September 20, 2020 • 31 mins
Contrary to what Joe Biden says now, he and his team badly misjudged COVID-19. Biden lacked foresight on the issue of COVID-19 and does not have a detailed plan of action now. Newt’s guest is Karl Rove.
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
On this episode of News World to come to Chinatown.
Here we are. We're again careful safe and come join us.
Back in January, I wrote an article from US Say
Today saying we've got a pandemic. We've got a real problem.
Imagine if it sets up, how many more people would
be alive. This should not stop you from going about
your life. Should not stop you from going to Chinatown
(00:21):
and going out to eat. I'm going to do that
today myself. This disease, even if it were to get it,
basically acts like a common cold or flute. Don't worry
about it. Be more concerned about influenza than coronavirus. People
wearing masks now is just not relevant. There is no
need to change anything that you're doing on a day
by day basis. You should not be afraid at all
(00:43):
of getting on a plane and going to the super Bowl.
But if you want to fly to the super Bowl,
have fun, it's not a risk. H This is new
due to the virus. I'm recording from home, so you
may notice a difference in audio quality. As we trying
to make sense of COVID nineteen. There's so many different versions,
(01:06):
so many different stories, so easily confused. That was very
impressed recently by the job Karl Robe did on Sean
Hannity in outlining step by step what had happened and
what the truth was. So I'm really pleased to welcome
as my guest Karl Rope. Karl is someone I've known
for many years and as a long time friend. He
(01:27):
served as senior advisor to President George W. Bush from
two thousand to two thousand and seven and Deputy Chief
of Staff from two thousand and four to two thousand
and seven. At the White House, he oversaw the offices
of Strategic Condiatives, Political Affairs, Public Liaison, and inter Governmental Affairs,
and was Deputy chief of Staff for policy, coordinating the
(01:50):
White House policymaking process. Rove was inducted into the American
Association of Political Consultants Hall of Fame in two and
is currently a Fox News contributor and Wall Street Journal columnist.
(02:12):
I am really delighted to have Karl Rove, a friend
who goes all the way back to I think nineteen
seventy nine when we were in a wedding together. He
has been called the architect because an extraordinary job he
did for President George W. Bush both in Texas politics,
getting through the governorship and the reelection, and then getting
(02:35):
through the presidential election and re election, which were both
extraordinary campaigns. And Karl Rov of course, is very famous
remains very active. Carl, thank you for agreeing to be
on this podcast. How could I say, no, speaker, And
you're right. I remember it vividly because we were at
(02:56):
the wedding of your campaign manager, Bob Weed and late
January or early February of nineteen seventy nine, and we
met at his bachelor party, which was at a redneck
bar on a dirt road in southeast Georgia, and we
all sat down in a bunch of twenty year olds
and you and you were the freshman congressman. We sat down,
(03:18):
ordered around the beers, and you turned to us and said,
I could be just like Henry Clay and the war wigs,
and began to talk about how we could take back
control the USUS for Representatives. It was the most fascinating
evening and the worst bachelor party I've ever been to,
I have to say, a fantastic evening. I apologize for
ruining the bachelor party, but as you know, it turned
out to be a longer March than I thought at
(03:39):
the time, but we did automately get there, and you
were part of the reason we had great breakthroughs in Texas.
You did something the other day on Hannity that I
really wanted you to share with people, because the depth
of dishonesty and democratic memories as they talked about the
early days of the Chinese virus for COVID nineteen, between
(04:00):
what really happened and what they would now like us
to believe happened, it's pretty amazing. Could you just walk
through the gaps between their version and reality your point
about dishonesty, it really is either dishonest or it is
a warped memory. I don't know which one it is.
But Biden, for example, in June said that if President
(04:20):
Trump did quote did not listen to guys like me
back in January saying we have a problem, a pandemic
is on the way. And then in May he said
if he just listened to me and others and acted
just one week earlier to deal with this virus, there
would be thirty six thousand fewer people dead. Even the
Washington Post found that comment completely unsupportable and gave him
(04:40):
four pinocchios and why because look, the record shows what
Joe Biden was thinking more by what his advisors were
saying than what he was saying, because he wasn't saying
all that much. But over the course of January, February
and March, we know what he was thinking by what
his people were going out and saying publicly. Now, he
did start this. On January twenty seventh, he wrote an
(05:03):
op ed in the USA today. It's seven hundred and
seventy three words long. I counted them all now. Two
hundred and ninety two of them are spent defending the
handling of the twenty fourteen Ebola outbreak in Africa, which
a bola is intensely different than what we're facing now,
and it was far away, never came to our shores
(05:25):
because it was contained abroad. He spent two hundred and
sixty eight words decrying President Trump's leadership style, not with
regard to coronavirus, but just generally, just a lot of
adjectives and a couple of verbs attacking the president personally.
And he spent seventy four words suggesting that we faced quote,
the possibility of a pandemic, and then he gave a
(05:47):
solution one hundred and forty words, all of which were
steps that he would take if he were elected president
and inaugurated in January of twenty twenty one. He would
beef up the Public Health Emergency Fund, which already exists.
He would amend existing laws to allow presidents to declare
pandemic emergencies, which the president already has the authority to
(06:08):
do under the Stafford Act. And he would fully fund
what he called the Global Health Security Agenda. Now, how
any of these steps, which would have been taken eleven
months later, would have helped us do anything with regard
to what the crisis that we find ourselves in now
is beyond me. Incidentally, at the time his op ed
got panned, the Warshingon Post later described it as quote
(06:30):
more of an attack on President Trump than a detailed
plan of action. Now four days later, the President of
the United States issues the China travel ban, and Biden
almost immediately decries it as quote hysterical xenophobia and fearmongree. Now,
the Biden campaign today says he wasn't referring to the band,
but it sure sounds to me like it was. He's
(06:52):
at an event in Iowa, the President has just instituted
a ban on travel from China, specifically Wuan, and Biden
says it refers to hysterical xenophobia and fearmongery. Well, that's
exactly what he was talking about. So the next day
he went again to attack it, saying, quote, disease has
no borders. Let's be honest. Back then he was attacking it.
(07:14):
Today he's trying to suggest he wasn't. Now It's not
just Biden, it's the people around Biden as well. It
really is remarkable. On January twenty eighth, as this is
being talked about, Ron Klaine, who was for a time
his top advisor on this issue. He was the guy
in the Obama Biden white House who was in charge
of the Ebola effort. He dismissed the China travel ban
(07:38):
as premature. The day before the travel ban is put
in place. Zeke Emmanuel, yes that's Ram's brother, who's a
physician at the University of Pennsylvania, told CNBC viewers to
quote take a very big breath, slow down, and stop
panicking and being hysterical. The virus quote will go down
as spring comes up. I mean it pretty amazing throughout February,
(08:01):
all of these people around Biden kept minimizing the threat.
There's a doctor. Irwin red Lanter on February sixth wrote
that a global pandemic was quote not very likely, and
predicted that the chances of quote getting a severe, potentially
lethal form of the Wuhan virus is negligible. What's interesting
to me is two things. One is he not only
(08:22):
says it's negligible that this thing is going to be
life threatening, but he also called it the Wuhan virus.
I wonder if he's a racist in a xenophobe like
the Biden campaign attacks President Trump for referring it as
the Wuhan virus. On February eleventh, Kline played down the
likelihood of the virus at a conference by saying, quote
a serious epidemic quote, the evidence probably signists it's not that.
(08:45):
Two days later, attacking the President directly, he says, we
don't have a COVID nineteen epidemic in the US, but
we're starting to see a fair epidemic. Now what does
that mean. That means you, mister president, should not be
hyping the day of this disease. It's not a COVID
nineteen epidemic. It's a fear epidemic. And now they're trying
(09:06):
to say, oh, the President was down playing that the
President wasn't telling us the truth. Unbelievable. On the twentieth,
Emmanuel pops up again with his similar suggestion, quote, warm
weather is going to come and just like with the flu,
the coronavirus is going to go down. These are the
people who are advising Biden, people who are briefing him.
These are the people whom he's sending out to attack
(09:28):
the president by saying the President is hyping the threat
from coronavirus. Then we get to late February and we
get that wonderful appearance by Nancy Pelosi in San Francisco.
Worried about tourism in Chinatown. She goes out, we all
remember that, come on to people, come on back, It's
time for you to quote come to Chinatown playing echoes.
(09:48):
Or three days later, at a conference saying people quote
should not be dissuaded by needless fears about coronavirus, he
added that everyone quote should tonight go down to Chinatown
and their city and buy dinner and go shopping. We
all remember how stupid it looked when Nancy Pelosi did that.
But remember the top advisor on the pandemic to Joe
(10:09):
Biden is Eckweener. A couple of days later, literally on
a program on CNN with Wolf Blitzer on February twenty ninth,
doctor Emmanuel is being interviewed when the news breaks of
the first coronavirus death at a nursing home north of Seattle,
and literally he's on set with Wolf Blitzer, and he
(10:30):
and Blitzer begin to talk about what's the response ought
to be, and Emmanuel says, quote running out and getting
a mask is not going to help end quote, and
then again downplays the threat. That's on February twenty ninth.
Those are the people who are advising by it, and
they're clearly advising him, don't let this thing grab control
of the public dialogue. Trump is spinning people up needlessly.
(10:53):
This is not going to be a big deal at all. Then,
on March twelfth, as it becomes apparent that the President
is contemplating slapping a travel ban on from Europe because
remember what happened is this breaks out in Wuhan, China.
Wuhan and that part of China have significant travel links
to northern Italy, in particular, the disease is spreading in
(11:15):
northern Italy and beginning to run all across Europe. So
the president is thinking about a travel ban on Europe.
And Lisa Monica, who is the Homeland Security advisor in
the White House under Barack Obama and a key advisor
to now presidential candidate then Vice President Joe Biden, she
goes on television and says, quote a wall will not
(11:37):
stop the coronavirus, tying it to the wall on the
southern border. But talking about the European travel ban March ninth,
Biden had had a major rally. On the twelfth, he
echoes Lisa Monica and downplays the necessity of a European
travel ban. He talks about in person voting until April twelfth.
(11:58):
I can't find in period of January, February or through
mid March any time that the word masks crosses Joe
Biden's lips, or social distancing or lockdowns, or even calls
for more protective gear. None of that until mid March.
He finally says, you know, we ought to used the
Defense Production Act to ramp up production of critical protective
(12:22):
equipment for our health workers. And of course two things.
One is the president had already done that the day before.
And second of all, the reason that we lacked PPE
was because the Obama Biden administration had run down the
stockpiles and had not replenished them. So here was the
great genius who today suggests if I had only been
(12:43):
in charge, this would have been done picture perfect, who
for January, February and part of March is behind the curve,
and whose service as Vice President of United States did
not lead him to say, well, we've had this threat
of a pandemic, and it didn't really emerge while we
were in office, but we did distribute all of our
(13:03):
PPE equipment. And because you can't keep that stuff on
the shelf for a year and you have to constantly
replenish it, he didn't say, let's replenish it. He said, well,
that was just the threat of an emergency. Let's not
worry about it. We'll leave it for the next guy.
I'm just really amazed at how this all happens, and
how they can now today claim to have had a
good handle on what ought to be done and how
(13:25):
it ought to be done. Don't you find that that's
almost the standard upbringing method now, both for the anti
(13:49):
Trump media and for the Democrats in general, they just
make up what they need to make up and suddenly
becomes a fact. You bring up a very good point.
He is complicit in this because there's nobody asking him
tough questions during this period of time. Well, first of all,
he not answering questions for most of this time. After
he has his last rally, he varied rarely. In middle
(14:11):
to late March and April is available to the press.
When Zeke Emmanuel goes on as an advisor to Joe
Biden on CNN and says, don't run out and get
a mask, he doesn't get asked that day. Well, you know,
some health experts are starting to raise concerns, and certainly
with the one exception of the Washington Post article that
when he went out and said if they'd listened to
guys like me back in January saying we had a
problem with pandemic is on the way that was in June.
(14:33):
The Washington Post did do a piece that said four pinocchios.
But nobody has been saying, well, you don't all well,
and good for you to criticize President Trump on this
regard but weren't you and the people around you saying
things like quote running out and getting a mask is
not going to help. Zeke Emmanuel on February twenty ninth,
February eleventh, we're starting to see a fear at pidemic.
(14:53):
Ron Plane Now, Ron Clint, I'm sure he's continuing to
advise the Vice president, but they don't put him on
TV anymore because they think maybe someday some reporter might
actually get tough with him on it. But you're right,
the media is a complicit in what is really a
cover up of Joe Biden's lack of foresight on this
issue and his criticism of President Trump being too aggressive.
(15:15):
Watching him flounder around on this is amazing, And of
course I owe a double blast because I think if
you look at how totally mishandled, Cuomo and Murphy were
in New York and New Jersey, they are an enormous
part of the statistical problem because people die that shouldn't
have There's one other data point here. Joy Reid begins
(15:36):
her program and her first guest is Joe Biden, and
it's obviously a softball interview, but she asked him a
question which I think she hoped that he would come
forward and be a rockstar. On she says, well, if
you get elected, what are you going to do? What
would you do differently? And so he waxes eloquently and
(15:58):
lists six things. Here are the six things that I
would do. The problem was every one of these things
had already been done. President Trump had already done every
one of them. He said, Well, we got out a
point somebody to be a charge of viruses and vaccine
production and distribution. Well, that had happened like five or
six weeks before, and then we ought to invoke the
(16:19):
defense production. Well the President had done it like thirty
times by that point. So even then, the media didn't
hold him to account by saying, well, given a softball
question and ask what he would do, he said he
would do the things that the president has already done.
Nobody in the press held him up for scrutiny on
that at all. Urs It's also conceivable that most of
the press didn't know it either. This is a complicated thing.
(16:42):
I was in the White House for seven years. We
had stars, and we had merged. We had three instances
where the possibility of a pandemic grows and I'd go
to these briefings, and they were scary because if they
get out of control, they are very problematic. That's the
nature of a pandemic. Stars was feared to be easily transmittable.
It turned out not to be, But if it had been,
(17:03):
we would have seen something like what we're seeing today
in two thousand and two and three, and MYRS was
reasonably easily to transmit and was spread throughout people attending
the Hajj. But what I learned was these things are
difficult to manage. These things are difficult to contain. These
things are difficult to estimate, and you can prepare a
lot for him, but they can go a lot of
(17:23):
different directions. And there's no humility at all on the
part of the media that they can now look back
in hindsight and say, we know exactly what needed to
be done at the time. But you're right, they're not
asking tough questions. These things are difficult and hard to manage. It.
Biden looks in the rear view mirror and says, I
could have done it right, but we know what he
would have been doing by the nature of the comments
(17:45):
from the people who are around him, and he would
have been doing the wrong things. I think it's pretty
clear that Biden's inability to think in an orderly way
and hear things done. And I know Bob Gates, who
have been Secretary offense foot with Bush and Obama, wrote
in his memoir that in Biden's entire career, he Gates
(18:06):
could not remember a single time that Biden was on
the right side of a national security question. From a
guy who prides himself with being pretty nonpartisan, I thought
that was an amazing comment. I agree. Yeah, let me
(18:34):
switch hears on you formenic was. I can't have you
on without taking into an area where you've done, I think,
an extraordinarily important job in an election that both you
and I believe was one of the most important in
American history and one of the least studied, who wrote
a terrific book on triumph of McKinley in the election
of eighteen ninety six. First of all, what drew you
(18:56):
to do that? And what do you think people today
should learn? Well, actually it was a complete accident. I
was trying to get into the PhD program at the
University of Texas at the age of forty something, and
I had to finish my BA and in order to do.
So I signed up for a history class that was
never given History three fifty one seminar and historical source writing.
(19:19):
You had to get a professor to take you on,
do research in the original source material, and write a
paper and you could get three hours and fulfill the
upper division writing requirement. I've been running a public affairs
firm and been involved in political campaigns for a decade
and a half, and there was no evidence I could
string together two sentences, so I had to fulfill the
upper division writing requirement. Being a direct mail guy, I
(19:41):
had to show that I could write. So I stumbled
into the department and not knowing that this was never done,
and the woman behind the counter sort of looked askance
at me and said, this just simply has not done it,
So well, how can I get it done? And she said, well,
you have to get a professor to take you on.
I said, who's here? She said, well, there's only one
professor in the department, doctor Lewis Gould. So I said, well,
(20:02):
could I see him? And I said I'd like to
take History three fifty one. He said, well what do
you want to research? You right about it? I said,
I'm interested in Theodore Roosevelt in eighteen ninety five and
eighteen ninety six. How does he rescue himself from political oblivion?
In eighteen ninety five, after having run third in the
race for Mayor of New York, he's added to the
Police Commission, and six months later he hates the job.
(20:24):
He glories in it when appointed, and hates it shortly thereafter,
and is in lawsuits with his fellow commissioners against each other.
And he backs the wrong guy for president. He's for
the front runner, Thomas Brackett Read the Speaker of the House,
and Read loses to the upstart reformer William McKinley. And
McKinley does not like Roosevelt. And yet somehow or another,
he becomes the Assistant Secretary of the Navy and enters
(20:46):
into history. And unbeknownst to me, Lewis School who was
one of the greatest historians of the guilded Age, and
he said, I'll take you on. I've never done it,
but I'll take you on. But you have to read
the McKinley papers, because history gets McKinley wrong. And the
more I read in the McKinley papers, which are a
gigantic archive disorganized, not well structured. Library of Congress and
(21:09):
University of Texas is a sub depository, so it has
a copy on microfilm. The more I rambled through the
McKinley papers, the more impressed I was with the man,
his mind, his manner, his method. So I just sort
of began to make it a private cause to understand better.
William McKinley and the election of eighteen ninety six, which
political scientists have studied for a long time, considered one
(21:31):
of the five realignment elections in American history, along with
eighteen one hundred and eighteen twenty four, in eighteen sixty
and nineteen thirty two. And yet we never study the man.
And McKinley turns out to be a remarkable figure, one
of the most amazing people to have been President of
the United States, and his election disrupted the broken politics
(21:52):
at the Gilded Age, which was his twenty four year stalemate,
and ushered in a thirty two year period of Republican dominance.
If anything do you think you learned studying in eighteen
ninety six that might apply to where we are now.
The first thing is, and he came to this reluctantly.
He was losing him the summer and the early fall,
(22:14):
and then realized that he needed to have a big issue.
He was trying to avoid the big issue currency, should
we have money that was backed by silver or money
that was backed by gold? The Democrats were a fire
in the middle of it, but enormous depression by saying
that the way out was to provide more money to
people by switching to a silver back currency. And he
(22:35):
tried to avoid that issue, but he realized in late
August early September that he couldn't and he had to
make the campaign about a big issue and a big contrast.
And he framed his approach by trying to persuade sort
of key voter blocks laborers, farmers, commercial and professional people,
small business owners, union veterans that he was right and
(22:57):
William Jennis Brown was wrong, which required him to get
to the nub of the issue. He had to talk
about the essential parts of that. The second thing is
he took on what everybody thought was his opponent's supposed strength.
Everybody thought Brian was winning, and he was because he
was advocating free silver and an inflationary currency. But the
major as he liked to be called, realized that what
(23:18):
a candidate often thinks is his strong point is sometimes
as Achilles heel, and he found a way to go
after him. Third, he was a different kind of Republican,
and he realized that his country was changing dramatically and
that his party had to modernize its appeal to reach
to these new urban workers, many of whom were from
(23:39):
the Southern Europe, from Spain and Italy. And these were
not Anglo Saxon Protestants, and that was what the Republican
Party was in the North, was white Anglo Saxon Protestant
in the north and black Republicans in the south. But
all these people who were now coming from Central and
Southern Europe, they had no real allegiance to either party
and were up for grabs. They were mostly Catholic and
(23:59):
oft times industrial workers, and he knew that if his
party didn't grab them, they would give the Democrats a
lock on the electoral college. So he expanded the Republican
coalition and did so by making a special effort for
the laborer vote. He also ran a campaign that went
after places that had not been in play. He understood
(24:20):
that you couldn't just sort of run in the standard
set of the states that had given the Republicans the
presidential hold. So he went on offense. He went after
border states that had never voted Republican, like Kentucky and
North Carolina and Tennessee and Virginia and West Virginia and Delaware,
Maryland that had not voted Republicans since in eighteen sixty four,
(24:43):
and he won all of the border states with the
exception of Missouri, and in Missouri he lost it because
the Republican Party was deeply divided among itself. It allowed
the party to pick up two Republican senators and the
border and Upper South regions and hang on to most
of the seats that they'd won in the eighteen ninety
four mid terms. This allowed them to have a majority
in the Congress that could have pass this program. He
(25:04):
also was an outsider. His slogan was the people against
the bosses. That was his primary campaign slogan, and he
took on the party bosses who had been in charge
of the Republican Party for some number of years. He
was attacked by the most powerful interest group in the country,
which was a virulently anti Catholic, anti immigrant group called
the American Protective Association, and he basically took him on
(25:26):
and became the first Republican ever endorsed by a member
of the Catholic hierarchy. And he was a candidate of change.
So he was the guy who went on there and said,
I'm not content with the status quo. I want to
change and big change. But it's not going to be
threatening change. It's going to be the kind of change
that I talked about it in a way that makes
it acceptable for you. That, by the way, is a
(25:46):
very good summary. What do you think are the lessons
you would hope that Trump and his team might draw
the next six weeks. The election's got to be a contrast.
You've been saying this, and I think it's absolutely right.
The president needs to have award vision. We began to
lay it out the Sunday before the Republican Convention. They
put out a very strong list of forward looking agenda items,
(26:07):
and they talked about it a little bit during the convention,
but in the final days, in my opinion, he's got
to say I'm the guy who had a strong economy
in seventeen, eighteen and nineteen, and I'm the guy who's
better able to restart the economy as we put coronavirus
in the rearview mirror. That's a very powerful argument. I
think it gets to be more powerful if he says,
not only am I going to do the things that
(26:28):
I did before, but here are new things that I'm
going to do in order to make the economy stronger
and prosperity broader and the opportunity for every American to
participate in it better. Here's what I'm going to do.
And then that's better than what that guy's going to do,
because what he's going to do is the following things,
and these things are going to be bad for you
(26:49):
and your family. It's an election of contrast. The second
thing that I think is really important to do, and
that is they're looking for ways to expand their coalition.
And we see this most obviously among Latinos and most
obviously in Florida, where they have been working assiduously behind
the scenes to cultivate strong connections with the Cuban American community,
(27:10):
the Venezuelan American community. All of those they've been working
in various assundary ways. The first two are the Cuban
Americans are returning to their Republican roots in part because
the Democrats are so bad. The Venezuelan Americans and others
from South America who have family experience with socialists are
being moved in part by the President and also in
(27:32):
part by Joe Biden and the Democrats. The Trump campaign
smart enough to realize that the Puerto Rican movement, in
the aftermath of the horrible hurricane, the middle class in
Puerto Rico up and moved to the United States, many
of them to Florida, and they are open to voting
Republican because they are middle class. They're professionals and small
business people and entrepreneurs and managers and hard workers who've
(27:54):
got a strong work ethic and a wonderful spirit among
themselves that I'm going to pick myself up, dust myself
off after a hurricane hit our island, and I'm going
to start fresh and new. And they like Trump. They're
open to voting for them, and they've been smart to
go after them. Because you cannot win this election simply
by maxim minds. He turn out among the party's traditional followers,
(28:15):
the people who have voted for Trump in twenty sixteen,
you've got to add to their numbers, and part of
those numbers got to be new voters, and some of
them have got to be people who may not have
voted for you last time around, but are open to
voting for you if you make the right argument to
him this time. Also, thank you. This has been fascinating.
You're one of the smartest guys in American government politics,
(28:36):
and I think this particular podcast sort of illustration. Just
look at the range of everything we just covered. But
as always, Carld, it's a lot of fun to be
with you and talk with you, and I'm personally and
you're dead for doing this well, speaker, I'm honored to
be invited, and I've treasured our friendship over these many years.
(29:04):
Leonard M from Missouri ask mister Gamwich, I want to
know why we cannot get a six year term policy
and acted for members of both Houses of Congress. We
don't get that passed, then we'll never be able to
drain the swamp and its rets. We know the founding
fathers tried to find a balance. They deliberately wanted the
House elected every two years because they wanted to be
(29:25):
able to get people to be responsible to the public.
I know when I was in the House the day
after the election, I was out shaking hands because I
knew that the next election was only two years away,
and I cite that because I'm not so sure we
want both branches elected every six years and being that
(29:47):
far away from the American people. The balance is that
one third of the Senate's voter on every two years,
one third comes up again the next two years, and
then one the last two years, so the Senate always
has two thirds of its members a little bit beyond
the immediate public pressure. The House comes up every two years,
and every members of State and the Presidency of courses
(30:09):
every four years. So I actually think that's a pretty
good balance that gives you a little bit of perspective
but also keeps the heat on. And frankly, I trust
the American people more than I trust either the elected
officials or the bureaucrats, So I'm pretty comfortable making the
House accountable to the American people. Thank you to my guest,
(30:34):
Carl Road. You can read more about the truth behind
the coronavirus on our show page at knutsworld dot com.
Newtsworld is produced by Gingwish, Sweet sixty and iHeartMedia. Our
executive producer is Debbie Myers, and our producers guards slow
you our work for the show, who was created by
Steve Penwoy. Special thanks to the team at Gingwich three sixty.
(30:58):
Please email me with your question Atingwish three sixty dot
com slash Questions. I'll answer a selection of questions in
future episodes. If you've been enjoying news World, I hope
you'll go to Apple Podcasts and both rate us with
five starts and give us a review so others can
learn what it's all about. I'm new Gingwish. This is
(31:19):
news World.
On this episode of News World to come to Chinatown.
Here we are. We're again careful safe and come join us.
Back in January, I wrote an article from US Say
Today saying we've got a pandemic. We've got a real problem.
Imagine if it sets up, how many more people would
be alive. This should not stop you from going about
your life. Should not stop you from going to Chinatown
(00:21):
and going out to eat. I'm going to do that
today myself. This disease, even if it were to get it,
basically acts like a common cold or flute. Don't worry
about it. Be more concerned about influenza than coronavirus. People
wearing masks now is just not relevant. There is no
need to change anything that you're doing on a day
by day basis. You should not be afraid at all
(00:43):
of getting on a plane and going to the super Bowl.
But if you want to fly to the super Bowl,
have fun, it's not a risk. H This is new
due to the virus. I'm recording from home, so you
may notice a difference in audio quality. As we trying
to make sense of COVID nineteen. There's so many different versions,
(01:06):
so many different stories, so easily confused. That was very
impressed recently by the job Karl Robe did on Sean
Hannity in outlining step by step what had happened and
what the truth was. So I'm really pleased to welcome
as my guest Karl Rope. Karl is someone I've known
for many years and as a long time friend. He
(01:27):
served as senior advisor to President George W. Bush from
two thousand to two thousand and seven and Deputy Chief
of Staff from two thousand and four to two thousand
and seven. At the White House, he oversaw the offices
of Strategic Condiatives, Political Affairs, Public Liaison, and inter Governmental Affairs,
and was Deputy chief of Staff for policy, coordinating the
(01:50):
White House policymaking process. Rove was inducted into the American
Association of Political Consultants Hall of Fame in two and
is currently a Fox News contributor and Wall Street Journal columnist.
(02:12):
I am really delighted to have Karl Rove, a friend
who goes all the way back to I think nineteen
seventy nine when we were in a wedding together. He
has been called the architect because an extraordinary job he
did for President George W. Bush both in Texas politics,
getting through the governorship and the reelection, and then getting
(02:35):
through the presidential election and re election, which were both
extraordinary campaigns. And Karl Rov of course, is very famous
remains very active. Carl, thank you for agreeing to be
on this podcast. How could I say, no, speaker, And
you're right. I remember it vividly because we were at
(02:56):
the wedding of your campaign manager, Bob Weed and late
January or early February of nineteen seventy nine, and we
met at his bachelor party, which was at a redneck
bar on a dirt road in southeast Georgia, and we
all sat down in a bunch of twenty year olds
and you and you were the freshman congressman. We sat down,
(03:18):
ordered around the beers, and you turned to us and said,
I could be just like Henry Clay and the war wigs,
and began to talk about how we could take back
control the USUS for Representatives. It was the most fascinating
evening and the worst bachelor party I've ever been to,
I have to say, a fantastic evening. I apologize for
ruining the bachelor party, but as you know, it turned
out to be a longer March than I thought at
(03:39):
the time, but we did automately get there, and you
were part of the reason we had great breakthroughs in Texas.
You did something the other day on Hannity that I
really wanted you to share with people, because the depth
of dishonesty and democratic memories as they talked about the
early days of the Chinese virus for COVID nineteen, between
(04:00):
what really happened and what they would now like us
to believe happened, it's pretty amazing. Could you just walk
through the gaps between their version and reality your point
about dishonesty, it really is either dishonest or it is
a warped memory. I don't know which one it is.
But Biden, for example, in June said that if President
(04:20):
Trump did quote did not listen to guys like me
back in January saying we have a problem, a pandemic
is on the way. And then in May he said
if he just listened to me and others and acted
just one week earlier to deal with this virus, there
would be thirty six thousand fewer people dead. Even the
Washington Post found that comment completely unsupportable and gave him
(04:40):
four pinocchios and why because look, the record shows what
Joe Biden was thinking more by what his advisors were
saying than what he was saying, because he wasn't saying
all that much. But over the course of January, February
and March, we know what he was thinking by what
his people were going out and saying publicly. Now, he
did start this. On January twenty seventh, he wrote an
(05:03):
op ed in the USA today. It's seven hundred and
seventy three words long. I counted them all now. Two
hundred and ninety two of them are spent defending the
handling of the twenty fourteen Ebola outbreak in Africa, which
a bola is intensely different than what we're facing now,
and it was far away, never came to our shores
(05:25):
because it was contained abroad. He spent two hundred and
sixty eight words decrying President Trump's leadership style, not with
regard to coronavirus, but just generally, just a lot of
adjectives and a couple of verbs attacking the president personally.
And he spent seventy four words suggesting that we faced quote,
the possibility of a pandemic, and then he gave a
(05:47):
solution one hundred and forty words, all of which were
steps that he would take if he were elected president
and inaugurated in January of twenty twenty one. He would
beef up the Public Health Emergency Fund, which already exists.
He would amend existing laws to allow presidents to declare
pandemic emergencies, which the president already has the authority to
(06:08):
do under the Stafford Act. And he would fully fund
what he called the Global Health Security Agenda. Now, how
any of these steps, which would have been taken eleven
months later, would have helped us do anything with regard
to what the crisis that we find ourselves in now
is beyond me. Incidentally, at the time his op ed
got panned, the Warshingon Post later described it as quote
(06:30):
more of an attack on President Trump than a detailed
plan of action. Now four days later, the President of
the United States issues the China travel ban, and Biden
almost immediately decries it as quote hysterical xenophobia and fearmongree. Now,
the Biden campaign today says he wasn't referring to the band,
but it sure sounds to me like it was. He's
(06:52):
at an event in Iowa, the President has just instituted
a ban on travel from China, specifically Wuan, and Biden
says it refers to hysterical xenophobia and fearmongery. Well, that's
exactly what he was talking about. So the next day
he went again to attack it, saying, quote, disease has
no borders. Let's be honest. Back then he was attacking it.
(07:14):
Today he's trying to suggest he wasn't. Now It's not
just Biden, it's the people around Biden as well. It
really is remarkable. On January twenty eighth, as this is
being talked about, Ron Klaine, who was for a time
his top advisor on this issue. He was the guy
in the Obama Biden white House who was in charge
of the Ebola effort. He dismissed the China travel ban
(07:38):
as premature. The day before the travel ban is put
in place. Zeke Emmanuel, yes that's Ram's brother, who's a
physician at the University of Pennsylvania, told CNBC viewers to
quote take a very big breath, slow down, and stop
panicking and being hysterical. The virus quote will go down
as spring comes up. I mean it pretty amazing throughout February,
(08:01):
all of these people around Biden kept minimizing the threat.
There's a doctor. Irwin red Lanter on February sixth wrote
that a global pandemic was quote not very likely, and
predicted that the chances of quote getting a severe, potentially
lethal form of the Wuhan virus is negligible. What's interesting
to me is two things. One is he not only
(08:22):
says it's negligible that this thing is going to be
life threatening, but he also called it the Wuhan virus.
I wonder if he's a racist in a xenophobe like
the Biden campaign attacks President Trump for referring it as
the Wuhan virus. On February eleventh, Kline played down the
likelihood of the virus at a conference by saying, quote
a serious epidemic quote, the evidence probably signists it's not that.
(08:45):
Two days later, attacking the President directly, he says, we
don't have a COVID nineteen epidemic in the US, but
we're starting to see a fair epidemic. Now what does
that mean. That means you, mister president, should not be
hyping the day of this disease. It's not a COVID
nineteen epidemic. It's a fear epidemic. And now they're trying
(09:06):
to say, oh, the President was down playing that the
President wasn't telling us the truth. Unbelievable. On the twentieth,
Emmanuel pops up again with his similar suggestion, quote, warm
weather is going to come and just like with the flu,
the coronavirus is going to go down. These are the
people who are advising Biden, people who are briefing him.
These are the people whom he's sending out to attack
(09:28):
the president by saying the President is hyping the threat
from coronavirus. Then we get to late February and we
get that wonderful appearance by Nancy Pelosi in San Francisco.
Worried about tourism in Chinatown. She goes out, we all
remember that, come on to people, come on back, It's
time for you to quote come to Chinatown playing echoes.
(09:48):
Or three days later, at a conference saying people quote
should not be dissuaded by needless fears about coronavirus, he
added that everyone quote should tonight go down to Chinatown
and their city and buy dinner and go shopping. We
all remember how stupid it looked when Nancy Pelosi did that.
But remember the top advisor on the pandemic to Joe
(10:09):
Biden is Eckweener. A couple of days later, literally on
a program on CNN with Wolf Blitzer on February twenty ninth,
doctor Emmanuel is being interviewed when the news breaks of
the first coronavirus death at a nursing home north of Seattle,
and literally he's on set with Wolf Blitzer, and he
(10:30):
and Blitzer begin to talk about what's the response ought
to be, and Emmanuel says, quote running out and getting
a mask is not going to help end quote, and
then again downplays the threat. That's on February twenty ninth.
Those are the people who are advising by it, and
they're clearly advising him, don't let this thing grab control
of the public dialogue. Trump is spinning people up needlessly.
(10:53):
This is not going to be a big deal at all. Then,
on March twelfth, as it becomes apparent that the President
is contemplating slapping a travel ban on from Europe because
remember what happened is this breaks out in Wuhan, China.
Wuhan and that part of China have significant travel links
to northern Italy, in particular, the disease is spreading in
(11:15):
northern Italy and beginning to run all across Europe. So
the president is thinking about a travel ban on Europe.
And Lisa Monica, who is the Homeland Security advisor in
the White House under Barack Obama and a key advisor
to now presidential candidate then Vice President Joe Biden, she
goes on television and says, quote a wall will not
(11:37):
stop the coronavirus, tying it to the wall on the
southern border. But talking about the European travel ban March ninth,
Biden had had a major rally. On the twelfth, he
echoes Lisa Monica and downplays the necessity of a European
travel ban. He talks about in person voting until April twelfth.
(11:58):
I can't find in period of January, February or through
mid March any time that the word masks crosses Joe
Biden's lips, or social distancing or lockdowns, or even calls
for more protective gear. None of that until mid March.
He finally says, you know, we ought to used the
Defense Production Act to ramp up production of critical protective
(12:22):
equipment for our health workers. And of course two things.
One is the president had already done that the day before.
And second of all, the reason that we lacked PPE
was because the Obama Biden administration had run down the
stockpiles and had not replenished them. So here was the
great genius who today suggests if I had only been
(12:43):
in charge, this would have been done picture perfect, who
for January, February and part of March is behind the curve,
and whose service as Vice President of United States did
not lead him to say, well, we've had this threat
of a pandemic, and it didn't really emerge while we
were in office, but we did distribute all of our
(13:03):
PPE equipment. And because you can't keep that stuff on
the shelf for a year and you have to constantly
replenish it, he didn't say, let's replenish it. He said, well,
that was just the threat of an emergency. Let's not
worry about it. We'll leave it for the next guy.
I'm just really amazed at how this all happens, and
how they can now today claim to have had a
good handle on what ought to be done and how
(13:25):
it ought to be done. Don't you find that that's
almost the standard upbringing method now, both for the anti
(13:49):
Trump media and for the Democrats in general, they just
make up what they need to make up and suddenly
becomes a fact. You bring up a very good point.
He is complicit in this because there's nobody asking him
tough questions during this period of time. Well, first of all,
he not answering questions for most of this time. After
he has his last rally, he varied rarely. In middle
(14:11):
to late March and April is available to the press.
When Zeke Emmanuel goes on as an advisor to Joe
Biden on CNN and says, don't run out and get
a mask, he doesn't get asked that day. Well, you know,
some health experts are starting to raise concerns, and certainly
with the one exception of the Washington Post article that
when he went out and said if they'd listened to
guys like me back in January saying we had a
problem with pandemic is on the way that was in June.
(14:33):
The Washington Post did do a piece that said four pinocchios.
But nobody has been saying, well, you don't all well,
and good for you to criticize President Trump on this
regard but weren't you and the people around you saying
things like quote running out and getting a mask is
not going to help. Zeke Emmanuel on February twenty ninth,
February eleventh, we're starting to see a fear at pidemic.
(14:53):
Ron Plane Now, Ron Clint, I'm sure he's continuing to
advise the Vice president, but they don't put him on
TV anymore because they think maybe someday some reporter might
actually get tough with him on it. But you're right,
the media is a complicit in what is really a
cover up of Joe Biden's lack of foresight on this
issue and his criticism of President Trump being too aggressive.
(15:15):
Watching him flounder around on this is amazing, And of
course I owe a double blast because I think if
you look at how totally mishandled, Cuomo and Murphy were
in New York and New Jersey, they are an enormous
part of the statistical problem because people die that shouldn't
have There's one other data point here. Joy Reid begins
(15:36):
her program and her first guest is Joe Biden, and
it's obviously a softball interview, but she asked him a
question which I think she hoped that he would come
forward and be a rockstar. On she says, well, if
you get elected, what are you going to do? What
would you do differently? And so he waxes eloquently and
(15:58):
lists six things. Here are the six things that I
would do. The problem was every one of these things
had already been done. President Trump had already done every
one of them. He said, Well, we got out a
point somebody to be a charge of viruses and vaccine
production and distribution. Well, that had happened like five or
six weeks before, and then we ought to invoke the
(16:19):
defense production. Well the President had done it like thirty
times by that point. So even then, the media didn't
hold him to account by saying, well, given a softball
question and ask what he would do, he said he
would do the things that the president has already done.
Nobody in the press held him up for scrutiny on
that at all. Urs It's also conceivable that most of
the press didn't know it either. This is a complicated thing.
(16:42):
I was in the White House for seven years. We
had stars, and we had merged. We had three instances
where the possibility of a pandemic grows and I'd go
to these briefings, and they were scary because if they
get out of control, they are very problematic. That's the
nature of a pandemic. Stars was feared to be easily transmittable.
It turned out not to be, But if it had been,
(17:03):
we would have seen something like what we're seeing today
in two thousand and two and three, and MYRS was
reasonably easily to transmit and was spread throughout people attending
the Hajj. But what I learned was these things are
difficult to manage. These things are difficult to contain. These
things are difficult to estimate, and you can prepare a
lot for him, but they can go a lot of
(17:23):
different directions. And there's no humility at all on the
part of the media that they can now look back
in hindsight and say, we know exactly what needed to
be done at the time. But you're right, they're not
asking tough questions. These things are difficult and hard to manage. It.
Biden looks in the rear view mirror and says, I
could have done it right, but we know what he
would have been doing by the nature of the comments
(17:45):
from the people who are around him, and he would
have been doing the wrong things. I think it's pretty
clear that Biden's inability to think in an orderly way
and hear things done. And I know Bob Gates, who
have been Secretary offense foot with Bush and Obama, wrote
in his memoir that in Biden's entire career, he Gates
(18:06):
could not remember a single time that Biden was on
the right side of a national security question. From a
guy who prides himself with being pretty nonpartisan, I thought
that was an amazing comment. I agree. Yeah, let me
(18:34):
switch hears on you formenic was. I can't have you
on without taking into an area where you've done, I think,
an extraordinarily important job in an election that both you
and I believe was one of the most important in
American history and one of the least studied, who wrote
a terrific book on triumph of McKinley in the election
of eighteen ninety six. First of all, what drew you
(18:56):
to do that? And what do you think people today
should learn? Well, actually it was a complete accident. I
was trying to get into the PhD program at the
University of Texas at the age of forty something, and
I had to finish my BA and in order to do.
So I signed up for a history class that was
never given History three fifty one seminar and historical source writing.
(19:19):
You had to get a professor to take you on,
do research in the original source material, and write a
paper and you could get three hours and fulfill the
upper division writing requirement. I've been running a public affairs
firm and been involved in political campaigns for a decade
and a half, and there was no evidence I could
string together two sentences, so I had to fulfill the
upper division writing requirement. Being a direct mail guy, I
(19:41):
had to show that I could write. So I stumbled
into the department and not knowing that this was never done,
and the woman behind the counter sort of looked askance
at me and said, this just simply has not done it,
So well, how can I get it done? And she said, well,
you have to get a professor to take you on.
I said, who's here? She said, well, there's only one
professor in the department, doctor Lewis Gould. So I said, well,
(20:02):
could I see him? And I said I'd like to
take History three fifty one. He said, well what do
you want to research? You right about it? I said,
I'm interested in Theodore Roosevelt in eighteen ninety five and
eighteen ninety six. How does he rescue himself from political oblivion?
In eighteen ninety five, after having run third in the
race for Mayor of New York, he's added to the
Police Commission, and six months later he hates the job.
(20:24):
He glories in it when appointed, and hates it shortly thereafter,
and is in lawsuits with his fellow commissioners against each other.
And he backs the wrong guy for president. He's for
the front runner, Thomas Brackett Read the Speaker of the House,
and Read loses to the upstart reformer William McKinley. And
McKinley does not like Roosevelt. And yet somehow or another,
he becomes the Assistant Secretary of the Navy and enters
(20:46):
into history. And unbeknownst to me, Lewis School who was
one of the greatest historians of the guilded Age, and
he said, I'll take you on. I've never done it,
but I'll take you on. But you have to read
the McKinley papers, because history gets McKinley wrong. And the
more I read in the McKinley papers, which are a
gigantic archive disorganized, not well structured. Library of Congress and
(21:09):
University of Texas is a sub depository, so it has
a copy on microfilm. The more I rambled through the
McKinley papers, the more impressed I was with the man,
his mind, his manner, his method. So I just sort
of began to make it a private cause to understand better.
William McKinley and the election of eighteen ninety six, which
political scientists have studied for a long time, considered one
(21:31):
of the five realignment elections in American history, along with
eighteen one hundred and eighteen twenty four, in eighteen sixty
and nineteen thirty two. And yet we never study the man.
And McKinley turns out to be a remarkable figure, one
of the most amazing people to have been President of
the United States, and his election disrupted the broken politics
(21:52):
at the Gilded Age, which was his twenty four year stalemate,
and ushered in a thirty two year period of Republican dominance.
If anything do you think you learned studying in eighteen
ninety six that might apply to where we are now.
The first thing is, and he came to this reluctantly.
He was losing him the summer and the early fall,
(22:14):
and then realized that he needed to have a big issue.
He was trying to avoid the big issue currency, should
we have money that was backed by silver or money
that was backed by gold? The Democrats were a fire
in the middle of it, but enormous depression by saying
that the way out was to provide more money to
people by switching to a silver back currency. And he
(22:35):
tried to avoid that issue, but he realized in late
August early September that he couldn't and he had to
make the campaign about a big issue and a big contrast.
And he framed his approach by trying to persuade sort
of key voter blocks laborers, farmers, commercial and professional people,
small business owners, union veterans that he was right and
(22:57):
William Jennis Brown was wrong, which required him to get
to the nub of the issue. He had to talk
about the essential parts of that. The second thing is
he took on what everybody thought was his opponent's supposed strength.
Everybody thought Brian was winning, and he was because he
was advocating free silver and an inflationary currency. But the
major as he liked to be called, realized that what
(23:18):
a candidate often thinks is his strong point is sometimes
as Achilles heel, and he found a way to go
after him. Third, he was a different kind of Republican,
and he realized that his country was changing dramatically and
that his party had to modernize its appeal to reach
to these new urban workers, many of whom were from
(23:39):
the Southern Europe, from Spain and Italy. And these were
not Anglo Saxon Protestants, and that was what the Republican
Party was in the North, was white Anglo Saxon Protestant
in the north and black Republicans in the south. But
all these people who were now coming from Central and
Southern Europe, they had no real allegiance to either party
and were up for grabs. They were mostly Catholic and
(23:59):
oft times industrial workers, and he knew that if his
party didn't grab them, they would give the Democrats a
lock on the electoral college. So he expanded the Republican
coalition and did so by making a special effort for
the laborer vote. He also ran a campaign that went
after places that had not been in play. He understood
(24:20):
that you couldn't just sort of run in the standard
set of the states that had given the Republicans the
presidential hold. So he went on offense. He went after
border states that had never voted Republican, like Kentucky and
North Carolina and Tennessee and Virginia and West Virginia and Delaware,
Maryland that had not voted Republicans since in eighteen sixty four,
(24:43):
and he won all of the border states with the
exception of Missouri, and in Missouri he lost it because
the Republican Party was deeply divided among itself. It allowed
the party to pick up two Republican senators and the
border and Upper South regions and hang on to most
of the seats that they'd won in the eighteen ninety
four mid terms. This allowed them to have a majority
in the Congress that could have pass this program. He
(25:04):
also was an outsider. His slogan was the people against
the bosses. That was his primary campaign slogan, and he
took on the party bosses who had been in charge
of the Republican Party for some number of years. He
was attacked by the most powerful interest group in the country,
which was a virulently anti Catholic, anti immigrant group called
the American Protective Association, and he basically took him on
(25:26):
and became the first Republican ever endorsed by a member
of the Catholic hierarchy. And he was a candidate of change.
So he was the guy who went on there and said,
I'm not content with the status quo. I want to
change and big change. But it's not going to be
threatening change. It's going to be the kind of change
that I talked about it in a way that makes
it acceptable for you. That, by the way, is a
(25:46):
very good summary. What do you think are the lessons
you would hope that Trump and his team might draw
the next six weeks. The election's got to be a contrast.
You've been saying this, and I think it's absolutely right.
The president needs to have award vision. We began to
lay it out the Sunday before the Republican Convention. They
put out a very strong list of forward looking agenda items,
(26:07):
and they talked about it a little bit during the convention,
but in the final days, in my opinion, he's got
to say I'm the guy who had a strong economy
in seventeen, eighteen and nineteen, and I'm the guy who's
better able to restart the economy as we put coronavirus
in the rearview mirror. That's a very powerful argument. I
think it gets to be more powerful if he says,
not only am I going to do the things that
(26:28):
I did before, but here are new things that I'm
going to do in order to make the economy stronger
and prosperity broader and the opportunity for every American to
participate in it better. Here's what I'm going to do.
And then that's better than what that guy's going to do,
because what he's going to do is the following things,
and these things are going to be bad for you
(26:49):
and your family. It's an election of contrast. The second
thing that I think is really important to do, and
that is they're looking for ways to expand their coalition.
And we see this most obviously among Latinos and most
obviously in Florida, where they have been working assiduously behind
the scenes to cultivate strong connections with the Cuban American community,
(27:10):
the Venezuelan American community. All of those they've been working
in various assundary ways. The first two are the Cuban
Americans are returning to their Republican roots in part because
the Democrats are so bad. The Venezuelan Americans and others
from South America who have family experience with socialists are
being moved in part by the President and also in
(27:32):
part by Joe Biden and the Democrats. The Trump campaign
smart enough to realize that the Puerto Rican movement, in
the aftermath of the horrible hurricane, the middle class in
Puerto Rico up and moved to the United States, many
of them to Florida, and they are open to voting
Republican because they are middle class. They're professionals and small
business people and entrepreneurs and managers and hard workers who've
(27:54):
got a strong work ethic and a wonderful spirit among
themselves that I'm going to pick myself up, dust myself
off after a hurricane hit our island, and I'm going
to start fresh and new. And they like Trump. They're
open to voting for them, and they've been smart to
go after them. Because you cannot win this election simply
by maxim minds. He turn out among the party's traditional followers,
(28:15):
the people who have voted for Trump in twenty sixteen,
you've got to add to their numbers, and part of
those numbers got to be new voters, and some of
them have got to be people who may not have
voted for you last time around, but are open to
voting for you if you make the right argument to
him this time. Also, thank you. This has been fascinating.
You're one of the smartest guys in American government politics,
(28:36):
and I think this particular podcast sort of illustration. Just
look at the range of everything we just covered. But
as always, Carld, it's a lot of fun to be
with you and talk with you, and I'm personally and
you're dead for doing this well, speaker, I'm honored to
be invited, and I've treasured our friendship over these many years.
(29:04):
Leonard M from Missouri ask mister Gamwich, I want to
know why we cannot get a six year term policy
and acted for members of both Houses of Congress. We
don't get that passed, then we'll never be able to
drain the swamp and its rets. We know the founding
fathers tried to find a balance. They deliberately wanted the
House elected every two years because they wanted to be
(29:25):
able to get people to be responsible to the public.
I know when I was in the House the day
after the election, I was out shaking hands because I
knew that the next election was only two years away,
and I cite that because I'm not so sure we
want both branches elected every six years and being that
(29:47):
far away from the American people. The balance is that
one third of the Senate's voter on every two years,
one third comes up again the next two years, and
then one the last two years, so the Senate always
has two thirds of its members a little bit beyond
the immediate public pressure. The House comes up every two years,
and every members of State and the Presidency of courses
(30:09):
every four years. So I actually think that's a pretty
good balance that gives you a little bit of perspective
but also keeps the heat on. And frankly, I trust
the American people more than I trust either the elected
officials or the bureaucrats, So I'm pretty comfortable making the
House accountable to the American people. Thank you to my guest,
(30:34):
Carl Road. You can read more about the truth behind
the coronavirus on our show page at knutsworld dot com.
Newtsworld is produced by Gingwish, Sweet sixty and iHeartMedia. Our
executive producer is Debbie Myers, and our producers guards slow
you our work for the show, who was created by
Steve Penwoy. Special thanks to the team at Gingwich three sixty.
(30:58):
Please email me with your question Atingwish three sixty dot
com slash Questions. I'll answer a selection of questions in
future episodes. If you've been enjoying news World, I hope
you'll go to Apple Podcasts and both rate us with
five starts and give us a review so others can
learn what it's all about. I'm new Gingwish. This is
(31:19):
news World.
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