Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
A calarogus Shark Media. Hello and welcome to Pallas Intrigue.
I am your host and Mark Francis. This week, as
America marks two hundred and fifty years since its founding,
we're flipping the story around. Instead of looking at the
revolution from the American side, we're heading across the Atlantic
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to see how it looked from London. What did King
George the Third think was happening? What was Parliament hearing?
How did ordinary Bretons react as thirteen colonies moved closer
and closer to rebellion. We'll follow the story in our
afternoon episodes all this week as they experienced it, and
see how losing America reshaped the monarchy that survives to
this day. When Americans think about the Declaration of Independence,
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they tend to imagine a single, dramatic moment. Thomas Jefferson
has finished writing. Delegates gather in Philadelphia, the document is approved,
A new nation is born. History is rarely that tidy.
On July fourth, seventeen seventy six, nobody had seen James
pallace knew that one of the most famous political documents
ever written had just been adopted across the Atlantic. King
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George the Third did not know. His ministers did not know.
The officials responsible for managing Breton's growing colonial crisis did
not know. An ocean still separated London from Philadelphia, and
in the eighteenth century, oceans imposed their own timetable. News
traveled by ship. Reports were delayed by weather, by distance,
by circumstance. Information moved at the speed of wind and water.
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The declaration did not arrive in Britain as a headline.
It arrived the way important news often arrived in that era, gradually, imperfectly,
and accompanied by uncertainty. That uncertainty matters because it is
easy knowing how the story ends, to assume that everyone
involved understood what was happening. Even after more than a
year of fighting, many people in Britain still believed the
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conflict would eventually be resolved. The war was serious, the
rebellion was dangerous, but a permanent break remained difficult to imagine.
The colonies had been British for generations. Their institutions were British,
their legal traditions were British, their political culture was British.
Even many of the men who would eventually support independence
had spent years arguing not for separation but for recognition
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within the existing system. The dispute had grown increasingly better,
but it was still viewed by many as a dispute
within the family. What nobody yet fully appreciated was that
one side had already decided. The family itself was finished.
The document itself did not arrive at the Palace wrapped
in historical significance. It arrived as news. By the middle
of August seventeen seventy six, copies of the declaration had
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begun appearing in London the London Chronicle print of the text,
so did the Saint James Chronicle. For the first time,
British readers could examine for themselves the extraordinary document that
had been approved in Philadelphia several weeks earlier. The Saint
James Chronicle made a curious editorial decision. Rather than reproducing
the declaration exactly as written, it softened some of Jefferson's
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language directed at the King, where the American texts referred
directly to the present cause King of Great Britain. The
newspaper altered the wording. References aimed personally at George became
references aimed more generally at Britain itself. The changes were subtle,
but they are fascinating. The Americans had deliberately placed George
at the center of their argument. The newspaper's editors appeared
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uncomfortable doing the same. Whether out of loyalty, caution, or
simple editorial judgment, they instinctively pulled some of the criticism
away from the monarch and toward the state. The Americans
were turning the king into the villain of their national story.
The British press was quietly editing the story before publishing it.
The London that encountered the declaration was not a city
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stunned into silence. It was a city that immediately began
arguing about what the document meant. Copies circulated through coffeehouses,
where merchants, lawyers, politicians, and journalists gathered daily to exchange news.
The American War had already become one of the dominant
topics of conversation in political circles, and the declaration added
fresh fuel to a debate that had been raging for years.
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Many readers were unimpressed to modernize. This can seem astonishing.
We know we are looking at one of the most
consequential political documents ever written. The first British audience did
not have that advantage. For many of them, the declaration
looked less like the birth certificate of a new nation
and more like the latest statement from rebellious colonists who
were already at war with the government. One can only imagine,
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but it must have felt like for George the Third
to read a document that did not merely reject his authority,
but publicly explained it in considerable detail why that authority
deserved to be rejected. The declaration did not focus primarily
on Parliament. It did not place ministers at the center
of its argument. Instead, it directed its grievances toward the
king himself. Again and again, the accusations followed the same pattern.
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He has he has refused his assent to laws. He
has obstructed the administration of justice. He has effected to
render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.
The effect was devastating. The effective From a political standpoint,
a complicated constitutional dispute involving parliament, ministries, taxation, and imperial
governance was distilled into a story ordinary people could easily understand.
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There was a king. The king in abused's power. The
people had chosen freedom as political messaging. It was brilliant
as a description of how Britain actually functioned, It was
considerably more complicated the historian's great enemy. As hindsight, we
know the Americans would prevail, we know independence would endure.
The people reading the declaration in London during August of
seventeen seventy six knew none of those things. They knew
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only that Britain possessed one of the most powerful militaries
in the world and that the rebellion had not yet
been defeated. That belief remained visible months later. When King
George addressed Parliament, speaking on October thirty first, seventeen seventy six,
he referred to colonial leaders who had openly renounced all
allegiance to the crown. It was a striking phrase because
it acknowledged what had happened without accepting that it was permanent.
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The King recognized that the colonists had declared independence, he
did not recognize that they had secured more in just
a moment. To understand why the declaration did not produce
immediate panic at the palace, one is to understand how
George the Third view the empire itself. Modern readers often
approached the revolution with assumptions shaped by the world that
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came afterward. We know about Canada, we know about Australia,
we know about the Commonwealth. We are accustomed to the
idea that nations can share a monarch while governing themselves.
Looking backward, it can seem obvious that some of the
compromise might have been possible. The difficulty is that George
was not looking back. When he was living in seventeen
seventy six, the constitutional arrangements that would eventually hold together
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the British Empire had not yet been invented. The monarchy
had not yet learned how to accommodate self governing nations
spread across the globe. In many respects, the Crown learned
those lessons because it lost America. When George looked at
the colonies, he did not see the future independent countries.
He saw British subjects living in British territory under British law.
The idea that thirteen colonies could simply declare themselves separate
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nations was not merely unwelcome. It challenged the basic assumptions
upon which the Empire arrested. This helps explain why the
declaration landed so differently in Philadelphia and in London. Jefferson
and his colleagues believed they were announcing a new reality.
George believed he was reading a document written by subjects
who were attempting to create a reality. To the revolutionaries,
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independence already existed. There was a tendency to imagine that
George spent the summer of seventeen seventy six wrestling with
the possibility that America might be lost forever. The historical
records suggested something rather different. The King remained convinced that
British authority could ultimately be restored. He had reason to
believe it. Britain's military resources dwarfed those of the colonies.
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British forces were preparing major operations in New York. The
Royal Navy controlled the seas. Many experienced observers expected the
rebellion to collapse once confronted by the full weight of
imperial power. One of the most striking features of George's
correspondence during this period is his confidence that the conflict
remained winnable. The famous phrase often associated with his outlook
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was simple and uncompromising. There must be either submission or triumph.
The tragedy from the Royal perspective is that the monarchy
would eventually develop exactly the tools that might have prevented
the crisis. The flexible constitutional relationships that later bound Canada, Australia,
and New Zealand to the crown emerged generations after George's reign.
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There were solutions created in response to problems that George
never solved. The world that would emerge from the American
Revolution had not yet been invented, and that may be
the most important thing to remember. When imagining the King
reading the declaration for the first time, he was not
looking at the birth certificate of the United States. He
was looking at a rebellion that he still believed could
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be defeated. And they have it. If you'd like to
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by mind Francis my thanks to John McDermott. This is
Palace Intrigue. Good Times