arriving in due time at that place. The person who
set off to arrest him followed him from place to place,
arrived at Baia, and embarked for and landed at Lisbon.
He inquired for Frithosa, heard that he had spoken to
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the Secretary of State and had again embarked on his
return homewards, but that the ship was delayed by contrary winds.
He likewise went to the Secretary and showed the orders
which he had received for the arrets to Fetosa, making
known the particular crimes which had made his apprehension requisite.
Fethosa was taken into custody and put into the Limoera prison,
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where his persecutor or prosecutor went to visit him, saying
as he approached, well did I not say so in
ton eu Kijisi, alluding to his determination of apprehending him.
He returned to Brazil and gave an account of his
mission to the governor from whom he had received his orders.
This man was well known in the province of Sierra,
(31:32):
and the truth of the story is vouched for by
many respectable persons with whom I conversed. This Fetosa has
not been heard of ed footnote. His followers still looked
forward to his return. The loss of their chiefs broke
the power and union of the clan, and they have
had disputes among themselves. Brazil is likewise undergoing a change
(31:55):
of manners, in emerging rapidly from semi barbarism. A young
man of Sierra had been a short time before my arrival,
to the distance of thirty leagues into the interior, accompanied
by two constables, to serve a writ upon a man
of some property for a debt. They rode good horses
that they might perform their errand before he could have
(32:16):
any knowledge that they were going, and might attempt, in
consequence anything against their lives. It is a dangerous service
to go into the interior to recover debts. The Portuguese
law does not allow of arrest for debt, but by
serving a writ, any property which was sent down to
the town to be shipped might be seized. I was
(32:38):
received at Sierra most hospitably. The name of Englishmen was
a recommendation. In the morning, I generally remained at home,
and in the afternoon rode out with three or four
of the young men of the place, who were much
superior to any I had expected to find here. In
the evening, a large party usually assembled at the house
of Senor Marcos. His company and that of his wife
(33:01):
and daughter, would have been very pleasant anywhere, but was
particularly so in these uncivilized regions. Parties were likewise occasionally
given at the palace, and at both these places, after
tea and coffee, cards and conversation made the evenings pass
very quickly. The palace was the only dwelling in town
which had bought at floors. It appeared at first rather
(33:24):
strange to be received by one of the principal officers
of the province in a room with a brick floor
and plain whitewashed walls, as occurred at the house of
Senor Marcos. This gentleman had delivered to me a crimson
colored satin bag containing government papers and directed to the
Prince Regent of Portugal and Brazil, and he gave me
(33:45):
directions to put it into the hands of the postmaster
at Pernambuco. I obtained from being the bearer the power
of requiring horses from the several commandants upon the road
to him. It was convenient, as with me, its chance
of safety was greater than if it had been forwarded
by a single man on foot, which is the usual
(34:06):
mode of conveyance. The men employed for this purpose are trustworthy,
but must, of course sometimes meet with accidents. I had
in my journey from Guayana to Sierra seeing Pernambuco and
the adjoining provinces to the northward in almost their worst state,
that of one whole season without rain. But extreme wretchedness
(34:28):
is produced by two successive years of drought. In such
a case, on the second year, the peasants die by
the road side, Entire families are swept away, entire districts
are depopulated. The country was in this dreadful state in
seventeen ninety one, two and three. For these three years
passed without any considerable fall of rain. In eighteen ten
(34:51):
food was still to be purchased, though at exorbitant prices,
and in the following year the rains came down in abundance,
and removed the dread of famine. I had, i say,
seen the provinces through which I passed upon the brink
of extreme want owing to the failure of the rains.
I had myself experienced inconvenience from this cause, and in
(35:14):
one instance considerable distress from it. Now, in returning, the
whole country was changed. The rains had commenced, and I
was made to feel that great discomfort is caused by
each extreme. But the sensations which the apprehension of a
want of water produces are much more painful than the
disagreeable effects of an immoderate quantity of it, heavy rains
(35:36):
and flooded lands. I was obliged to stay at Sierra
longer than I had at first intended, owing to an
accident which I met with in bathing. This confined me
to my bed for some days. As soon as I
was allowed to move, I made preparations for my return.
I purchased four horses, one to carry my trunk and
(35:58):
a small barrel of biscuits, a second fort Farina, a
third ver Mais, and the fourth for myself. Senor Lorenzo
sent for three trusty Indians from one of the villages
for the purpose of accompanying me, and on the eighth
of January eighteen eleven I commenced my return to Pernambuco.
(36:18):
End of Chapter seven, Part two
Chapter seven, Part two of Travels in Brazil, volume one
by Henry Coster. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain.
Chapter seven, Part two. The town of the Fortress of
Sierra is built upon heavy sand in the form of
a square with four streets leading from it, and it
(00:23):
has an additional long street on the north side of
the square, which runs in a parallel direction but is
unconnected with it. The dwellings have only a ground floor,
and the streets are not paved, but some of the
houses have footpaths of brick in front. It contains three churches,
a governor's palace, the town hall and prison, a custom house,
(00:46):
and the treasury. The number of inhabitants I judge to
be from one thousand to twelve hundred. The fort from
which the place derives its name, stands upon a sand
hill close to the town, and consists of a sand
or earth rampart towards the sea, and of stakes driven
into the ground on the land side. It contains four
(01:07):
or five pieces of cannon of several sizes, which were
pointed various ways, and I observed that the gun of
heaviest metal was mounted on the land side. Those which
pointed to the sea, were not of sufficient caliber to
have reached a vessel in the usual anchorage ground. The
powder magazine is situated upon another part of the sand hill,
(01:29):
in full view of the harbor. There is not much
to invite the preference given to the spot. It has
no river nor any harbor, and the beaches bad to
land upon. The breakers are violent, and the hesifi or
reef of rocks Ford very little protection to vessels roddy
at anchor upon the coast. The settlement was formerly situated
(01:52):
three leagues to the northward, upon a narrow creek, where
there exists only the remains of an old fort. The
beach is steep, which renders the surf dangerous for a
boat to pass through and making for the shore. A
vessel unloaded during my stay there, and part of her
cargo consisted of the flower of the Mangia in small bags.
(02:13):
The long boat approached as near to the shore as
it could without striking, and the bags were landed on
men's heads. The persons employed to bring them ashore passed
through the surf with them, but if they were caught
by a wave, the flower was wetted and injured. And
indeed very few reached the shore perfectly dry. The anchorage
ground is bad and exposed. The winds are always from
(02:36):
the southward and eastward, and if they were very variable,
a vessel could scarcely ride upon the coast. The reef
of rocks forms a complete ridge at a considerable distance
from the shore, and is to be seen at low water.
Upon this part of the coast, the reef runs lower
than towards Pernabuco, which has obliged the people of Sierrat
(02:58):
to take advantage of the rocks be rather higher here,
in fording some little protection to ships at anchor. The
spot seems to have been preferred owing to this advantage,
trifling as it is, though the rocks are much inferior
to those which form the bold reef of Pernambuco. The
ridge runs parallel with the shore for about one quarter
(03:19):
of a mile, with two openings, one above and the
other below the town. A small vessel may come to
anchor between it and the shore, but a large ship
can only bring up either to the northward or to
the southward of the town in one of the openings
of the ridge, or on the outside of it. The
opening to the northward is to be preferred. A vessel
(03:41):
coming from the northward should make the point of Mokoripe,
which lies one league to the southward at the town,
and upon it stands a small fort. This being done,
she will be able to make the anchorage ground on
the appearance of a ship. The ford of the town
has a white flag flying upon a high flag's death.
To the northward of the town, between the reef and
(04:04):
the shore, there is a rock called Pedra that Valia,
or the old Woman's Rock, which is to be seen
even at high water by the breakers upon it. When
a vessel leaves the port, she may either pass between
this rock and the shore, giving a berth to a
shoal about one hundred yards to the northward, or she
may run between the rock and the principal ridge or reef.
(04:26):
The public buildings are small and low, but are neat
and whitewashed, and adapt it to the purposes for which
they are intended. Notwithstanding the disadvantage to the general appearance
imparted by the wretched soil upon which the town has
been erected, I could not avoid thinking that its look
was that of a thriving place. But the difficulty of
(04:48):
land carriage particularly in such a country. The want of
a good harbor and the dreadful droughts prevent any sanguine
hope of its rise to opulence. The commerce of sea
a is very limited and is not likely to increase.
The long credits which it is necessary for the traitor
to give preclude the hope of quick returns to which
(05:10):
British merchants are accustomed. I wrote immediately on my arrival
to the house of Signor Marcos Antonio Bricio, the chief
of the Treasury and of the Naval Department, with several
other titles which are not transferable into our language. To
this gentleman I had a letter of introduction from Senor Bajoso.
(05:31):
I found several persons assembled at his house to drink
tea and play at cards. Signor Marcos is an intelligent
and well informed man, who has seen good society in
Lisbon and had held a high situation at Maregnon before
he was appointed to Sierra. I was introduced to Signor Lorenzo,
a merchant who had connections in trade with England. He
(05:54):
recognized my name, for he had been acquainted with near
relations of mine in Lisbon. I was invited to stay
with him, and received from him every civility. The morning
after my arrival, I visited the governor Luis barba A
Larbo de mename this footnote. This person has since been
removed to a province of more importance and footnote, and
(06:19):
was received by him with much affability. He said that
he wished he had more opportunities of showing the regard
which he entertained for my countrymen, and that some of
them would come and settle in his captaincy. He built,
during the administration of the province the center of the palace,
and employed Indian workmen, paying them half the usual price
(06:40):
of labor. He was in the habit of speaking of
the property of individuals residing within the province as if
it was his own, saying his ships is cotton, et cetera.
I happened to be at Sierra on the Queen of
Portugal's birthday. The company of regular troops, consisting of one
hundred and fourteen men, was reviewed. They looked respectable and
(07:01):
were in tolerable order. In the chief apartment of the
palace stood a full length picture of the Prince Regent
of Brazil, which was placed against the wall and was
raised about three feet from the ground. Three or four
steps ascended from the floor to the foot of the picture.
Upon the lowst of these, the Governor stood in full uniform,
(07:22):
and each person passed before him and bowed, that thus
the state of the sovereign court might be kept up.
I dined with the Governor this day, at whose table
were assembled all the military and civil officers, and two
or three merchants. He placed me at his right hand
as a stranger, thus showing the estimation in which Englishmen
(07:42):
are held. About thirty persons were present at the table,
of which more than half were uniforms. Indeed, the whole
display was much more brilliant than I had expected. Everything
was good and handsome. I had opportunities of seeing the
Indian villages of aranci Us and Masangana, and there is
(08:02):
a third in this neighborhood, of which I have forgotten
the name. Each is distant from Sierra, between two and
three leagues in different directions. They are built in the
form of a square, and each contains about three hundred inhabitants.
One of my usual companions on these occasions was acquainted
with the Vicar of Oronashas, and we therefore made him
(08:23):
a visit. He resided in a building which had formerly
belonged to the Jesuits. It is attached to the church
and has balconies from the principal corridor which look into it.
The Indians of these villages, and indeed of all those
which I passed through, are Christians, though it is said
that some few of them follow in secret their own
heathenish rites, paying adoration to the Moraca, and practicing all
(08:47):
the customs of their religion. If I may use this word,
of which so inexact a description is given in mister
Southea's History of Brazil. When the Roman Catholic religion does
have root in them, it of necessity degenerates into the
most abject superstition. In adherence to superstitious rights, whether of
(09:09):
Roman Catholic ordination or prescribed by their own undefined faith,
appears to be the only part of their character in
which they show any consistency. Each village has its priest,
who is oftentimes a vicar and resident for life upon
the spot. A director is also attached to each village,
who is supposed to be a white man. He is
(09:30):
great power of the persons within his jurisdiction. If a
proprietor of land is in want of workmen. He applies
to the director, who agrees for the price at which
the daily labor is to be paid, and he commands
one of his chief Indians to take so many men
and proceed with them to the estate for which they
are hired. The laborers receive the money themselves and expend
(09:52):
it as they please, but the bargains thus made are
usually below the regular price of labor. Each village has
two juises ordinarius, or mayors, who act for one year.
One juis is a white man and the other an Indian,
but it may easily be supposed that the former has
in fact the management. These juises have the power of
(10:14):
putting suspicious persons into confinement, and of punishing for small crimes.
Those of more importance wait for the cohesum or circuit
of the ovidor of the captaincy. Each village contains a
town hall in prison. The administration of justice in the
certain is generally spoken of as most wretchedly bad. Every
(10:36):
crime obtains impunity by the payment of a sum of money.
An innocent person is sometimes punished through the interest of
a great man, whom he may have offended, and the
murder escapes who has the good fortune to be under
the protection of a powerful patrons. This proceeds still more
from the feudal state of the country than from a
(10:57):
corruption of the magistrates, whom might often be inclined to
do their duty, and yet be aware that their exertions
would be of no avail and would possibly prove fatal
to themselves. The Indians have likewise their capitoins mores, and
this title is conferred for life. He gives the holders
some power over his fellows, but as it is among
(11:19):
them unaccompanied by the possession of property, the Indian capitines
moras are much ridiculed by the whites, and indeed the
half naked officer with his gold headed cane is a
personage who would excite laughter from the most rigid nerves.
The Indians are in general a quiet and inoffensive people.
(11:41):
They have not much fidelity, but although they desert, they
will not injure those whom they have served. Their lives
are certainly not passed in a pleasant manner under the
eye of a director by whom they are imperiously treated. Consequently,
it is not surprising that they should do all in
their power to leave their villages and free from an
immediate superior. But even when they have escaped from the
(12:04):
irksome dominion of the director, they never settle in one place.
The Indian scarcely ever plants for himself, or if he does,
rarely waits the crop. He sells his maize or maggio
for half its value before it is fit to be
gathered and removed to some other district. His favorite pursuits
are fishing and hunting. A lake or rivulet will alone
(12:27):
induce him to be stationary for any length of time.
He has a sort of independent feeling which makes him
spurn at anything like a wish to deprive him of
his own free agency. To the directory submits, because it
is out of his power to resist. An Indian can
never be persuaded to address the master to whom he
may have hired himself by the term of seignor, though
(12:50):
it is made use of by the whites and speaking
to each other and by all other free people in
the country. But the Negroes also use it in speaking
to their masters. Therefore the Indian will not He addresses
his temporary master by the term of amo or patraun
protector or patron. The reluctance to use the term of
(13:11):
senor may perhaps have commenced with the immediate descendants of
those who are in slavery, and thus the objection may
have become traditionary. They may refuse to give by courtesy
what was once required from them by law. However, if
it began in this manner, it is not now continued
for the same reason as none of those with whom
(13:32):
I conversed, and there were very many, appear to know
that their ancestors had been obliged to work as slaves.
The instances of murder committed by Indians are rare. They
are pilferers rather than thieves. When they can, they eat immoderately,
but if it is necessary they can live upon a
very trifling quantity of food, to which their idleness often
(13:54):
reduces them. They are much addicted to liquor, and will
dance in a ring, singing some of the monotonous ditties
of their own language, and drink for nights and days
without ceasing. Their dances are not indecent as those of Africa.
The Molatos consider themselves superior to the Indians, and even
the Creole blacks look down upon them. He is as
(14:16):
paltry as an Indian footnote mofilo komakaboclo and footnote is
a common expression among the lower orders in Brazil. They
are vilely indifferent regarding the conduct of their wives and daughters,
lying in other vices attached to savage life belong to them.
(14:37):
Affection seems to have little hold upon them. They appear
to be less anxious for the life and welfare of
their children than any other caste of men who inhabit
that country. The women, however, do not. Among these semi barbarians,
perform the principal drudgery. If the husband is at home,
he fetches water from the rivulet and fuel from the wood.
(14:58):
He builds the hut, whilst his wife takes shelter in
some neighbor's shed. But if they travel, she has her
young children to carry the pots, the baskets and the
excavated gourds, whilst the husband takes the wallet of goat
skin and his hammock rolled up upon his back, his
fishing net and his arms, and walks in the rear.
The children are washed on the day of their birth
(15:20):
in the nearest brook or pool of water. Both the
men and the women are cleanly in many of their habits,
and particularly in those relating to their persons, but in
some other matters their customs are extremely disgusting. The same
knife is used for all purposes, and with little preparatory cleaning,
is employed. In surfaces of descriptions widely opposite. They do
(15:43):
not reject any kind of food, and devour it almost
without being cooked. Rats and other small vermin, snakes and
alligators are all accepted. The instinct, for I know not
what else to call it, which the Indians possess above
other men. In finding their way across a wood to
a certain spot on the opposite side, without path or
(16:03):
apparent mark, is most surprising. They trace footsteps over the
dry leaves which lie scattered under the trees. The letter
carriers from one province to another are mostly Indians, for
from habit they endure great fatigue, and will walk day
after day with little rest for months together. I have
met them with their wallets made of goat skin upon
(16:25):
their shoulders, walking at a regular pace which is not
altered by rough or smooth ground. Though a horse may
outstrip one of these men for the first few days. Still,
if the journey continues long, the Indian will in the
end arrive before him. If a criminal has eluded the
diligence of the police officers, Indians are sent in pursuit
(16:46):
of him as a last resort. It is well known
that they will not take him alive. Each man who
sees the offender fires, for they do not wish to
have any contention. Nor is it possible for the magistrate
to fix upon the individual of the party who shot
the criminal. For if any of them are asked who
killed him, the answer invariably is omens the men. It
(17:11):
is usually said that a party of Indians will fight
tolerably well, but that two or three will take to
their heels at the first alarm. Some of them, however,
are resolute and sufficiently courageous, but the general character is
usually supposed to be cowardly and constant, devoid of acute feelings,
as forgetful of favors, as of injuries, obstinate in trifles,
(17:34):
regardless of matters of importance. The character of the Negro
is more decided. It is worse, but it is also
occasionally better. From the black race, the worst of men
may be formed, but they are capable likewise of great
and good actions. The Indians seem to be without energy
or exertion, devoid of great good or great evil. Much
(17:56):
may at the same time be said in their favor.
They have been unjust dealt with. They have been trampled
upon and afterwards treated as children. They have been always
subjected to those who consider themselves their superiors, and this
desire to govern them has even been carried to the
direction of their domestic arrangements. But no, if they are
(18:17):
a race of acute beings, capable of energy, of being
deeply interested upon any subject, they would do more than
they have done. The priesthood is open to them, but
they do not take advantage of it. Footnote I heard
from good authority that there are two instances of Indians
having been ordained as secular priests, and that both these
(18:38):
individuals died from excessive drinking. And footnote I never saw
an Indian mechanic in any of the towns. There is
no instance of a wealthy Indian rich. Mulattos and Negroes
are by no means rare. I have had many dealings
with them as guides and carriers and subsequently as laborers,
(18:58):
and have no reason to complain, for I was never
injured by any of them, but neither did I receive
any particular good service, excepting in the instance of Julio.
For guides and carriers, they are well adapted, as their
usual habits lead them to the rambling life which these
employments encourage. As laborers, I found that they had usually
(19:19):
a great inclination to overreach, but their schemes were badly
laid and consequently easily discovered. I never could depend upon
them for any length of time, and to advance money
or clothing to them is a certain loss. If I
had any labor which was to be performed by a
given time. The overseer would always reckon upon his Mulatto
(19:41):
and Negro free people, but did not mention in the
list of persons who were to work any of the
Indians whom I was then employing. And on my speaking
of them, he answered in Indian is only to be
mentioned for the present day, meaning that no reliance is
to be placed upon them. Footnote gabok loyeso para oji
(20:03):
end footnote. Like most of the Aboriginal inhabitants of the
Western hemisphere, these people are of a copper color. They
are short and stoutly made, but their limbs, though large,
have not the appearance of possessing great strength. They have
no show of muscle. The face is disportionately broad, the
nose flat, the mouth wide, the eyes deep and small.
(20:27):
The hair black, coarse, and lank. None of the men
have whiskers, and their beards are not thick. The women,
when they are young, have by no means an unpleasant appearance,
but they soon fall off and become ugly. Their figures
are seldom well shaped. Deformity is rare among the Indians.
I do not recollect to have seen any individual of
(20:47):
this race who had been born defective, and the well
and four persons with whom I conversed were of opinion
that the Indians are more fortunate in this respect than
any other race with whom they were acquainted. All the
Indians of Pernobuco speak Portuguese, but few of them pronounce
it well. There is always a certain twang which discovers
(21:08):
the speaker to be an Indian, although the voice was
heard without the person being seen. Many of them, however,
do not understand any other language. The Indians seldom, if ever,
speak Portuguese so well as the generality of the Creole Negroes.
It must be perfectly understood that although there may be
some unfair dealings occasionally of the director toward the Indian,
(21:32):
still this race cannot be enslaved. The Indian cannot be
made to work for any person against his inclination. He
cannot be bought and sold. An Indian will sometimes make
over his child, when very young, to a rich person,
to be taught some trade, or to be brought up
as a household servant. But as soon as the child
is of an age to provide for itself, it cannot
(21:55):
be prevented from so doing. It may lead the person
under whose care it has been placed, if so inclined.
Two Indians presented themselves at the gate of the Carmelike
Convent of Guayana and requested and were permitted to see
the prior. They put into his hands a purse containing
several gold coins, saying that they had found it near
(22:15):
dous heels. They begged that he would order a number
of masses to be set in their behalf, which were
to be paid for from the contents of the purse.
The prior, admiring their honesty, asked one of them to
remain with him as his servant, to which the man agreed.
The friar was in the habit of going into the
country to a friend's house to shoot. On one occasion,
(22:37):
after the Indian had served him for some time, he
left the convent and took him on one of his expeditions.
But when they were about half way, the friar discovered
that he had forgotten his powder horn. He gave the
key of his trunk to the Indian and desired him
to fetch the powder whilst he proceeded In vain, he
waited at his friend's house for his servant, and on
(22:59):
his returned to the convent in the evening, he heard
that he was not there. He went immediately to his cell,
supposing that he had been robbed of all his money
and whatever else the fellow could carry off. But to
his joy, he discovered on examination that the man had
only taken the powder horn, two silver coins of about
four shillings value each, an old clerical gown, and a
(23:23):
pair of worn out nankeen pantaloons. This story I had
from an intimate friend of the prior. One of the
days of my stay at Sierra, we passed upon the
borders of a lake which is between two and three
leagues distant from the town, for the purpose of shooting.
This lake was very nearly dry. The general feature of
the country about Sierra is arid. The captaincy produces no sugar,
(23:48):
but the lands are adapted for cotton, of which, however,
the crop this year was very trifling, so excessive had
the drought become that a famine was feared, in great
distress would have been experienced if vessel had not arrived
from the southward laden with the flower of the Mangio.
The usual price of it was six hundred and forty
hays per al queri, but the cargo of this vessel
(24:11):
was sold at six thousand, four hundred hays per al qyeri,
a fact which proves the scarcity to have been very great. Formerly,
considerable quantities of beef were salt dried here and were
exported to the other captaincies. But from the mortality among
the cattle caused by the frequent dry seasons, this trade
(24:32):
has been unavoidably given up entirely, and the whole country
is now supplied from the Hio Grandi do sou the
southern boundary of the Portuguese dominions, but the meat which
arrives at Pernambuco from the Hio Grandi do Sou still
preserves its name of Sierra meat Carnido Sierra. The country
(24:52):
to the northward and eastward I understood to be much
superior to that in the neighborhood of Sierra. The captaincy
of pi a U, which lies in that direction, is
account at fertil and is not subject to droughts. Many
were the praises which I heard of the late governor
of Sierra, Juan Carlos, who was appointed to this province
(25:12):
before he had arrived at the age of twenty years,
and who was at the time I visited Sierra, Captain
General of Monto Grosso. His administration of justice was in
general summary, but on one occasion he waived his usual severity.
He was informed, whilst playing at cards at the house
of Senor Marcos, which is near to the palace, that
(25:34):
a soldier was robbing his garden. He answered, poor fellow,
great must be his hunger when he runs the risk
of entering his governor's garden. Don't molest him. Some persons
were in the practice of taking doors off their hinges
and other tricks of the same sort. During the night,
the governor had in vain attempted to discover who they were,
(25:55):
and he resolved at last to wrap himself up in
his cloak, and to apprehend some of them, if possible,
with his own hands. A young man with whom I
was acquainted, had met the governor on one of these knights.
He demanded his name, and, on discovering who it was,
admonished him to be at home at an earlier hour
on the following evening. The family of the Pithosas still
(26:18):
exists in the interior of this captaincy and that of
pi a Ui, in possession of extensive estates, which are
covered with immense droves of cattle. In the time of
Juan Carlos, the chiefs had risen to such power and
were supposed to be so completely out of reach of punishment,
that the entirely refused obedience to the laws, both civil
(26:39):
and criminal, such as they are. They revenged their own wrongs.
Persons obnoxious to them were publicly murdered in the villages
of the interior. The poor man who refused obedience to
their commands was devoted to destruction and the rich man,
who was not of their clan, was obliged silently to
acquiesce in deeds of which he did not approve. The
(27:02):
Pythosis are descendants of Europeans, but many of the branches
are of mixed blood, and perhaps few are free from
some tinge of the original inhabitants of Brazil. The chief
of the family was a colonel of militia and could
at a short notice call together about one hundred men,
which is equal to ten or twenty times the number
(27:23):
in a well peopled country. Deserters were well received by him,
and murderers who had committed this crime in the revenge
of injuries. The thief was not accepted, and much less
the man who, for the sake of pillage, had taken
the life of another. Tuan Carlos had received from Lisbon
secret instructions to secure the person of this chief of
(27:44):
the pythosas his first step was to inform the colonel
that he intended on a certain day to visit him
at his village for the purpose of reviewing his regiment.
The village is not many leagues from the coast, but
is distant considerably from Sierra Fathosa. Answered that he should
be ready to receive his excellency on the appointed day.
(28:07):
The time came, and guan Carlos set out, accompanied by
ten or twelve persons. The colonel greeted him most courteously
and had assembled all his men to make the greatest
possible show. After the review, the colonel dismissed them, fatigued
with a day's exercise, for many of them had traveled
several leagues. He retired with the governor to his house,
(28:30):
accompanied by a few of his near relations. At the
time all the party were preparing to settle for the night,
guan Carlos, having arranged everything with his own people, rose
and presented a pistol to the breast of the chief,
his followers doing the same to the colonel's relations and servants,
who were unable to make any resistance as they were
unprepared and not so numerous as the governor's men. Guan
(28:54):
Carlos told Fethosa that if he spoke or made the
least noise, he should immediately fire, Though he well knew
that his own destruction would be certain. He conducted him
to the back door and ordered him and all the
persons present to mount the horses, which had been prepared
for them. They made for the seashore and arrived there
very early in the morning. Jemgadas were in waiting to
(29:17):
take them on board a smack which was lying off
and on near the coast. The alarm was given soon
after their departure from Fathos's village, and as the governor
reached the smack, he saw the colonel's adherents upon the beach,
embarking in Jingadas to try to overtake them, but it
was too late. The smack left the land and the
(29:39):
next day made for the shore, landed the Governor, and
then proceeded on her voyage. Faithoso was supposed to be
in the prison of Li Moera at Lisbon when the
French entered Portugal, and either died about that time or
was released by them footnote. Another member of this family
was also to be apprehended, but the governor could not
(30:01):
fix upon any means by which the arrest was to
be accomplished. A man of well known intrepidity and of
some power was sent for by the governor to consult
with him upon the subject. This person offered to go
alone and acquaint the Fethoso with the orders that had
been issued against him, and in fact to try to
take him into custody. He set off, but Fethoso was
(30:24):
apprized of his coming and of his errand, and immediately
leaving his estate, proceeded to Baiea, where he embarked for Lisbon,
arriving in due time at that place. The person who
set off to arrest him followed him from place to place,
arrived at Baia, and embarked for and landed at Lisbon.
He inquired for Frithosa, heard that he had spoken to
(30:46):
the Secretary of State and had again embarked on his
return homewards, but that the ship was delayed by contrary winds.
He likewise went to the Secretary and showed the orders
which he had received for the arrets to Fetosa, making
known the particular crimes which had made his apprehension requisite.
Fethosa was taken into custody and put into the Limoera prison,
(31:10):
where his persecutor or prosecutor went to visit him, saying
as he approached, well did I not say so in
ton eu Kijisi, alluding to his determination of apprehending him.
He returned to Brazil and gave an account of his
mission to the governor from whom he had received his orders.
This man was well known in the province of Sierra,
(31:32):
and the truth of the story is vouched for by
many respectable persons with whom I conversed. This Fetosa has
not been heard of ed footnote. His followers still looked
forward to his return. The loss of their chiefs broke
the power and union of the clan, and they have
had disputes among themselves. Brazil is likewise undergoing a change
(31:55):
of manners, in emerging rapidly from semi barbarism. A young
man of Sierra had been a short time before my arrival,
to the distance of thirty leagues into the interior, accompanied
by two constables, to serve a writ upon a man
of some property for a debt. They rode good horses
that they might perform their errand before he could have
(32:16):
any knowledge that they were going, and might attempt, in
consequence anything against their lives. It is a dangerous service
to go into the interior to recover debts. The Portuguese
law does not allow of arrest for debt, but by
serving a writ, any property which was sent down to
the town to be shipped might be seized. I was
(32:38):
received at Sierra most hospitably. The name of Englishmen was
a recommendation. In the morning, I generally remained at home,
and in the afternoon rode out with three or four
of the young men of the place, who were much
superior to any I had expected to find here. In
the evening, a large party usually assembled at the house
of Senor Marcos. His company and that of his wife
(33:01):
and daughter, would have been very pleasant anywhere, but was
particularly so in these uncivilized regions. Parties were likewise occasionally
given at the palace, and at both these places, after
tea and coffee, cards and conversation made the evenings pass
very quickly. The palace was the only dwelling in town
which had bought at floors. It appeared at first rather
(33:24):
strange to be received by one of the principal officers
of the province in a room with a brick floor
and plain whitewashed walls, as occurred at the house of
Senor Marcos. This gentleman had delivered to me a crimson
colored satin bag containing government papers and directed to the
Prince Regent of Portugal and Brazil, and he gave me
(33:45):
directions to put it into the hands of the postmaster
at Pernambuco. I obtained from being the bearer the power
of requiring horses from the several commandants upon the road
to him. It was convenient, as with me, its chance
of safety was greater than if it had been forwarded
by a single man on foot, which is the usual
(34:06):
mode of conveyance. The men employed for this purpose are trustworthy,
but must, of course sometimes meet with accidents. I had
in my journey from Guayana to Sierra seeing Pernambuco and
the adjoining provinces to the northward in almost their worst state,
that of one whole season without rain. But extreme wretchedness
(34:28):
is produced by two successive years of drought. In such
a case, on the second year, the peasants die by
the road side, Entire families are swept away, entire districts
are depopulated. The country was in this dreadful state in
seventeen ninety one, two and three. For these three years
passed without any considerable fall of rain. In eighteen ten
(34:51):
food was still to be purchased, though at exorbitant prices,
and in the following year the rains came down in abundance,
and removed the dread of famine. I had, i say,
seen the provinces through which I passed upon the brink
of extreme want owing to the failure of the rains.
I had myself experienced inconvenience from this cause, and in
(35:14):
one instance considerable distress from it. Now, in returning, the
whole country was changed. The rains had commenced, and I
was made to feel that great discomfort is caused by
each extreme. But the sensations which the apprehension of a
want of water produces are much more painful than the
disagreeable effects of an immoderate quantity of it, heavy rains
(35:36):
and flooded lands. I was obliged to stay at Sierra
longer than I had at first intended, owing to an
accident which I met with in bathing. This confined me
to my bed for some days. As soon as I
was allowed to move, I made preparations for my return.
I purchased four horses, one to carry my trunk and
(35:58):
a small barrel of biscuits, a second fort Farina, a
third ver Mais, and the fourth for myself. Senor Lorenzo
sent for three trusty Indians from one of the villages
for the purpose of accompanying me, and on the eighth
of January eighteen eleven I commenced my return to Pernambuco.
(36:18):
End of Chapter seven, Part two
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