September 29, 2025 • 12 mins
While it looks to be a solid plan at first glance, there’s at least one major flaw in Donald Trump’s proposed peace plan for Gaza.
If agreed to by Hamas, the war would end immediately, with Israeli troops withdrawing and Hamas releasing all hostages.
No one will be forced to leave Gaza, and Israel won't occupy or annex the territory.
The US President would lead a new transitional government, made up of Palestinians and experts like former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
But International Geopolitical Analyst Geoffrey Miller told Kerre Woodham that along with the fact that only Israel has been involved in the negotiation of this deal, there is no timeline outlined.
He says the deal mentions providing a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood, but there’s no timeline as to how it would be achieved, so it makes you wonder if it’s been added in to make it sound good.
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Speaker 1 (00:06):
You're listening to the Carrywood and Mornings podcast from News
Talks hed B.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
We also wanted to touch on Donald Trump's peace plan
for Gaza. He has called on Palestinians to take control
of their own future. He says the police peace plan
would see the war come to an end, Israeli troops
withdraw and hostages returned.
Speaker 3 (00:31):
The pramers of their new Middle East is so clearly
within our reach.
Speaker 2 (00:34):
This is the closest we've ever come to real peace.
The US president says he would lead a new transitional
government made up of Palestinians and experts. I'm going to
put inverted commas around that, like former British Prime Minister
Tony Blair. Is Raeli Prime Minister Benjamin yet Naho warns
(00:55):
Israel will finish the job if Hummas does not agree
to Trump's Gaza peace deal.
Speaker 3 (01:01):
But if Hamas rejects your plan, mister President, or if
they supposedly accepted and then then basically do everything to
counter it, then Israel will finish the job by itself.
This can be done the easy way, or it can
(01:23):
be done the hard way, but it will be done.
Speaker 2 (01:28):
It was Ben Minietta and Yahoom International geopolitical analyst Jeffrey
Miller joins me. Now, a very good morning to you.
Speaker 4 (01:35):
Good morning, Carrie.
Speaker 2 (01:37):
How many peace plan proposals have you poured over in
your lifetime?
Speaker 4 (01:43):
Well, that we've been through a few of them. Now,
there was a French Saudi plan that was released earlier
this month. There was with Joe Biden plan in February
last year, so we've been through a few of them. Look,
this is quite a complex deal tow twenty points. There's
a lot of points to go through, and I think
there is something in it for both sides here. Notably,
(02:04):
Israel would get back all of the forty eight hostages,
twenty living hostages, twenty eight dead hostages, and HAMAS members
would receive this amnesty, they wouldn't be pursued by Israel
any further, they would have a pathway to exile, and
Israel would not annex Gaza. That's the big commitment being made.
So there's something there for both sides. But it is
(02:25):
a complex deal. I don't think we should write it
off out of hand. Anything that's got peace written on
it is a good thing. But I think it will
be a hard deal still for Hamas to accept and
it's being presented to Hamas simply as a take it
or leave it off her, and with a seventy two
hour a deadline for Hamas to accept the deal effectively
(02:46):
or Israel will have Trump's fall backing, as he says,
to finish the job and destroy Hamas.
Speaker 2 (02:51):
It sounds quite ominous, it really does, and it is
a take it or leave it. And if they take it, Hamas,
who will agree to that, will in effect be gone.
They will have to well disband, leave, leave the country,
leave Gaza itself. What can they stand as individuals for
(03:13):
any kind of public office or is anybody associated with
Hamas just gone?
Speaker 4 (03:20):
Indeed, I think it would be the end of Himmas.
That's certainly what Israel wants. And remember that's Israel's goal
with the war is to exterminate Hamas. So I think
that's the view from Israel here. I mean, Israel would
see itself as being generous by allowing an amnesty to
these to these members, and also by not going ahead
with the full occupation of Gaza, which they're trying to
(03:42):
conduct at the moment. Israel would withdraw under this plan
to a buffer zone around the edge of Gaza, So
it wouldn't be an absolute total withdrawal, but it would
be largely withdrawal. But I think one of the big
flaws to this plan, apart from the fact that Hamas
hasn't been directly involved in the negotiation of it and
it's been negotiated just with Israel, one of the flaws
(04:03):
is that there's no timeline here. So there's these different
stages to the deal, but you won't find any timelines
in this deal for when things are going to happen,
when Israel will fully withdraw, when there will be a
transition from this international force to a Palestinian Palestinian lead
force police force. And the language and the deal about
(04:27):
providing a credible pathway to Palestinian self determination in statehood,
and that sounds really positive, but there's absolutely no real
timeline for how that would be achieved, and you sort
of wonder if it's just been added and to make
it sound good, but if there's actually no credible pathway
of getting there, you sort of wonder what's the point
and how can Hamas possibly accept something like this?
Speaker 2 (04:48):
And speaking of credible, Tony.
Speaker 4 (04:50):
Blair indeed, and Tony Blair's involvement will be a red
flag to many in the Middle East and particularly in
the Palestinian territories. Although Tony Blair has got a good
reputation to some degree in the Gulf States and other
parts of the Arab world, he certainly doesn't have a
(05:11):
good reputation for those on the ground in Gaza and
for those who anyone who's got a memory of what
happened under Iraq. So you know, this idea of an
international stabilization force, Tony Blair being involved with the Board
of Peace led by Donald Trump, it does all feel
rather iraq Esque in that sense. If you remember the
(05:32):
Coalition Provisional Authority led by Paul Bremer back in two
thousand and three, it all is ready. It's quite an
imposed solution on the Palestinians on Gaza, an international solution
devised by the United States and Israel imposed on the Palestinians,
and I just can't see it ultimately working in this form.
(05:53):
What I could see as being a starting point for
further negotiations. There are some concessions here being made by Israel,
and I think it would be good if this deal
could be taken to hamas negotiations and if it could
be worked through. I think both sides are ready for
a piece steal. It might say it might seem strange
to say that, given what we're seeing on our TV
(06:15):
screens each night, but we're coming up to two years
of this war and it's just been so destructive and
so brutal for both sides. I think that this war
can't go on forever, and so I do think we
are getting closer to a deal, but it could all
end up in tatters if the seventy two our deadline
expires and Israel just simply goes in there and becomes
(06:35):
even more destructive with Donald Trump's backing.
Speaker 2 (06:39):
Well, this war can't go on forever, but tensions in
the Middle East have ever since the Balfour Declaration.
Speaker 4 (06:47):
Indeed, indeed, and then that's has sort of the I
don't know the rhyme of history, doesn't it this with
Tony Blair coming in as if it's another version of
the British mandate from the early twentieth century, with the
British coming in and controlling Gaza, it doesn't really sit right.
(07:09):
And as I say, I think this deal needs to
be taken back to Hamas and work through, and Donald
Trump really has to allow that to happen if he
had any sense that's what he would do, and would
allow this deal to be taken to Hamas as a
starting point and negotiated further. I think Hummas would be
open to that. But the whole thing will be off
(07:29):
if Israel is allowed to go in and within three
days and to really unleash a new wave of destruction
with Donald Trump's backing. You know, Hamas is just not
going to agree to any Pea plan at that point.
I remember, already up to sixty six thousand Palestinian lives lost,
eighty percent of buildings destroyed, ninety percent of the population displaced.
I mean, the statistics speak for themselves really, but yet
(07:51):
it could get so much worse. And that's the horrifying
fact that we're facing here.
Speaker 2 (07:56):
And yet you have to say, what on earth did
Humas expect when they massacred people at a soft target
sort of music festival. They knew exactly what they were
going to unleash and said, so we wanted.
Speaker 4 (08:07):
To draw attention. It's been horrific and in no ways
would I ever want to be seen as an amas
No with what's gone on, and it's horrific. The hostages
and what they've been through. So we do need to
remember those hostages and what they are still going through.
But I think we also need to remember the horrific,
horrific suffering on the Palestinian side and it's been And
(08:30):
coming back to disproportionate, I would say, oh.
Speaker 2 (08:33):
Totally disproportionate, But that's exactly what was to be expected
if you did that on the part of Hummas. They
know Israel, they know Benjaminetta, no who you know, they
know how he operates. But the Palestinian people themselves, they
don't get us, say do they? It's just basically Hummus
decides for them whether they're going to launch an all
(08:53):
out attack on Israel, whether they accept the peace steal.
The people don't have much of a mandate.
Speaker 4 (09:01):
Yeah, yeah, there's so many innocent victims caught up in
this conflict, and this is now an imposed solution that
Donald Trump and Benny Manean know who have come up with.
Speaker 2 (09:12):
It's.
Speaker 4 (09:13):
Look, it does have others involved, and there are other
Arab states that have looked at this plan to some degree,
or looked at versions of the plan. There is some
support for it, and as I said, I don't think
we should write it off out of hand. Look a piece,
A piece is worth driving for, and we need to
continue to fight for peace here. If we just reject
(09:33):
the deal out of hand without even looking at it
and looking at the points, I think we're doing everyone
a to service here. I mean, it's very easy to
write off this plan because of the involvement of Tony Blair,
because of the way that Trump presents it all and
so forth. But I think we should look at the
It is quite it's quite a readable plan. I would
(09:54):
encourage listeners, if they're interested, to go online and have
a look at each of the points, see what they
think of it. But I would say, look one of
the big another big of another big problem here for
is you know what guarantees do they have that once
they've handed over the hostages, that Israel won't just reneg
on the deal. And in the end, it comes back
(10:14):
to the trust and the between the two sides is
just not there. So without any guarantees, what's to say
that Hamas holds up their end of the deal it
released with the return of the hostages, and then Israel
renegs and then they don't have the Hamas doesn't have
what they would see as their bargaining chip these hostages,
(10:35):
and Israel just simply goes in there and does what
it's doing right now and what it would would do
if this deal is rejected. So you know, I think
you could start with this deal, but it would need
to have a lot more specifics when it comes to
the timeline, when it comes to guarantees about how it
would actually work for it to be workable in any sense.
(10:55):
And it's always going to be the problem when you
come when with a big, big, overarching piece deal rather
than simply going for a smaller, a smaller goal such
as an immediate ceasefire and then the talk.
Speaker 2 (11:06):
And then that's sure exactly the.
Speaker 4 (11:09):
More conventional way that you start that you stop a war.
Speaker 2 (11:12):
There's nothing conventional, nothing conventional about this one. Just finally, though,
I would say the one, you know, Tony Blair will Iraq,
but then you've also got the good Friday agreement. Indeed, look, look,
and I never thought that would look.
Speaker 4 (11:31):
Indeed, look, you need someone who is credible to both sides.
So Tony Blair would be acceptable to the Israeli side.
I think with the palestinianciet, he's probably not going to
be acceptable I think he's probably a non starter. He's
acceptable to some of the Arab states involved, some of
the Gulf states would accept Tony Blair. He's not perfect,
(11:52):
but I think we shouldn't also make the perfect enemy
of the good here. And we're going to have to
find the solution to this war some one way or
the other. It's going to involve a compromise. Compromise is
a solution that both sides can live with, but it's
not but I'm not entirely happy with. So we've got
to find a solution here and a way forward. In
the end, we need peace and it is as simple
(12:14):
and as difficult as that. We need peace. We need
a mediated solution somehow to this war, and we need
to cease firefirst and foremost.
Speaker 2 (12:22):
Good to talk. I thank you for your expertise, Jeffrey Millow.
Speaker 1 (12:25):
For more from carry Wood and Mornings, listen live to
News Talks at b from nine am weekdays, or follow
the podcast on iHeartRadio.
You're listening to the Carrywood and Mornings podcast from News
Talks hed B.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
We also wanted to touch on Donald Trump's peace plan
for Gaza. He has called on Palestinians to take control
of their own future. He says the police peace plan
would see the war come to an end, Israeli troops
withdraw and hostages returned.
Speaker 3 (00:31):
The pramers of their new Middle East is so clearly
within our reach.
Speaker 2 (00:34):
This is the closest we've ever come to real peace.
The US president says he would lead a new transitional
government made up of Palestinians and experts. I'm going to
put inverted commas around that, like former British Prime Minister
Tony Blair. Is Raeli Prime Minister Benjamin yet Naho warns
(00:55):
Israel will finish the job if Hummas does not agree
to Trump's Gaza peace deal.
Speaker 3 (01:01):
But if Hamas rejects your plan, mister President, or if
they supposedly accepted and then then basically do everything to
counter it, then Israel will finish the job by itself.
This can be done the easy way, or it can
(01:23):
be done the hard way, but it will be done.
Speaker 2 (01:28):
It was Ben Minietta and Yahoom International geopolitical analyst Jeffrey
Miller joins me. Now, a very good morning to you.
Speaker 4 (01:35):
Good morning, Carrie.
Speaker 2 (01:37):
How many peace plan proposals have you poured over in
your lifetime?
Speaker 4 (01:43):
Well, that we've been through a few of them. Now,
there was a French Saudi plan that was released earlier
this month. There was with Joe Biden plan in February
last year, so we've been through a few of them. Look,
this is quite a complex deal tow twenty points. There's
a lot of points to go through, and I think
there is something in it for both sides here. Notably,
(02:04):
Israel would get back all of the forty eight hostages,
twenty living hostages, twenty eight dead hostages, and HAMAS members
would receive this amnesty, they wouldn't be pursued by Israel
any further, they would have a pathway to exile, and
Israel would not annex Gaza. That's the big commitment being made.
So there's something there for both sides. But it is
(02:25):
a complex deal. I don't think we should write it
off out of hand. Anything that's got peace written on
it is a good thing. But I think it will
be a hard deal still for Hamas to accept and
it's being presented to Hamas simply as a take it
or leave it off her, and with a seventy two
hour a deadline for Hamas to accept the deal effectively
(02:46):
or Israel will have Trump's fall backing, as he says,
to finish the job and destroy Hamas.
Speaker 2 (02:51):
It sounds quite ominous, it really does, and it is
a take it or leave it. And if they take it, Hamas,
who will agree to that, will in effect be gone.
They will have to well disband, leave, leave the country,
leave Gaza itself. What can they stand as individuals for
(03:13):
any kind of public office or is anybody associated with
Hamas just gone?
Speaker 4 (03:20):
Indeed, I think it would be the end of Himmas.
That's certainly what Israel wants. And remember that's Israel's goal
with the war is to exterminate Hamas. So I think
that's the view from Israel here. I mean, Israel would
see itself as being generous by allowing an amnesty to
these to these members, and also by not going ahead
with the full occupation of Gaza, which they're trying to
(03:42):
conduct at the moment. Israel would withdraw under this plan
to a buffer zone around the edge of Gaza, So
it wouldn't be an absolute total withdrawal, but it would
be largely withdrawal. But I think one of the big
flaws to this plan, apart from the fact that Hamas
hasn't been directly involved in the negotiation of it and
it's been negotiated just with Israel, one of the flaws
(04:03):
is that there's no timeline here. So there's these different
stages to the deal, but you won't find any timelines
in this deal for when things are going to happen,
when Israel will fully withdraw, when there will be a
transition from this international force to a Palestinian Palestinian lead
force police force. And the language and the deal about
(04:27):
providing a credible pathway to Palestinian self determination in statehood,
and that sounds really positive, but there's absolutely no real
timeline for how that would be achieved, and you sort
of wonder if it's just been added and to make
it sound good, but if there's actually no credible pathway
of getting there, you sort of wonder what's the point
and how can Hamas possibly accept something like this?
Speaker 2 (04:48):
And speaking of credible, Tony.
Speaker 4 (04:50):
Blair indeed, and Tony Blair's involvement will be a red
flag to many in the Middle East and particularly in
the Palestinian territories. Although Tony Blair has got a good
reputation to some degree in the Gulf States and other
parts of the Arab world, he certainly doesn't have a
(05:11):
good reputation for those on the ground in Gaza and
for those who anyone who's got a memory of what
happened under Iraq. So you know, this idea of an
international stabilization force, Tony Blair being involved with the Board
of Peace led by Donald Trump, it does all feel
rather iraq Esque in that sense. If you remember the
(05:32):
Coalition Provisional Authority led by Paul Bremer back in two
thousand and three, it all is ready. It's quite an
imposed solution on the Palestinians on Gaza, an international solution
devised by the United States and Israel imposed on the Palestinians,
and I just can't see it ultimately working in this form.
(05:53):
What I could see as being a starting point for
further negotiations. There are some concessions here being made by Israel,
and I think it would be good if this deal
could be taken to hamas negotiations and if it could
be worked through. I think both sides are ready for
a piece steal. It might say it might seem strange
to say that, given what we're seeing on our TV
(06:15):
screens each night, but we're coming up to two years
of this war and it's just been so destructive and
so brutal for both sides. I think that this war
can't go on forever, and so I do think we
are getting closer to a deal, but it could all
end up in tatters if the seventy two our deadline
expires and Israel just simply goes in there and becomes
(06:35):
even more destructive with Donald Trump's backing.
Speaker 2 (06:39):
Well, this war can't go on forever, but tensions in
the Middle East have ever since the Balfour Declaration.
Speaker 4 (06:47):
Indeed, indeed, and then that's has sort of the I
don't know the rhyme of history, doesn't it this with
Tony Blair coming in as if it's another version of
the British mandate from the early twentieth century, with the
British coming in and controlling Gaza, it doesn't really sit right.
(07:09):
And as I say, I think this deal needs to
be taken back to Hamas and work through, and Donald
Trump really has to allow that to happen if he
had any sense that's what he would do, and would
allow this deal to be taken to Hamas as a
starting point and negotiated further. I think Hummas would be
open to that. But the whole thing will be off
(07:29):
if Israel is allowed to go in and within three
days and to really unleash a new wave of destruction
with Donald Trump's backing. You know, Hamas is just not
going to agree to any Pea plan at that point.
I remember, already up to sixty six thousand Palestinian lives lost,
eighty percent of buildings destroyed, ninety percent of the population displaced.
I mean, the statistics speak for themselves really, but yet
(07:51):
it could get so much worse. And that's the horrifying
fact that we're facing here.
Speaker 2 (07:56):
And yet you have to say, what on earth did
Humas expect when they massacred people at a soft target
sort of music festival. They knew exactly what they were
going to unleash and said, so we wanted.
Speaker 4 (08:07):
To draw attention. It's been horrific and in no ways
would I ever want to be seen as an amas
No with what's gone on, and it's horrific. The hostages
and what they've been through. So we do need to
remember those hostages and what they are still going through.
But I think we also need to remember the horrific,
horrific suffering on the Palestinian side and it's been And
(08:30):
coming back to disproportionate, I would say, oh.
Speaker 2 (08:33):
Totally disproportionate, But that's exactly what was to be expected
if you did that on the part of Hummas. They
know Israel, they know Benjaminetta, no who you know, they
know how he operates. But the Palestinian people themselves, they
don't get us, say do they? It's just basically Hummus
decides for them whether they're going to launch an all
(08:53):
out attack on Israel, whether they accept the peace steal.
The people don't have much of a mandate.
Speaker 4 (09:01):
Yeah, yeah, there's so many innocent victims caught up in
this conflict, and this is now an imposed solution that
Donald Trump and Benny Manean know who have come up with.
Speaker 2 (09:12):
It's.
Speaker 4 (09:13):
Look, it does have others involved, and there are other
Arab states that have looked at this plan to some degree,
or looked at versions of the plan. There is some
support for it, and as I said, I don't think
we should write it off out of hand. Look a piece,
A piece is worth driving for, and we need to
continue to fight for peace here. If we just reject
(09:33):
the deal out of hand without even looking at it
and looking at the points, I think we're doing everyone
a to service here. I mean, it's very easy to
write off this plan because of the involvement of Tony Blair,
because of the way that Trump presents it all and
so forth. But I think we should look at the
It is quite it's quite a readable plan. I would
(09:54):
encourage listeners, if they're interested, to go online and have
a look at each of the points, see what they
think of it. But I would say, look one of
the big another big of another big problem here for
is you know what guarantees do they have that once
they've handed over the hostages, that Israel won't just reneg
on the deal. And in the end, it comes back
(10:14):
to the trust and the between the two sides is
just not there. So without any guarantees, what's to say
that Hamas holds up their end of the deal it
released with the return of the hostages, and then Israel
renegs and then they don't have the Hamas doesn't have
what they would see as their bargaining chip these hostages,
(10:35):
and Israel just simply goes in there and does what
it's doing right now and what it would would do
if this deal is rejected. So you know, I think
you could start with this deal, but it would need
to have a lot more specifics when it comes to
the timeline, when it comes to guarantees about how it
would actually work for it to be workable in any sense.
(10:55):
And it's always going to be the problem when you
come when with a big, big, overarching piece deal rather
than simply going for a smaller, a smaller goal such
as an immediate ceasefire and then the talk.
Speaker 2 (11:06):
And then that's sure exactly the.
Speaker 4 (11:09):
More conventional way that you start that you stop a war.
Speaker 2 (11:12):
There's nothing conventional, nothing conventional about this one. Just finally, though,
I would say the one, you know, Tony Blair will Iraq,
but then you've also got the good Friday agreement. Indeed, look, look,
and I never thought that would look.
Speaker 4 (11:31):
Indeed, look, you need someone who is credible to both sides.
So Tony Blair would be acceptable to the Israeli side.
I think with the palestinianciet, he's probably not going to
be acceptable I think he's probably a non starter. He's
acceptable to some of the Arab states involved, some of
the Gulf states would accept Tony Blair. He's not perfect,
(11:52):
but I think we shouldn't also make the perfect enemy
of the good here. And we're going to have to
find the solution to this war some one way or
the other. It's going to involve a compromise. Compromise is
a solution that both sides can live with, but it's
not but I'm not entirely happy with. So we've got
to find a solution here and a way forward. In
the end, we need peace and it is as simple
(12:14):
and as difficult as that. We need peace. We need
a mediated solution somehow to this war, and we need
to cease firefirst and foremost.
Speaker 2 (12:22):
Good to talk. I thank you for your expertise, Jeffrey Millow.
Speaker 1 (12:25):
For more from carry Wood and Mornings, listen live to
News Talks at b from nine am weekdays, or follow
the podcast on iHeartRadio.
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