August 27, 2025 • 25 mins
Mia talks with journalist David Forbes about two recent horrific anti-trans bills in North Carolina and how Democrats made them possible.
https://transnews.network/p/nc-dems-anti-trans-betrayals
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Cool Zone Media.
Speaker 2 (00:06):
Welcome to akadath Here, a podcast about things falling apart
and also sometimes about how not to put them back
together and how to fail to put them back together.
I am your host, Miya Wong, and today we are
going to be talking about the place where the anti
trians crusade began, North Carolina, and about the recent spade
(00:27):
of anti trans bills that have been passed there. And
with me to talk about this is David Forbes, an
editor and journalist with a trans news network and the
Asheville Blade. David, welcome to the show.
Speaker 3 (00:38):
Thank you.
Speaker 2 (00:39):
So I think some people, if you're listening to this show,
you may remember that North Carolina is the state that
passed the first bathroom bills. But what has gotten significantly
less attention is a everything that happened after that, and
b a series of two really sweeping and hideous anti
trans bills that have been passed in the last month
(01:02):
or so. And David wrote a really really good piece
for trans News Network about both these bills and also
how democrats in the state helped pass them. So I
want to talk about that, and I guess the place
to start is, can you talk about what these two
bills HB aight oh five and SB four four to
(01:22):
two got started.
Speaker 4 (01:24):
Sure, so of the two, HBAH five is the more
sweeping broadly, at least, they're both terrible anti trans bill.
It affects everything from changing your birth certificate to state
health plans not covering trans healthcare to really ominously like
what jail or prison you get put into if you're
(01:45):
a trans person and you're arrested. That one, it's kind
of a laundry list of you know, far right anti
trans ideas. The other SB four forty two is one
of those where it takes some digging. And here I'm
really thankful that TNN's policy analyst, who I think y'all
have had on herttem's Kareean Green in the show, was
actually there to yes, was a huge help in reviewing
(02:07):
this bill. I've been covered with North Carolina politics and
it's various horrors for a long time. But even still,
it's good to have like legislative expertise on that. And
SA four forty two changes the definition of child abuse
to not include transphobic child abuse. Essentially, it was written
(02:29):
against the very fictional specter of like, oh, if you
have questions about this trans stuff and you get your
kids pronouns wrong, DSS could come like snatch them overnight,
which is not a thing that has ever happened, no,
including them, especially North Carolina, Like yeah, yeah, so, but
what it does is just bluntly open the way, especially
(02:50):
in the state foster care system, for just anti trans
bigotry across the board. You know, at this point it's like, okay, well,
placement can be ni based on someone's religion or their race,
and being a trans vote, you know, it's like that's
that's being added those protected identities. It's also essentially letting
(03:12):
the ground work for just even more legal sanctioning of
conversion therapy, which is of course torture and abuse. I
think Cream summed up as that if you if you
don't have a transkid to abuse, foster care will provide
one for yeah, which is it's really bleak. Yeah we chuckle,
but it's we chuckle and like gallows humor because it's
that absurd. So SB four forty two was the one
(03:34):
that kind of went through the whole legislative process first,
and in some ways it had less of a party
line treatment than HB eighth five eventually did so you know,
say credit where do But NC Senate Democrats, of whom
there aren't terribly many, but there are some did universally
vote against this bill. They were like, no, we're not
(03:56):
approving it. However, the GOP has a two thirds majority
in there, so it's really not as necessary. They can
potentially override a veto. And they're where things really came
down to as North Caronina House, and they are nine
Democrats joined with the Republicans to pass this, and then
it got to the desk of Governor Josh Stein, who
wanted a landslide last year. Like North Carolina Democrats, despite
(04:20):
how Jerry mayor of the state is, which we'll talk
about more in a little bit, actually did pretty well.
The GOP no longer had a super majority in the House,
and the Democratic candidate for governor, former Attorney General Josh Stein,
won in a route.
Speaker 3 (04:33):
So essentially that was supposed to prevent bills.
Speaker 4 (04:37):
Like this from becoming law because, Okay, if the Dems
held the line in the North Carolina the House, the
Republicans own the supermajority, then the governor vetos it, then
they can't override the veto.
Speaker 3 (04:47):
That didn't happen.
Speaker 4 (04:48):
So not only did nine Democrats side with Republicans, Stein
signed the bill, yeah, which is hideous. Yeah, and it
was it was bleakly insul the way he did it too,
because it was just like he didn't even issue a
statement or oh, like, well we still believe in trans rights.
This is a bureaucratic thing or even bother to make
(05:09):
an excuse. It was just tuck in a list of
bills that he signed that day alongside like some other
bureaucratic stuff involving like retirement communities and recognizing driver's licenses.
So it's definitely kind of insult to injury sort of situation. Interestingly,
North Carolina's gay ink organizations, you're kind of like the
main line nonprofits and in North kind of there's like
(05:30):
a quality and see there's a campaignsion the quality, which
is regional but is based in the state here in Nashville.
They actually had been very strongly against this bill, despite
some Democrats supporting it, but they stopped short, as will
become a theme with condemning.
Speaker 3 (05:45):
Or attacking any of the Democrats who.
Speaker 4 (05:47):
Did, which was a giant signal that this is not
an issue you're really going to fight Democrats on so
the governor then thinks, well, there's no political capital be
lost signing this thing. On the same day, he did
veto HB eightoh five I, along with a bunch of
other bills targeting, you know, in quote Mark's dei measures,
which are basically attempts to smash out anything that's not
(06:08):
far right and further research shape the state, and he
did veto those. The language you use, though, was definitely
what a lot of us become used to. It's the oh,
this was divisive. No trans people mentioned, no trans healthcare mention,
no trans rights mentioned, just vaguely, well, this is divisive
and it's a distraction. So HB EIGHTO five does actually
(06:29):
go back to the legislature, and one Democrat had voted
for HBAO five, So there was a tension turning of Okay,
is this guy gonna still vote for a veto override
Representative Dante Pittman, because it's a big deal, supposedly anyway,
for a Democrat to defy their own governor. It's one
thing when it's like you're just okay, you know the
bill's going to pass. It's still horrible, but it's supposedly
(06:51):
a harder bar to reach, or at least that's what
various you know, instensibly pro Queer Democrats are telling us
for them to go on the record be like no,
I'm joining with the other party to own varide your
veto and like give you the middle finger, essentially. But
what happened when he got to the House, he actually
did did vote to hold with the veto. But another
representative's been out on a pretty dubious excused absence when
(07:12):
HBOO five was ritually they're Democratic rep Nasif Maajid voted
in favor.
Speaker 3 (07:17):
Yeah, and that was enough to make it law.
Speaker 4 (07:21):
So the one thing that among queer and transing North
Carolina who liked a lot of their places, voted very
heavily against the Republicans, you know, for the Democratic candidates
and all. It's one reason they did fairly well last
year to stop exactly this sort of legislation becoming law.
It just became law, and it did so thanks to
members of the Democratic Party and in one bill, the
(07:43):
Democratic governor.
Speaker 2 (07:54):
Both of these bills are unbelievably draconian, like these are
things that even like two years ago, like banning state
funding for like all trans healthcare.
Speaker 3 (08:05):
Well for the state health plan. We should specify.
Speaker 2 (08:07):
Yeah, yeah, sorry, it is like the state health care
but co And this is at least my understanding of it,
is that this is a ban on.
Speaker 4 (08:13):
All ages, yes, for anyone on the state health care plan.
So if someone is a state employee or a teacher, yeah,
or like your kids are exactly, and it's kin. Actually
it's close to home for me because I grew up
poor in North Carolina and one of the only reasons
we had health care growing up was my mom, as
poorly paid as she was, was a public school teacher.
(08:34):
So you know, it's a trans kid in where I was.
Now where we know, you know, it's easier for trans
kids to know who they are. It's not quite as
a race as it was back in the nineties. Ye
can't get health care a trains adult who's a teacher
can't have their health care covered anymore.
Speaker 2 (08:51):
And that's a thing that like two years ago, Ron
DeSantis wasn't calling for this. No, right, the Daily Wire
at that point, like two years ago, is explicitly calling
for trans extorminacious things, but they're not specifically proposing adults
can't use trans healthcare. That's not a thing like, yeah,
that was that was even on the table, and now
(09:11):
you have like you have a Democrat overwriting their own
governor's veto to get this through.
Speaker 4 (09:16):
Yes, a Democrat in a solidly blue district. Magine's district
is in the middle of Charlotte, which for folks who
may I mean it familiar to sit like Charlott's largest
city here and it is not known for being like
at least on voting law, as it doesn't go for
the GOP generally.
Speaker 2 (09:31):
Yeah, and then this is the same point that I
want to make about this bill, like redefining what child
abuse is like even by the standards of sort of
like far right anti trans bills, those are really weird
and radical.
Speaker 4 (09:47):
Korean said it was one of the worst that she'd
seen in the country as far as like on the
childcare front.
Speaker 2 (09:53):
From my covering of this too, Yeah, this is one
of the worst things I've ever seen, and the Democratic
Party has to.
Speaker 4 (09:59):
It passed with nine Democrats in favor and the governor
signed it. Yeah, that's unbelievably horrifying.
Speaker 5 (10:05):
Yeah.
Speaker 2 (10:06):
And the fact that the queer wargs in the state
were unwilling to condemn the Democrats who passed this is
just horrifying.
Speaker 4 (10:14):
It is, and actually goes one further than that, because
afterwards they didn't even bother to put out perfunctory oh,
we're disappointed, Governor's stein, you know, we will continue to
try to fight this legislation in court or something like that.
They did nothing. Yeah, they just they went silent. So
and you know, their condinations of SB four forty two,
especially before this bill passed, they were all correct. It
(10:36):
is horrible. It does sanction child abuse. It is horrific
on every single front. It is a catastrophe. It is
draconian all that. It didn't stop being so when Democrats
started supporting it. Yeah, the kids hurt by this family's
hurt by this aren't going to be any less hurt
because a Democrat signed on to it.
Speaker 5 (10:54):
Yeah.
Speaker 2 (10:54):
And before we go to break the thing I want
to sort of close this section with is that, like,
you know, I think it's a very very common thing
to focus on, like, okay, why are you focusing on
the Democrats right now when the Republicans are doing all
of this stuff. And this is a case where very
explicitly and this is the dynamic I think you've seen
across the board with for example, like Chuck Schumer like
(11:17):
helping to get their Republican budget through right. Yes, the
stuff the Republicans are doing, a lot of it can't
be implemented without the support of the Democrats, and the
Democrats have been willing to support the fascist government implementing
this stuff, and that makes them a collaborationist party. Yes,
(11:38):
in a lot of extremely important cases. And when that happens.
In North Carolina is one of the places at the forefront,
and it has been at the forefront for like a decade,
for nearly a decade, but yeah, for nearly a decade.
It's like eight years, seven seven, eight years nine nine.
Speaker 4 (11:55):
As of this year, it's nine years since HB two.
Good Lord along in the spring of twenty six six.
Speaker 3 (12:00):
Yeah, oh that is yeah.
Speaker 2 (12:02):
This is do not do not go to sleep at
five in the morning and then try to do math
live on the area. It will come for you too,
really truly, it was China s attract sixteenth of Okay,
this is this, this, this, this, this is your one
moment of levity and a bunch of extremely bleak shit.
Isn't be trying and failing to do math on air. Look,
(12:23):
I can drive, that's and I'm sticking to it. But
what we were seeing here is the way in which
like resistance to the GUOPN this is a place like
North Carolina is a state where in the midst of
a just unbelievable national right wing turn right queer people
turned out to stop this. Yeah, and their reward for
(12:47):
their resistance was the people that they had put in
charge of defending them, and in as staggering of an
example of the banality of evil as I've ever seen,
just signed this horrific piece of anti trans legislation that
couldn't have been passed without them into effect in the
same thing as like fucking as a bunch of regulatory bullshit.
Speaker 3 (13:09):
Yeah, and then Gaying did nothing.
Speaker 4 (13:12):
The groups they're supposed to lobby at the football this
is the point of their existence in nothing. Yeah, at
that point, they just they let they let it go,
you know, on the next fundraising cycle, onto the next
AI meme too on your page to boost you know,
content generation or whatever.
Speaker 5 (13:28):
And here we are, and we are back.
Speaker 2 (13:41):
Now for the brevity of this show, I am not
going to go into my giant rant about how this
is what happened with mid Rand and the French socialists
and how mid Rand and the Socialist Party instituted neoliberal
isab in France. But Coma we are instead of instead
of doing that, or me going on another rant about
the absorption of social movements the Nies of Bolivia, or
(14:03):
another rant about the seventeen different iterations of this that
we've seen over the years. See my episodes on Lula,
see many many, many, many many things I've done. We're
going to go back and talk about this in the
context of North Carolina because I think there's a really
very a very important thread that David you have been
pulling on in this piece and in general that is
(14:27):
really not well understood anywhere. That is about the structure
and function of the Democratic Party in the South and
the way that North Carolina has functioned is it's sort
of like the moderate human face of like the Greensboro massacre.
Speaker 3 (14:46):
Oh my, yeah. And so this is one of those
where to start thing.
Speaker 4 (14:49):
There's a quote that I have in the piece by
civil rights historian Timothy Tyson that, since I read it,
I think over a decade ago, really just kind of
hit me like a hammer and is kind of simple.
All the experience I've seen as a you know, impoverished
trans woman living in North Carolina and covering you know,
local state government and how federal government works on the
ground here too, Like beneath the green ivy of civility
(15:13):
that a stone wall of coercion. Yeah, and that is
one of the better summaries, and it applies other circumstances too,
but it is it just perfectly sums up kind of
the historical real the North Kinne Democratic Party. And when
Tyson was doing that, he was tracing this whole history
from the eighteen ninety eight Wilmington Cudaeta and massacre, which
(15:33):
is one of the most decisive.
Speaker 3 (15:35):
Events in American history.
Speaker 4 (15:36):
And I'd even say in like the history of the
rise of fascism too, to the current day. He was
writing the late nineties and is part of a project
of historians. And one of the terms they were using
was has this progressive mystique while you were having governors
on their southern states during the Civil Rights era, where
you know, giving angry speeches from courthouses and things like that,
(15:58):
and North Carolina was trying to be the moderate example
of the South. Oh, you know, we put money into
look at all these schools and roads were building this
college system we're building. We just built Research Triangle Park,
you know, we're we're attracting, you know. It's the too
busy to hate kind of myth. And on that note,
they generally were more careful about repression, but it still happened.
(16:21):
You know, North crowd doesn't make the headlines and some
of the like Selma did, for example, But there was
a history of riots and a brutal attemps of repression
from the forties all the way to the seventies yep,
in North Carolina. And they happened like in almost every city,
major city there is here, you know, and some that
weren't so major.
Speaker 2 (16:41):
That's the thing that we've I've talked about a little
bit on the show with the Holy Week uprising and
the sort of the whole wave of riots kind of
culminating in the assassination of Martin Luther King. But like, yeah,
like statistically, most of the riots that happened in that
entire period happened in these small and midsize cities. Yeah,
that have just like this memory which has just been
completely fucking buried. Yeah, and North Carolina, as you say,
(17:03):
like it's one of the critical.
Speaker 3 (17:04):
Sites of this.
Speaker 4 (17:06):
Yeah, Durham was rioting in the forties. Yeah, like that,
that's how far back it goes. And I think a
lot of time people think, oh, well, not much happen
in this era, and I think it's just a lack
of knowledge of history, especially radical history. Did it not
happen or was it suppressed? And then erase, yeah, yeah,
and that happened a lot of this, So you had,
you know, and figures like Governor Terry Samfert the time,
(17:27):
who was you know, famous North Caroline Democrat. And yeah,
if the klan was like openly marching to murder people,
he might say like, okay, look a massacre's bad news.
We are going to like put the state troopers out
to them from doing that. But a lot of civil
rights activists end up dead, yeah, you know, or there's
still like violent crackdowns, you know, during the Greensboro if
(17:47):
he was a site at both of some really well
organized like civil rights efforts and sit ins and more
radical action too, but also have a lot of repression.
You know, by nineteen seventy nine, when the States boosters
are portraying, you know, all that evil is a thing
of the past, This anti racist marched or anti clan
Mark specifically organized by this communist group in Greensboro, was
(18:10):
massacred the clan and Neo Nazis came in. They just
opened fire on people. Largely they were acquitted later and
ensuing years, a lot of investigation has been done into
this and various levels of local and state and aft
the fact federal law enforcement were very complicit and things
ranging from just kind of trying to sweep it under
the rug to outright especially the local level like cooperating
(18:33):
with the clan. A lot of them were either aware
this is going on and did nothing to stop it,
or even actively fed the clan information. There's a book
recently called Morningside that goes into a lot of a
lot of this detail that encourage folks to take a
look at. But that's the reality of North Carolina, and
that's the reality beneath the progressive mystique. And one of
the historians I quote in the piece mentioned that this
(18:56):
is an exquisite instrument of social control, because you've kind
of already framed the discussion as, oh, it's just this
genteel civil thing. We'll hear you out. Just be a
little more patient. But if stuff ever really escalates, there
is the option of just flat out smears violence and massacre,
and knowing the history of North Carolina, you know a
(19:17):
lot of this was directed at black North Carolinians, but
also it was used to crush labor stuff. A lot
of the people killed in the Greensboro massacre were also
organizing in the textile mills. And North Carolina under the
Democrats under their moderate period had and continues to have
some of the most draconian anti labor laws in the country,
which takes some work. So that's kind of the reality
(19:39):
in North Carolina and of the Democratic Party here, and
they lean on that mystique heavily, and honestly, I think
a lot of it is what they evoke. As you know,
we're the defenders of the sane, sensible civil status quo.
Even saw some Mustein's statements about HBAO five when he
did veto it, it's like, well, this is divisive, it's
making too many ways. We need to get back to business,
(19:59):
which they not just a business garment. They literally mean business.
We're marketing the state and making more money and then
never means making more money for the gentry. See, that's
kind of the reality of North Carolina. Beneath this kind
of you know how things supposedly are better and more
progressive here in the end of the day, you can
still get massacred.
Speaker 2 (20:19):
Yeah, And I think on a sort of structural level, right,
I think there's going to be people who are being like, well, Okay,
why the fuck do I give a shit about North Carolina?
And one and this is something that you point out
in the piece, and something that's really obvious if you
spend literally any time in the South. Is that what
I think? It's thirty six percent of the South is like,
what's what's the actual number? I should have looked this
(20:41):
up before.
Speaker 4 (20:42):
So of the national population of queer and trans people,
thirty six percent live in the South, which is far
more than any other region, like by a wide market
I think, under the same twenty twenty three calculation. And
there was another reason story that they came out swiftly
about trans people. All these have h it is a
general rule that trans people, especially in area where they
(21:04):
are more legally and violently marginalized, are wildly undercounted. Ye,
but it maps to about the same numbers I think
of trains people in the country. The SME population is
about thirty three to thirty six percent live in the
South and in the in the twenty twenty three one
The next highest amount live in the Midwest, which is
kind of different from how you see things portrayed that
you know, we're just this, yeah, this coastal you know it,
(21:25):
lad Bohemians on a few coastal cities. As a matter
of fact, there are a lot of trains people in
the South and the Midwest. Yeah, we've been here for ages,
We're still here. Yeah, Yeah, it's it's it's it's North Carolina,
it's Texas, it's fucking New Orleans, West Virginia, Florida, you know.
Speaker 2 (21:41):
Yeah, and again like in terms of like okay, so
I'm not in those places, like A, but we all
have a responsibility to all queer people as cooor people,
right like we have we have, we have responsibility to
each other, and we should fucking fight for each other.
And b you can look at what happened in North Carolina,
and it was deliberately This is the place where the
(22:03):
right wing's anti trans strategy was born, and it was
exported from the success that they had in North Carolina
to the entire rest of the fucking country. Yes, right
with the bathroom bills, and this is something we're going
to get into it a second, with the way the
Democratic Party like didn't react to those bathroom bills. The
last point that I want to make here is that
(22:24):
this strategy of control is also very similar to the
one that the Democrats use in places like San Francisco,
where you have this sort of progressive veneer over. You
know that the constellation well I guess, I guess the
constellation of class forces is getting more similar as big
tech moves into like that part of the South. But
(22:47):
you know, it's this constellation of like, oh, hey, we
are the queer rights Party, but our actual interests are
this combination of housing developers' landlords and tech giants, and
so as an a of social control, we're going to
do this like, hey, we're extremely pro trends stuff, and
then we're going to throw a whole bunch of fucking
trends homeless people into concentration camps. Yeah, and that's the
(23:11):
thing that like, you know, we're gonna I'm going to
talk more about this on the show another time. With
the ways that Trump's anti homeless executive orders, some of
the models for it are the way that sweeps have
been working in places like Oakland's. We've talked about this
on the show before, but yeah, this mechanism of social
(23:34):
control is one that's really really widespread. And the South
operates as a laboratory for that too, in the same
way that it operates the laboratory for the right.
Speaker 4 (23:43):
Yeah, and I think that's really important because since this
is the point, I can't I can't hone this point
enough and make it sharp enough. Frankly, folks need to
take it really seriously. Whether you call the South or
not fascist do the far right does, and they have
for a long long time, if you did, not as
a place to ignore, but as a place to consolidate
power and try out their tactics. Too often, the left,
(24:06):
even the queer left, has not. We have all suffered
for it.
Speaker 2 (24:10):
Yeah, and this is the whole thing for the historical
left right, Like one of the things that broke the
American labor movement was the defeat of the CIO in
the South. Yeah, I mean all the way back to
I mean events you were literally talking about, like the
defeat of reconstruction. This is why this country is like this.
And if you don't want the country to be like this,
you have to fucking fight in the South. Yes, that's
(24:32):
all we've got time for for today, But tomorrow we
will be back to talk about the long and sordid
history of the Democratic Party's progressive veneer in North Carolina
and what truly lies beneath it, and we will look
at how the original response to the twenty sixteen bathroom
bills set the stage for both Democratic Party in North
(24:54):
Carolina's passing ADVANTI trans laws today and the future of
the rest of the country.
Speaker 1 (25:02):
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For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website
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Speaker 2 (25:13):
Listen to podcasts.
Speaker 1 (25:15):
You can now find sources for It Could Happen here,
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Cool Zone Media.
Speaker 2 (00:06):
Welcome to akadath Here, a podcast about things falling apart
and also sometimes about how not to put them back
together and how to fail to put them back together.
I am your host, Miya Wong, and today we are
going to be talking about the place where the anti
trians crusade began, North Carolina, and about the recent spade
(00:27):
of anti trans bills that have been passed there. And
with me to talk about this is David Forbes, an
editor and journalist with a trans news network and the
Asheville Blade. David, welcome to the show.
Speaker 3 (00:38):
Thank you.
Speaker 2 (00:39):
So I think some people, if you're listening to this show,
you may remember that North Carolina is the state that
passed the first bathroom bills. But what has gotten significantly
less attention is a everything that happened after that, and
b a series of two really sweeping and hideous anti
trans bills that have been passed in the last month
(01:02):
or so. And David wrote a really really good piece
for trans News Network about both these bills and also
how democrats in the state helped pass them. So I
want to talk about that, and I guess the place
to start is, can you talk about what these two
bills HB aight oh five and SB four four to
(01:22):
two got started.
Speaker 4 (01:24):
Sure, so of the two, HBAH five is the more
sweeping broadly, at least, they're both terrible anti trans bill.
It affects everything from changing your birth certificate to state
health plans not covering trans healthcare to really ominously like
what jail or prison you get put into if you're
(01:45):
a trans person and you're arrested. That one, it's kind
of a laundry list of you know, far right anti
trans ideas. The other SB four forty two is one
of those where it takes some digging. And here I'm
really thankful that TNN's policy analyst, who I think y'all
have had on herttem's Kareean Green in the show, was
actually there to yes, was a huge help in reviewing
(02:07):
this bill. I've been covered with North Carolina politics and
it's various horrors for a long time. But even still,
it's good to have like legislative expertise on that. And
SA four forty two changes the definition of child abuse
to not include transphobic child abuse. Essentially, it was written
(02:29):
against the very fictional specter of like, oh, if you
have questions about this trans stuff and you get your
kids pronouns wrong, DSS could come like snatch them overnight,
which is not a thing that has ever happened, no,
including them, especially North Carolina, Like yeah, yeah, so, but
what it does is just bluntly open the way, especially
(02:50):
in the state foster care system, for just anti trans
bigotry across the board. You know, at this point it's like, okay, well,
placement can be ni based on someone's religion or their race,
and being a trans vote, you know, it's like that's
that's being added those protected identities. It's also essentially letting
(03:12):
the ground work for just even more legal sanctioning of
conversion therapy, which is of course torture and abuse. I
think Cream summed up as that if you if you
don't have a transkid to abuse, foster care will provide
one for yeah, which is it's really bleak. Yeah we chuckle,
but it's we chuckle and like gallows humor because it's
that absurd. So SB four forty two was the one
(03:34):
that kind of went through the whole legislative process first,
and in some ways it had less of a party
line treatment than HB eighth five eventually did so you know,
say credit where do But NC Senate Democrats, of whom
there aren't terribly many, but there are some did universally
vote against this bill. They were like, no, we're not
(03:56):
approving it. However, the GOP has a two thirds majority
in there, so it's really not as necessary. They can
potentially override a veto. And they're where things really came
down to as North Caronina House, and they are nine
Democrats joined with the Republicans to pass this, and then
it got to the desk of Governor Josh Stein, who
wanted a landslide last year. Like North Carolina Democrats, despite
(04:20):
how Jerry mayor of the state is, which we'll talk
about more in a little bit, actually did pretty well.
The GOP no longer had a super majority in the House,
and the Democratic candidate for governor, former Attorney General Josh Stein,
won in a route.
Speaker 3 (04:33):
So essentially that was supposed to prevent bills.
Speaker 4 (04:37):
Like this from becoming law because, Okay, if the Dems
held the line in the North Carolina the House, the
Republicans own the supermajority, then the governor vetos it, then
they can't override the veto.
Speaker 3 (04:47):
That didn't happen.
Speaker 4 (04:48):
So not only did nine Democrats side with Republicans, Stein
signed the bill, yeah, which is hideous. Yeah, and it
was it was bleakly insul the way he did it too,
because it was just like he didn't even issue a
statement or oh, like, well we still believe in trans rights.
This is a bureaucratic thing or even bother to make
(05:09):
an excuse. It was just tuck in a list of
bills that he signed that day alongside like some other
bureaucratic stuff involving like retirement communities and recognizing driver's licenses.
So it's definitely kind of insult to injury sort of situation. Interestingly,
North Carolina's gay ink organizations, you're kind of like the
main line nonprofits and in North kind of there's like
(05:30):
a quality and see there's a campaignsion the quality, which
is regional but is based in the state here in Nashville.
They actually had been very strongly against this bill, despite
some Democrats supporting it, but they stopped short, as will
become a theme with condemning.
Speaker 3 (05:45):
Or attacking any of the Democrats who.
Speaker 4 (05:47):
Did, which was a giant signal that this is not
an issue you're really going to fight Democrats on so
the governor then thinks, well, there's no political capital be
lost signing this thing. On the same day, he did
veto HB eightoh five I, along with a bunch of
other bills targeting, you know, in quote Mark's dei measures,
which are basically attempts to smash out anything that's not
(06:08):
far right and further research shape the state, and he
did veto those. The language you use, though, was definitely
what a lot of us become used to. It's the oh,
this was divisive. No trans people mentioned, no trans healthcare mention,
no trans rights mentioned, just vaguely, well, this is divisive
and it's a distraction. So HB EIGHTO five does actually
(06:29):
go back to the legislature, and one Democrat had voted
for HBAO five, So there was a tension turning of Okay,
is this guy gonna still vote for a veto override
Representative Dante Pittman, because it's a big deal, supposedly anyway,
for a Democrat to defy their own governor. It's one
thing when it's like you're just okay, you know the
bill's going to pass. It's still horrible, but it's supposedly
(06:51):
a harder bar to reach, or at least that's what
various you know, instensibly pro Queer Democrats are telling us
for them to go on the record be like no,
I'm joining with the other party to own varide your
veto and like give you the middle finger, essentially. But
what happened when he got to the House, he actually
did did vote to hold with the veto. But another
representative's been out on a pretty dubious excused absence when
(07:12):
HBOO five was ritually they're Democratic rep Nasif Maajid voted
in favor.
Speaker 3 (07:17):
Yeah, and that was enough to make it law.
Speaker 4 (07:21):
So the one thing that among queer and transing North
Carolina who liked a lot of their places, voted very
heavily against the Republicans, you know, for the Democratic candidates
and all. It's one reason they did fairly well last
year to stop exactly this sort of legislation becoming law.
It just became law, and it did so thanks to
members of the Democratic Party and in one bill, the
(07:43):
Democratic governor.
Speaker 2 (07:54):
Both of these bills are unbelievably draconian, like these are
things that even like two years ago, like banning state
funding for like all trans healthcare.
Speaker 3 (08:05):
Well for the state health plan. We should specify.
Speaker 2 (08:07):
Yeah, yeah, sorry, it is like the state health care
but co And this is at least my understanding of it,
is that this is a ban on.
Speaker 4 (08:13):
All ages, yes, for anyone on the state health care plan.
So if someone is a state employee or a teacher, yeah,
or like your kids are exactly, and it's kin. Actually
it's close to home for me because I grew up
poor in North Carolina and one of the only reasons
we had health care growing up was my mom, as
poorly paid as she was, was a public school teacher.
(08:34):
So you know, it's a trans kid in where I was.
Now where we know, you know, it's easier for trans
kids to know who they are. It's not quite as
a race as it was back in the nineties. Ye
can't get health care a trains adult who's a teacher
can't have their health care covered anymore.
Speaker 2 (08:51):
And that's a thing that like two years ago, Ron
DeSantis wasn't calling for this. No, right, the Daily Wire
at that point, like two years ago, is explicitly calling
for trans extorminacious things, but they're not specifically proposing adults
can't use trans healthcare. That's not a thing like, yeah,
that was that was even on the table, and now
(09:11):
you have like you have a Democrat overwriting their own
governor's veto to get this through.
Speaker 4 (09:16):
Yes, a Democrat in a solidly blue district. Magine's district
is in the middle of Charlotte, which for folks who
may I mean it familiar to sit like Charlott's largest
city here and it is not known for being like
at least on voting law, as it doesn't go for
the GOP generally.
Speaker 2 (09:31):
Yeah, and then this is the same point that I
want to make about this bill, like redefining what child
abuse is like even by the standards of sort of
like far right anti trans bills, those are really weird
and radical.
Speaker 4 (09:47):
Korean said it was one of the worst that she'd
seen in the country as far as like on the
childcare front.
Speaker 2 (09:53):
From my covering of this too, Yeah, this is one
of the worst things I've ever seen, and the Democratic
Party has to.
Speaker 4 (09:59):
It passed with nine Democrats in favor and the governor
signed it. Yeah, that's unbelievably horrifying.
Speaker 5 (10:05):
Yeah.
Speaker 2 (10:06):
And the fact that the queer wargs in the state
were unwilling to condemn the Democrats who passed this is
just horrifying.
Speaker 4 (10:14):
It is, and actually goes one further than that, because
afterwards they didn't even bother to put out perfunctory oh,
we're disappointed, Governor's stein, you know, we will continue to
try to fight this legislation in court or something like that.
They did nothing. Yeah, they just they went silent. So
and you know, their condinations of SB four forty two,
especially before this bill passed, they were all correct. It
(10:36):
is horrible. It does sanction child abuse. It is horrific
on every single front. It is a catastrophe. It is
draconian all that. It didn't stop being so when Democrats
started supporting it. Yeah, the kids hurt by this family's
hurt by this aren't going to be any less hurt
because a Democrat signed on to it.
Speaker 5 (10:54):
Yeah.
Speaker 2 (10:54):
And before we go to break the thing I want
to sort of close this section with is that, like,
you know, I think it's a very very common thing
to focus on, like, okay, why are you focusing on
the Democrats right now when the Republicans are doing all
of this stuff. And this is a case where very
explicitly and this is the dynamic I think you've seen
across the board with for example, like Chuck Schumer like
(11:17):
helping to get their Republican budget through right. Yes, the
stuff the Republicans are doing, a lot of it can't
be implemented without the support of the Democrats, and the
Democrats have been willing to support the fascist government implementing
this stuff, and that makes them a collaborationist party. Yes,
(11:38):
in a lot of extremely important cases. And when that happens.
In North Carolina is one of the places at the forefront,
and it has been at the forefront for like a decade,
for nearly a decade, but yeah, for nearly a decade.
It's like eight years, seven seven, eight years nine nine.
Speaker 4 (11:55):
As of this year, it's nine years since HB two.
Good Lord along in the spring of twenty six six.
Speaker 3 (12:00):
Yeah, oh that is yeah.
Speaker 2 (12:02):
This is do not do not go to sleep at
five in the morning and then try to do math
live on the area. It will come for you too,
really truly, it was China s attract sixteenth of Okay,
this is this, this, this, this, this is your one
moment of levity and a bunch of extremely bleak shit.
Isn't be trying and failing to do math on air. Look,
(12:23):
I can drive, that's and I'm sticking to it. But
what we were seeing here is the way in which
like resistance to the GUOPN this is a place like
North Carolina is a state where in the midst of
a just unbelievable national right wing turn right queer people
turned out to stop this. Yeah, and their reward for
(12:47):
their resistance was the people that they had put in
charge of defending them, and in as staggering of an
example of the banality of evil as I've ever seen,
just signed this horrific piece of anti trans legislation that
couldn't have been passed without them into effect in the
same thing as like fucking as a bunch of regulatory bullshit.
Speaker 3 (13:09):
Yeah, and then Gaying did nothing.
Speaker 4 (13:12):
The groups they're supposed to lobby at the football this
is the point of their existence in nothing. Yeah, at
that point, they just they let they let it go,
you know, on the next fundraising cycle, onto the next
AI meme too on your page to boost you know,
content generation or whatever.
Speaker 5 (13:28):
And here we are, and we are back.
Speaker 2 (13:41):
Now for the brevity of this show, I am not
going to go into my giant rant about how this
is what happened with mid Rand and the French socialists
and how mid Rand and the Socialist Party instituted neoliberal
isab in France. But Coma we are instead of instead
of doing that, or me going on another rant about
the absorption of social movements the Nies of Bolivia, or
(14:03):
another rant about the seventeen different iterations of this that
we've seen over the years. See my episodes on Lula,
see many many, many, many many things I've done. We're
going to go back and talk about this in the
context of North Carolina because I think there's a really
very a very important thread that David you have been
pulling on in this piece and in general that is
(14:27):
really not well understood anywhere. That is about the structure
and function of the Democratic Party in the South and
the way that North Carolina has functioned is it's sort
of like the moderate human face of like the Greensboro massacre.
Speaker 3 (14:46):
Oh my, yeah. And so this is one of those
where to start thing.
Speaker 4 (14:49):
There's a quote that I have in the piece by
civil rights historian Timothy Tyson that, since I read it,
I think over a decade ago, really just kind of
hit me like a hammer and is kind of simple.
All the experience I've seen as a you know, impoverished
trans woman living in North Carolina and covering you know,
local state government and how federal government works on the
ground here too, Like beneath the green ivy of civility
(15:13):
that a stone wall of coercion. Yeah, and that is
one of the better summaries, and it applies other circumstances too,
but it is it just perfectly sums up kind of
the historical real the North Kinne Democratic Party. And when
Tyson was doing that, he was tracing this whole history
from the eighteen ninety eight Wilmington Cudaeta and massacre, which
(15:33):
is one of the most decisive.
Speaker 3 (15:35):
Events in American history.
Speaker 4 (15:36):
And I'd even say in like the history of the
rise of fascism too, to the current day. He was
writing the late nineties and is part of a project
of historians. And one of the terms they were using
was has this progressive mystique while you were having governors
on their southern states during the Civil Rights era, where
you know, giving angry speeches from courthouses and things like that,
(15:58):
and North Carolina was trying to be the moderate example
of the South. Oh, you know, we put money into
look at all these schools and roads were building this
college system we're building. We just built Research Triangle Park,
you know, we're we're attracting, you know. It's the too
busy to hate kind of myth. And on that note,
they generally were more careful about repression, but it still happened.
(16:21):
You know, North crowd doesn't make the headlines and some
of the like Selma did, for example, But there was
a history of riots and a brutal attemps of repression
from the forties all the way to the seventies yep,
in North Carolina. And they happened like in almost every city,
major city there is here, you know, and some that
weren't so major.
Speaker 2 (16:41):
That's the thing that we've I've talked about a little
bit on the show with the Holy Week uprising and
the sort of the whole wave of riots kind of
culminating in the assassination of Martin Luther King. But like, yeah,
like statistically, most of the riots that happened in that
entire period happened in these small and midsize cities. Yeah,
that have just like this memory which has just been
completely fucking buried. Yeah, and North Carolina, as you say,
(17:03):
like it's one of the critical.
Speaker 3 (17:04):
Sites of this.
Speaker 4 (17:06):
Yeah, Durham was rioting in the forties. Yeah, like that,
that's how far back it goes. And I think a
lot of time people think, oh, well, not much happen
in this era, and I think it's just a lack
of knowledge of history, especially radical history. Did it not
happen or was it suppressed? And then erase, yeah, yeah,
and that happened a lot of this, So you had,
you know, and figures like Governor Terry Samfert the time,
(17:27):
who was you know, famous North Caroline Democrat. And yeah,
if the klan was like openly marching to murder people,
he might say like, okay, look a massacre's bad news.
We are going to like put the state troopers out
to them from doing that. But a lot of civil
rights activists end up dead, yeah, you know, or there's
still like violent crackdowns, you know, during the Greensboro if
(17:47):
he was a site at both of some really well
organized like civil rights efforts and sit ins and more
radical action too, but also have a lot of repression.
You know, by nineteen seventy nine, when the States boosters
are portraying, you know, all that evil is a thing
of the past, This anti racist marched or anti clan
Mark specifically organized by this communist group in Greensboro, was
(18:10):
massacred the clan and Neo Nazis came in. They just
opened fire on people. Largely they were acquitted later and
ensuing years, a lot of investigation has been done into
this and various levels of local and state and aft
the fact federal law enforcement were very complicit and things
ranging from just kind of trying to sweep it under
the rug to outright especially the local level like cooperating
(18:33):
with the clan. A lot of them were either aware
this is going on and did nothing to stop it,
or even actively fed the clan information. There's a book
recently called Morningside that goes into a lot of a
lot of this detail that encourage folks to take a
look at. But that's the reality of North Carolina, and
that's the reality beneath the progressive mystique. And one of
the historians I quote in the piece mentioned that this
(18:56):
is an exquisite instrument of social control, because you've kind
of already framed the discussion as, oh, it's just this
genteel civil thing. We'll hear you out. Just be a
little more patient. But if stuff ever really escalates, there
is the option of just flat out smears violence and massacre,
and knowing the history of North Carolina, you know a
(19:17):
lot of this was directed at black North Carolinians, but
also it was used to crush labor stuff. A lot
of the people killed in the Greensboro massacre were also
organizing in the textile mills. And North Carolina under the
Democrats under their moderate period had and continues to have
some of the most draconian anti labor laws in the country,
which takes some work. So that's kind of the reality
(19:39):
in North Carolina and of the Democratic Party here, and
they lean on that mystique heavily, and honestly, I think
a lot of it is what they evoke. As you know,
we're the defenders of the sane, sensible civil status quo.
Even saw some Mustein's statements about HBAO five when he
did veto it, it's like, well, this is divisive, it's
making too many ways. We need to get back to business,
(19:59):
which they not just a business garment. They literally mean business.
We're marketing the state and making more money and then
never means making more money for the gentry. See, that's
kind of the reality of North Carolina. Beneath this kind
of you know how things supposedly are better and more
progressive here in the end of the day, you can
still get massacred.
Speaker 2 (20:19):
Yeah, And I think on a sort of structural level, right,
I think there's going to be people who are being like, well, Okay,
why the fuck do I give a shit about North Carolina?
And one and this is something that you point out
in the piece, and something that's really obvious if you
spend literally any time in the South. Is that what
I think? It's thirty six percent of the South is like,
what's what's the actual number? I should have looked this
(20:41):
up before.
Speaker 4 (20:42):
So of the national population of queer and trans people,
thirty six percent live in the South, which is far
more than any other region, like by a wide market
I think, under the same twenty twenty three calculation. And
there was another reason story that they came out swiftly
about trans people. All these have h it is a
general rule that trans people, especially in area where they
(21:04):
are more legally and violently marginalized, are wildly undercounted. Ye,
but it maps to about the same numbers I think
of trains people in the country. The SME population is
about thirty three to thirty six percent live in the
South and in the in the twenty twenty three one
The next highest amount live in the Midwest, which is
kind of different from how you see things portrayed that
you know, we're just this, yeah, this coastal you know it,
(21:25):
lad Bohemians on a few coastal cities. As a matter
of fact, there are a lot of trains people in
the South and the Midwest. Yeah, we've been here for ages,
We're still here. Yeah, Yeah, it's it's it's it's North Carolina,
it's Texas, it's fucking New Orleans, West Virginia, Florida, you know.
Speaker 2 (21:41):
Yeah, and again like in terms of like okay, so
I'm not in those places, like A, but we all
have a responsibility to all queer people as cooor people,
right like we have we have, we have responsibility to
each other, and we should fucking fight for each other.
And b you can look at what happened in North Carolina,
and it was deliberately This is the place where the
(22:03):
right wing's anti trans strategy was born, and it was
exported from the success that they had in North Carolina
to the entire rest of the fucking country. Yes, right
with the bathroom bills, and this is something we're going
to get into it a second, with the way the
Democratic Party like didn't react to those bathroom bills. The
last point that I want to make here is that
(22:24):
this strategy of control is also very similar to the
one that the Democrats use in places like San Francisco,
where you have this sort of progressive veneer over. You
know that the constellation well I guess, I guess the
constellation of class forces is getting more similar as big
tech moves into like that part of the South. But
(22:47):
you know, it's this constellation of like, oh, hey, we
are the queer rights Party, but our actual interests are
this combination of housing developers' landlords and tech giants, and
so as an a of social control, we're going to
do this like, hey, we're extremely pro trends stuff, and
then we're going to throw a whole bunch of fucking
trends homeless people into concentration camps. Yeah, and that's the
(23:11):
thing that like, you know, we're gonna I'm going to
talk more about this on the show another time. With
the ways that Trump's anti homeless executive orders, some of
the models for it are the way that sweeps have
been working in places like Oakland's. We've talked about this
on the show before, but yeah, this mechanism of social
(23:34):
control is one that's really really widespread. And the South
operates as a laboratory for that too, in the same
way that it operates the laboratory for the right.
Speaker 4 (23:43):
Yeah, and I think that's really important because since this
is the point, I can't I can't hone this point
enough and make it sharp enough. Frankly, folks need to
take it really seriously. Whether you call the South or
not fascist do the far right does, and they have
for a long long time, if you did, not as
a place to ignore, but as a place to consolidate
power and try out their tactics. Too often, the left,
(24:06):
even the queer left, has not. We have all suffered
for it.
Speaker 2 (24:10):
Yeah, and this is the whole thing for the historical
left right, Like one of the things that broke the
American labor movement was the defeat of the CIO in
the South. Yeah, I mean all the way back to
I mean events you were literally talking about, like the
defeat of reconstruction. This is why this country is like this.
And if you don't want the country to be like this,
you have to fucking fight in the South. Yes, that's
(24:32):
all we've got time for for today, But tomorrow we
will be back to talk about the long and sordid
history of the Democratic Party's progressive veneer in North Carolina
and what truly lies beneath it, and we will look
at how the original response to the twenty sixteen bathroom
bills set the stage for both Democratic Party in North
(24:54):
Carolina's passing ADVANTI trans laws today and the future of
the rest of the country.
Speaker 1 (25:02):
It Could Happen Here is a production of cool Zone Media.
For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website
coolzonmedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,
Apple Podcasts, or wherever you.
Speaker 2 (25:13):
Listen to podcasts.
Speaker 1 (25:15):
You can now find sources for It Could Happen here,
listed directly in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.
It Could Happen Here News
Hosts And Creators
Robert Evans
Garrison Davis
James Stout
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