June 30, 2025 • 29 mins
We want to see what life is like for the civilians of the favela. So far we've only been around armed foot-soldiers and serious gang members. What we find in the heart of the favela is more incredible than we ever expected.
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Causer Media. You're listening to the Away Days podcast on
the ground outside reporting from the underbelly with me Jake Hanrahan.
To watch Awaydays documentaries, go to YouTube dot com slash
at Away Days TV. This is part two for Velo Government,
(00:30):
Episode two. This podcast is a production of H eleven
Studio and Call his Own Media. For the first few
days in the favela, we've only really been around gang members.
Obviously that's a huge focus of the project, but I
(00:52):
want to see what civilians are doing as well, specifically
if there are any community outreach programs that might help
the people of the Favella in their everyday lives. I
speak to Carlos about this and he thinks for a moment, then,
as if a light bulb was flashed on in his head,
he says, yes.
Speaker 2 (01:10):
The gym.
Speaker 1 (01:12):
While CV is a violent foravela gang with international drugs
network set up across the world, it does actually do
some community outreach at home. Whether it's as a means
to coerce the population of the areas they control or
out of a genuine altruistic streak remains to be determined.
But I don't think it really matters the residence of
(01:34):
the favela's benefit when at least something is provided for
them at this stage, when the deprivation is so bad,
the intention is largely irrelevant for the people. Put yourself
in their shoes. If you're struggling day to day to
get by, and the armed group running in your area
does something to help, you're probably not going to ask
(01:57):
why or where it's coming from, saying goes. Beggars can't
be choosers. It's certainly not my place to cast any
judgment on what civilians of the favela accept. They're stuck
between a rock and a hard place. So the gym,
what Carlos is talking about is a place reported to
(02:20):
have been built entirely by Red Commands. Well, the construction
was funded by them, at least in philak Foggatro. The
gang is the only authority as a whole. The organization
is believed to make hundreds of millions of dollars a
year through their various criminal enterprises. Apparently, though they've invested
(02:40):
some of that many in the gym here. Of course,
I'm a bit skeptical. I want to see this gym
with my own eyes. So Carlos leads us up there,
gang members Watchohn as he does. After a few minutes,
stepping over short walls and walking up uneven steps, we
merge back at the intersection. Whether the CV guys were
(03:01):
dealing drugs out in the open. I'm confused. We've already
been here and I don't see a gym anywhere. Carlos
points towards one of the slopes leading out of the
area to get another collection of alleyways, snickets and diy roads.
Speaker 2 (03:16):
But I still don't see it. Where is the gym?
Speaker 1 (03:20):
Carlos points again to the huge building built out of
solid concrete to the left.
Speaker 2 (03:25):
That is the gym.
Speaker 1 (03:27):
I was picturing some kind of small time spit and
sawdust gym on a random corner somewhere. But this is
a massive sports hall. It must have cost an absolute
fortune to build. As well as all the obvious open
air criminality, CV actually do put money back into the community.
They actually built this sports hall. So we're going to
(03:48):
go and speak to a guy who's putting on a
wrestling class for the local kids here in the favela.
Inside the area is cool and the ceilings are high.
The sound of happy children echo around the hall. There
were basketball courts a small weight gym and an area
for kids to train in the grappling heavy combat sport
Luta Levrey. That's upstairs to the right. Young kids around
(04:12):
eight to twelve years old are flooding in. There's a
class on soon. I make my way up the stairs
to the Luta Levre area. The floors are padded with
inch thick mats. On the walls that are shells with
several gold medals and championship cups. The smell of tye
oil and sweat is heavy in the air. A lean
man in his thirties wearing a skin tight rash guard
(04:32):
and wrestling shorts greets me warmly as the young fighters
gather on the mats. This is Diogo Alacantara. He runs
the Luta Levre club here in the gang built for
Vella Sports. His fight team here is called Boa Safrateine
and they're very good at Luta Livrey here.
Speaker 3 (04:50):
With it's our grappling style, similar with jiujitsu.
Speaker 1 (04:58):
Luta livre literally means free fighting in Portuguese. It's a
lesser norn but culturally deep combat sport that developed in
Brazil in the mid twentieth century. While often overshadowed by
the more popular martial art Brazilian jiu Jitsu or BJJ,
Luta libre has its own unique history, specific techniques, and
(05:18):
subcultural following. The sport demonstrates a different style of hand
to hand combat. Whilst Luta Libre's roots are in catch wrestling,
it's more a mix of dap judo and its own
effective customs. Differing from BJJ, the submission in luta libre
is always paramount. This wrestling style took a more defined
shape in the nineteen forties and nineteen fifties. Key figures
(05:42):
in its development include Ulysses Tattoo Hattem, a Lebanese Brazilian
catch wrestler often considered the father of Luta libre. He
was known for defeating numerous opponents from various styles, including
jiu jitsu practitioners. He laid the groundwork for what would
become a distinct Brazilian grappling art. What's more, Luta livre
(06:04):
is fought without a gee, the white jacket thing traditional
jiu jitsu fighters, where this nogi format made it appealing
for real world fighting scenarios and the early MMA style. Now,
the philosophical elements of Luta livre are specifically interesting, especially
in regards to their early class connections. For example, in
(06:26):
the early days, there was a divide when it came
to BJJ and Luta Livre. BJJ was associated with upper
class families, most notably the now famous Grazzi family. BJJ
academies were extensive, exclusive, and located in affluent areas. In contrast,
(06:46):
Luta livre was born in the poorer parts of Rio
de Janeiro. Where here in philak Fogeto, for example, it
still remains. Luta livre began as a working class discipline.
Its practitioners were often from backgrounds, and the art itself
carried a bit more weight on its shoulders.
Speaker 2 (07:04):
Lute livray was for the street fighters.
Speaker 1 (07:07):
By the nineteen eighties and nineteen nineties, this class and
cultural divide exploded into one of the most intense martial
arts rivalries in Brazil. There were literal gang fights between
teams from BJJ and Lua levre gyms. Some of these
brawls were organized challenges, arranged fights, and others were random
(07:28):
battles spontaneously happening when each side met the other.
Speaker 2 (07:32):
Gyms were stormed.
Speaker 1 (07:33):
Rival athletes would fight in car parks, beaches, or at
televised events, and at this time the lines between the
street and the gym were very much blurred. Luteleivre fighters
felt disrespected and marginalized, not just by the BJJ elite,
but by the media and wider martial arts community. BJJ
had the prestige, the international recognition, and a lot of
(07:57):
financial backing. Luteivre had the the streets and the defiance.
Sadly though, that's not enough in the elitist world of
big money combat sports promotions.
Speaker 2 (08:09):
At the time.
Speaker 1 (08:10):
One of the most iconic flash points was a challenge
match in the early nineties where Eugenio Tadoo, a top
blue toa Lire fighter, faced Walid Ishmael, a tough BJJ
black belt. The match was televised nationally and it ended
in chaos. Wyatt police had to intervene when the crowd
went mental, turning very violent against each other. Another infamous
(08:34):
moment came in nineteen ninety seven when Tado for Renzo
Grazie in a bare knuckle fight that spaked a full
scale riot among fans in Rio. To put it lightly,
the rivalry was serious business in many ways, though I
think it directly reflects the class issues of Brazil.
Speaker 2 (08:53):
Today.
Speaker 1 (08:54):
The rivalry wasn't just for show or promo either. They
were bitter, real and deep embedded in the social tension
of the country. Luta Livre was seen as the fight
of the favelas BJJ was the marshal out of the suburbs.
Despite the talent and the toughness of many Luta Livre fighters,
the style never really gained the same global attraction as BJJ.
(09:18):
Part of this was due to marketing. BJJ had the
Gracie family pushing it hard overseas, particularly in the US,
where it exploded after Royce Gracie dominated early UFC events.
At the same time, Luteivra was lacking a unified voice
or even charismatic promoters, and it never really broke through internationally.
(09:40):
Another issue was accessibility. Many top Luta Livro coaches and
gyms were based in impoverished areas like the favelas. They
simply didn't have the same access for money to go
and do international travel or media exposure. As BJJ grew
into a massive global empire with worldwide academies, big competitions,
(10:02):
and even celebrities endorsing it, Luta Livre became increasingly localized,
still respected by hardcore fans, but fading from the spotlight
as a whole. Today, Luta Livre is far from dead
dog in Brazil, particularly here in Rio, you'll find dedicated
jyms teaching this aggressive no gi grappling support. Now, as
(10:24):
I've just explained that Luta Livre has always been more
than just a marshal art. It's a symbol of the
working class counterculture here in Brazil. It carries the legacy
of Rio's poorer communities, the hardcore culture of street fights
in and the belief that you don't need money or
prestige to be a good fighter. Fogato is of course
(10:47):
a natural place for Luta Livre, despite the poverty and
the minimal support. The Ogos Boa Safra team are one
of the best in Brazil, live and direct from the favela.
Speaker 3 (11:00):
Right now, we want the nationals and the International Cup.
So the kids love fight, fight is their lives.
Speaker 1 (11:07):
How did you get it tied like here? Because this
is obviously an area that a lot of people don't
go to.
Speaker 3 (11:12):
I grew up here, Yeah, I live here since all
my life, so I know all the kids, uh, since
the day one we start here. Because we kind of
feel that we need to give the kids an opportunity
to bus someone. We teach two the kids have a
right feature.
Speaker 2 (11:31):
So what was it like growing up here?
Speaker 3 (11:33):
Very difficult, especially because of my background history. My father
used to be a cop, yeah you know, and he
died when I was two, he got murder and when
I have a two years so I grew up without
a father. Was very complicated in LA and I was
(11:56):
thinking in that revenge or bad feelings, you know. But
when I make eighteen, I started to think, oh, I
have to make a thing to the kids. Don't follow
what the guy make with with my father, you know,
so two other families have a good future, a bright future.
Speaker 1 (12:17):
Do you feel like there's maybe a bad rap like
this area gets like a lot of bad press when
it's maybe not warranted, or do you think like it's
you know, it's understandable.
Speaker 3 (12:27):
It's complicated, right, Yeah, it's complicated because the government dot
com true help. We don't have help here, so are
doing is for free. It's very complicated, but it's a life.
Speaker 4 (12:37):
You know.
Speaker 1 (12:38):
We live in af Avella and like the gangs around
here that are kind of cool with this, I like.
Speaker 3 (12:42):
What yeah, yeah, a lot of members they put the
kids on to do because they could see that this
is an opportunity to the kids get a right path,
you know, So they are they like that.
Speaker 1 (12:57):
There's a part you said the government is kind of
like a band in the area. Do they do anything here?
Speaker 2 (13:01):
Like is any of this linked to the government?
Speaker 3 (13:04):
Ah?
Speaker 2 (13:04):
No, no, no, wow? So who built this thela okay?
Speaker 3 (13:10):
You know, yeah, tuggs.
Speaker 1 (13:13):
That's that's interesting though it's unusual.
Speaker 3 (13:15):
The pang was crack because it's how you say, it's huge.
Speaker 4 (13:20):
It's huge.
Speaker 1 (13:21):
All right man, I'll let you go on. Thank you
so muank you very much, start right now. I think
it's amazing what you're doing.
Speaker 3 (13:27):
You back.
Speaker 1 (13:27):
The theogo is a true diamond in the dirt. His
father was killed by the gang, and yet he works
(13:48):
with them so the youth of the favela can have
a better life for themselves. As is with any extreme situation,
there were many different shades of gray hair. Surviving in
the favela is not so sick. This gym is a
great refuge for the kids of Philett Fogatero. But the
coach is fighting an uphill battle. Street violence is out
(14:10):
of control. Young men are still getting caught up in
the gangs, often joining when they're just children. In recent years,
CV has ramped up operations. The gang has ambushed police stations,
shot up banks, launched deadly prison riots, extended their drugs network,
(14:31):
and executed people. CV now controls the majority of gang
municipalities across Rio. The bloodshed is non stop. There were
over three and a half thousand murders in this state
last year. That's almost three hundred killings a month. This
(14:55):
doesn't happen in a vacuum. The police and their so
called militias play a big role in the violence. The
militias are criminal squads formed mostly of rogue police. They
shoot their way into favelas, extort the residents, and set
up protection rackets. Brazil's military police are also involved, specifically
(15:19):
both a notorious shoot to kill tactical unit. In Rio
twenty nineteen, they executed thirteen men here in Philette Fogetero.
The victims were shot after surrendering. They were unarmed, restrained,
and yet still got a bullet in the head. All
of the cops involved were cleared of any wrongdoing. We
(15:55):
get word that one of the higher up CV members
might be willing to speak to us so far, it's
been mostly foot soldiers and mid level street buses. The
higher ups are, no doubt here, there and everywhere, watching on,
but they're not stepping out to talk to us, not yet.
Much like a rebel group or militia detachment, CV as
(16:17):
a criminal gang has a strict hierarchical structure. At the
top is the general leadership. This is composed of high
ranking members who are either running things directly from prison
or whilst on the run in hiding, often stowed away
in the depths of the favelas. For the top members
of CV, being sent to prison by no means stops
(16:38):
their operations. Leaders continue to run things via smuggled mobile
phones or corrupt prison staff, both of which are in
abundance in Brazil. These top level figures coordinate alliances, resolve disputes,
handle external communications, and manage the organization's financial game plan.
(16:59):
Beneath are what's called the fronts. These are mid tier
commanders responsible for managing a specific territory, either a whole
favella or a cluster of communities within one. A front
overseas drug operations, local enforcement, and strategic decisions in their
zone of control. It's a cell system that fitters upwards.
(17:22):
The fronts maintain punishments, collect profits, and enforce loyalty to
the wider CV command. Each front has what you could
call sub bosses who handle daily operations. These include supervising lookouts,
coordinating drug runners, and overseeing the soldados, the gang's armed
foot soldiers. These sub bosses act as go between for
(17:46):
the street level operatives and the upper leadership. The lad
we mentioned in Episode one, Fat Sexy is one of
such sub bosses. As a whole, CV operates as a
system like a decentralized franchise. What everyone involved is united
by allegiance to CV and their shared criminal code. Each
front has relative autonomy in managing its local operations. This
(18:11):
model allows flexibility and means that if one cell is
wiped out, either through death or arrest, it doesn't really
affect the full structure of the gang. These networks keep
it all moving and are very important, as drug trafficking
is the lifeblood of CV. Territories are fiercely defended to
protect sales points, which generate consistent revenue for the gang.
(18:35):
Arms trafficking, extortion, and robbery supplement their income. The drug
store is that bread and butter Internal discipline in CV
is enforced through a code known as the estatuto the
crime literally a crime statute. This is a kind of
gangster charter. It includes rules on respecting allies, not stealing
(18:59):
within the network, and severe punishments for those who go
against this, either through betrayal or in subordination. The punishment,
more often than not, is death. CV regularly executes their
members who don't tow the line. The idea is that
the crime statue enforces CV rule within their network and
(19:21):
prevents fragmentation in what is a highly complicated cell structure
of gang members all across Brazil. Initiation into CV can
involve a baptism of violence. You can't be a member
of this gang if you're not ready to kill anyone
at any time anywhere. Loyalty is prized above all else.
(19:43):
Desertion is rare. Members are expected to obey orders without
question and contribute financially. CV also communicates their power across
all the areas they control. Whether you're a bossman of
a front or a young runner transport in drugs around
the favel, you'll always know exactly who's in control. CV
(20:04):
graffiti Marx their territory on every war. I don't think
I've turned a single corner here and pilot for Guetro
without seeing the red CV emblazoned.
Speaker 2 (20:13):
On the wall somewhere.
Speaker 1 (20:14):
What's more, here there are very few tags of other
gangs sprayed over. This indicates that CV's nearby rivals have
almost never invaded and captured this Favella, because when they do,
they spray up their own gang tags. CV has filoped
for Gato on lock inside and outside prison, CV moves
(20:36):
with the same strategy of communications. In the prison, they
have what's called disaplinas, inmate representatives who are responsible for
enforcing gang rules and handling internal disputes. These figures often
act as liaisons between operatives who are outside and free
and cvs jailed leadership. Overall, CV functions like a criminal operation,
(21:01):
with a strict hierarchy, defined roles, and military style discipline
Within their more active ranks. The gang has an ability
to adapt and maintain unity despite regular police crackdowns and
bloody internal disputes.
Speaker 2 (21:16):
This has allowed CB.
Speaker 1 (21:18):
To survive for over four decades, evolving into a dominant
force in Brazil's underworld. Naturally, I want to meet one
of the guys who's moving in the higher up echelons
of the gang. Turns out, after a few days in
the favela where we've been watched and susted out from
a distance, a CB sub boss has agreed to meet me.
(21:52):
We head down to an open intersection with an intense
cobweb of knotted up phone lines above our heads in
every direction. A health and safety officer would have an
absolute heart attack in this place. We don't have to
wait long when the CV higher up arrives. Apparently he
goes by the name Player, and he wears a balaclava
and a zip up coat. He's short, but noticeably stocky,
(22:17):
much like the other front sub boss we saw earlier.
He's clearly eating a lot better than your average foot
soldier or drug runner. What's interesting is that Player is
visibly unarmed. No one else in CV that we've met
so far has moved more than a few feet with
their gun either nearby or slung over their shoulder. If
(22:37):
I had to guess, this guy is so confident in
his role in the gang that he doesn't need to
carry his own side arm for such events as meeting
a reporter from the UK.
Speaker 2 (22:47):
Why would he?
Speaker 1 (22:48):
Everyone around him is basically his protector. Player waves us
over and we walk to the end of a long
ledge where you can see the whole built up valley
of the rival controlled for Vella nearby.
Speaker 4 (23:00):
Right.
Speaker 1 (23:01):
The player has a noticeable gravitas to him. You walk
slowly and purposely. He thinks before he speaks, and he
looks at me with complete uninterest. He points out to
the Rival for Vella. He looks intensely begins to explain
that never ending battle CV has with their enemies.
Speaker 4 (23:21):
Every time we go over there, we kill. There are enemies.
There's no other way. It's an urban war. One side attacks,
one side kills. It's a war that's going to last
until the end of the world.
Speaker 1 (23:33):
Do you guys feel like maybe like CV is like
the government of this for Vela.
Speaker 4 (23:37):
Like no doubt, no doubt. CV law works in this
case to implement rules, not to take your rights away.
That's how it is. Each person in their own place.
Speaker 1 (23:50):
The government say this place is like this because of you, guys,
because the CV here. That's why there's chaos, that's why
there's you know, drugs and shooting and stuff like that.
They say, it's your fault. What do you think about that?
Speaker 4 (24:05):
They're totally wrong. Our criminal code keeps people in order.
We don't charge taxes or come to your doorstep for money.
Each person is where they belong. The cops are a
bunch of corrupt assholes. We have saying here in Brazil.
And it's a fact, a well known fact. Those in
power don't want the word to end because more war
means more profit.
Speaker 1 (24:26):
So obviously you're at war with the police. You fight
with the police, we've already seen. But do you actually,
like you know, pay off the police. Do you ever
have any interactions with them like.
Speaker 4 (24:33):
That in a way, yes, because what helps us helps everybody.
We've made deals with cops which reduces their mistreatment of
the residents here. The enemy of my enemy is my friend.
You know.
Speaker 1 (24:50):
Here is very different. So in the city, do you
feel part of Brazil here? Do you actually feel part
of this country or separate.
Speaker 4 (25:00):
And Brazilian? We defend our homeland in a way. It's
the state that's genocidal. They want to exclude the poor
people in the black people. But with hustle and determination,
it's CV who helps these people. The government abandoned us,
They left it for God to decide. So CV to
(25:22):
control the difference between CV and other gangs is that
everybody is grounded and equal.
Speaker 1 (25:29):
After this is translated to me, I can't help but
show my skepticism. Problem with me my whole life is
that I'm somehow incapable of hiding my emotions in my face.
It just covers my whole face like a mask instantly,
as you can imagine. I've done my research, and I
don't believe that CV is quite as fair as Player
(25:50):
is saying they are. He clocks my face and just
looks me dead in the eye. He holds the gaze
for about thirty seconds without blinking. His eyes are completely black,
just no color, two huge pupils. I get the feeling
I best lose the skepticism from my face as soon
as possible. I look away off into the distance, and
(26:12):
I think about what Player was saying. Whilst he's of
course doing up pr for his own gang, something he's
been around since he was a child, He's actually got
some very good points. The government has totally abandoned them
here in the favela. This has been going on for
a very long time, and not one single government entity
here has made a considerable difference to the lives of
(26:34):
the people in the communities of the favelas. The government
blames it all entirely on the gangs, but the gang
didn't evolve into what they are today for no reason.
I look around and I see the foot soldiers up
the roads, all of them with semi automatic rifles dangling
from their skinny bodies. Then Player reaches his hand out
(26:56):
to me. I look up and he nots shake. We embrace.
It's all good. He knows his role, iron O mine.
In this day in the Favela, we met two different
kinds of leaders, Player being the head of a considerable
higher up position in the CV criminal hierarchy here in
Philip Fogeterro and also Diogo at the gym. Diogo is
(27:21):
a saving grace in a place like this. God knows
how many children he's saved from the gang life by
simply being a positive role model and a tough leader
in their equal and fair Lute Levy community. There are
many diamonds in the dirt in a place like this.
The Favela is simply not black and white in any way,
(27:42):
shape or form. Next episode will be meeting an aspiring
musician that's managed to keep himself out of harm's way
in the Favella, despite living amongst the gang and even
having friends that were executed by the police, he himself, though,
(28:06):
is completely unaffiliated. It is possible you've been listening to
the Away Days podcast. Next Week par two, Episode two.
To watch independent Away Days documentaries, subscribe to our channel
at YouTube dot com slash at away Days TV. The
(28:30):
Awaitdays Podcast is a production of H eleven Studio for
Cool Zone Media. Reporting, producing, writing, editing and research by
me Jake Hanrahan, co producing by Sophy Lichtman, Music by
Sam Black and in this episode, Diamondstein sound mixed by
(28:51):
Splicing Block. Photography by Johnny Pickop and Louis Hollis. Graphic
design by Laura Adamson k C. Highfields as
Causer Media. You're listening to the Away Days podcast on
the ground outside reporting from the underbelly with me Jake Hanrahan.
To watch Awaydays documentaries, go to YouTube dot com slash
at Away Days TV. This is part two for Velo Government,
(00:30):
Episode two. This podcast is a production of H eleven
Studio and Call his Own Media. For the first few
days in the favela, we've only really been around gang members.
Obviously that's a huge focus of the project, but I
(00:52):
want to see what civilians are doing as well, specifically
if there are any community outreach programs that might help
the people of the Favella in their everyday lives. I
speak to Carlos about this and he thinks for a moment, then,
as if a light bulb was flashed on in his head,
he says, yes.
Speaker 2 (01:10):
The gym.
Speaker 1 (01:12):
While CV is a violent foravela gang with international drugs
network set up across the world, it does actually do
some community outreach at home. Whether it's as a means
to coerce the population of the areas they control or
out of a genuine altruistic streak remains to be determined.
But I don't think it really matters the residence of
(01:34):
the favela's benefit when at least something is provided for
them at this stage, when the deprivation is so bad,
the intention is largely irrelevant for the people. Put yourself
in their shoes. If you're struggling day to day to
get by, and the armed group running in your area
does something to help, you're probably not going to ask
(01:57):
why or where it's coming from, saying goes. Beggars can't
be choosers. It's certainly not my place to cast any
judgment on what civilians of the favela accept. They're stuck
between a rock and a hard place. So the gym,
what Carlos is talking about is a place reported to
(02:20):
have been built entirely by Red Commands. Well, the construction
was funded by them, at least in philak Foggatro. The
gang is the only authority as a whole. The organization
is believed to make hundreds of millions of dollars a
year through their various criminal enterprises. Apparently, though they've invested
(02:40):
some of that many in the gym here. Of course,
I'm a bit skeptical. I want to see this gym
with my own eyes. So Carlos leads us up there,
gang members Watchohn as he does. After a few minutes,
stepping over short walls and walking up uneven steps, we
merge back at the intersection. Whether the CV guys were
(03:01):
dealing drugs out in the open. I'm confused. We've already
been here and I don't see a gym anywhere. Carlos
points towards one of the slopes leading out of the
area to get another collection of alleyways, snickets and diy roads.
Speaker 2 (03:16):
But I still don't see it. Where is the gym?
Speaker 1 (03:20):
Carlos points again to the huge building built out of
solid concrete to the left.
Speaker 2 (03:25):
That is the gym.
Speaker 1 (03:27):
I was picturing some kind of small time spit and
sawdust gym on a random corner somewhere. But this is
a massive sports hall. It must have cost an absolute
fortune to build. As well as all the obvious open
air criminality, CV actually do put money back into the community.
They actually built this sports hall. So we're going to
(03:48):
go and speak to a guy who's putting on a
wrestling class for the local kids here in the favela.
Inside the area is cool and the ceilings are high.
The sound of happy children echo around the hall. There
were basketball courts a small weight gym and an area
for kids to train in the grappling heavy combat sport
Luta Levrey. That's upstairs to the right. Young kids around
(04:12):
eight to twelve years old are flooding in. There's a
class on soon. I make my way up the stairs
to the Luta Levre area. The floors are padded with
inch thick mats. On the walls that are shells with
several gold medals and championship cups. The smell of tye
oil and sweat is heavy in the air. A lean
man in his thirties wearing a skin tight rash guard
(04:32):
and wrestling shorts greets me warmly as the young fighters
gather on the mats. This is Diogo Alacantara. He runs
the Luta Levre club here in the gang built for
Vella Sports. His fight team here is called Boa Safrateine
and they're very good at Luta Livrey here.
Speaker 3 (04:50):
With it's our grappling style, similar with jiujitsu.
Speaker 1 (04:58):
Luta livre literally means free fighting in Portuguese. It's a
lesser norn but culturally deep combat sport that developed in
Brazil in the mid twentieth century. While often overshadowed by
the more popular martial art Brazilian jiu Jitsu or BJJ,
Luta libre has its own unique history, specific techniques, and
(05:18):
subcultural following. The sport demonstrates a different style of hand
to hand combat. Whilst Luta Libre's roots are in catch wrestling,
it's more a mix of dap judo and its own
effective customs. Differing from BJJ, the submission in luta libre
is always paramount. This wrestling style took a more defined
shape in the nineteen forties and nineteen fifties. Key figures
(05:42):
in its development include Ulysses Tattoo Hattem, a Lebanese Brazilian
catch wrestler often considered the father of Luta libre. He
was known for defeating numerous opponents from various styles, including
jiu jitsu practitioners. He laid the groundwork for what would
become a distinct Brazilian grappling art. What's more, Luta livre
(06:04):
is fought without a gee, the white jacket thing traditional
jiu jitsu fighters, where this nogi format made it appealing
for real world fighting scenarios and the early MMA style. Now,
the philosophical elements of Luta livre are specifically interesting, especially
in regards to their early class connections. For example, in
(06:26):
the early days, there was a divide when it came
to BJJ and Luta Livre. BJJ was associated with upper
class families, most notably the now famous Grazzi family. BJJ
academies were extensive, exclusive, and located in affluent areas. In contrast,
(06:46):
Luta livre was born in the poorer parts of Rio
de Janeiro. Where here in philak Fogeto, for example, it
still remains. Luta livre began as a working class discipline.
Its practitioners were often from backgrounds, and the art itself
carried a bit more weight on its shoulders.
Speaker 2 (07:04):
Lute livray was for the street fighters.
Speaker 1 (07:07):
By the nineteen eighties and nineteen nineties, this class and
cultural divide exploded into one of the most intense martial
arts rivalries in Brazil. There were literal gang fights between
teams from BJJ and Lua levre gyms. Some of these
brawls were organized challenges, arranged fights, and others were random
(07:28):
battles spontaneously happening when each side met the other.
Speaker 2 (07:32):
Gyms were stormed.
Speaker 1 (07:33):
Rival athletes would fight in car parks, beaches, or at
televised events, and at this time the lines between the
street and the gym were very much blurred. Luteleivre fighters
felt disrespected and marginalized, not just by the BJJ elite,
but by the media and wider martial arts community. BJJ
had the prestige, the international recognition, and a lot of
(07:57):
financial backing. Luteivre had the the streets and the defiance.
Sadly though, that's not enough in the elitist world of
big money combat sports promotions.
Speaker 2 (08:09):
At the time.
Speaker 1 (08:10):
One of the most iconic flash points was a challenge
match in the early nineties where Eugenio Tadoo, a top
blue toa Lire fighter, faced Walid Ishmael, a tough BJJ
black belt. The match was televised nationally and it ended
in chaos. Wyatt police had to intervene when the crowd
went mental, turning very violent against each other. Another infamous
(08:34):
moment came in nineteen ninety seven when Tado for Renzo
Grazie in a bare knuckle fight that spaked a full
scale riot among fans in Rio. To put it lightly,
the rivalry was serious business in many ways, though I
think it directly reflects the class issues of Brazil.
Speaker 2 (08:53):
Today.
Speaker 1 (08:54):
The rivalry wasn't just for show or promo either. They
were bitter, real and deep embedded in the social tension
of the country. Luta Livre was seen as the fight
of the favelas BJJ was the marshal out of the suburbs.
Despite the talent and the toughness of many Luta Livre fighters,
the style never really gained the same global attraction as BJJ.
(09:18):
Part of this was due to marketing. BJJ had the
Gracie family pushing it hard overseas, particularly in the US,
where it exploded after Royce Gracie dominated early UFC events.
At the same time, Luteivra was lacking a unified voice
or even charismatic promoters, and it never really broke through internationally.
(09:40):
Another issue was accessibility. Many top Luta Livro coaches and
gyms were based in impoverished areas like the favelas. They
simply didn't have the same access for money to go
and do international travel or media exposure. As BJJ grew
into a massive global empire with worldwide academies, big competitions,
(10:02):
and even celebrities endorsing it, Luta Livre became increasingly localized,
still respected by hardcore fans, but fading from the spotlight
as a whole. Today, Luta Livre is far from dead
dog in Brazil, particularly here in Rio, you'll find dedicated
jyms teaching this aggressive no gi grappling support. Now, as
(10:24):
I've just explained that Luta Livre has always been more
than just a marshal art. It's a symbol of the
working class counterculture here in Brazil. It carries the legacy
of Rio's poorer communities, the hardcore culture of street fights
in and the belief that you don't need money or
prestige to be a good fighter. Fogato is of course
(10:47):
a natural place for Luta Livre, despite the poverty and
the minimal support. The Ogos Boa Safra team are one
of the best in Brazil, live and direct from the favela.
Speaker 3 (11:00):
Right now, we want the nationals and the International Cup.
So the kids love fight, fight is their lives.
Speaker 1 (11:07):
How did you get it tied like here? Because this
is obviously an area that a lot of people don't
go to.
Speaker 3 (11:12):
I grew up here, Yeah, I live here since all
my life, so I know all the kids, uh, since
the day one we start here. Because we kind of
feel that we need to give the kids an opportunity
to bus someone. We teach two the kids have a
right feature.
Speaker 2 (11:31):
So what was it like growing up here?
Speaker 3 (11:33):
Very difficult, especially because of my background history. My father
used to be a cop, yeah you know, and he
died when I was two, he got murder and when
I have a two years so I grew up without
a father. Was very complicated in LA and I was
(11:56):
thinking in that revenge or bad feelings, you know. But
when I make eighteen, I started to think, oh, I
have to make a thing to the kids. Don't follow
what the guy make with with my father, you know,
so two other families have a good future, a bright future.
Speaker 1 (12:17):
Do you feel like there's maybe a bad rap like
this area gets like a lot of bad press when
it's maybe not warranted, or do you think like it's
you know, it's understandable.
Speaker 3 (12:27):
It's complicated, right, Yeah, it's complicated because the government dot
com true help. We don't have help here, so are
doing is for free. It's very complicated, but it's a life.
Speaker 4 (12:37):
You know.
Speaker 1 (12:38):
We live in af Avella and like the gangs around
here that are kind of cool with this, I like.
Speaker 3 (12:42):
What yeah, yeah, a lot of members they put the
kids on to do because they could see that this
is an opportunity to the kids get a right path,
you know, So they are they like that.
Speaker 1 (12:57):
There's a part you said the government is kind of
like a band in the area. Do they do anything here?
Speaker 2 (13:01):
Like is any of this linked to the government?
Speaker 3 (13:04):
Ah?
Speaker 2 (13:04):
No, no, no, wow? So who built this thela okay?
Speaker 3 (13:10):
You know, yeah, tuggs.
Speaker 1 (13:13):
That's that's interesting though it's unusual.
Speaker 3 (13:15):
The pang was crack because it's how you say, it's huge.
Speaker 4 (13:20):
It's huge.
Speaker 1 (13:21):
All right man, I'll let you go on. Thank you
so muank you very much, start right now. I think
it's amazing what you're doing.
Speaker 3 (13:27):
You back.
Speaker 1 (13:27):
The theogo is a true diamond in the dirt. His
father was killed by the gang, and yet he works
(13:48):
with them so the youth of the favela can have
a better life for themselves. As is with any extreme situation,
there were many different shades of gray hair. Surviving in
the favela is not so sick. This gym is a
great refuge for the kids of Philett Fogatero. But the
coach is fighting an uphill battle. Street violence is out
(14:10):
of control. Young men are still getting caught up in
the gangs, often joining when they're just children. In recent years,
CV has ramped up operations. The gang has ambushed police stations,
shot up banks, launched deadly prison riots, extended their drugs network,
(14:31):
and executed people. CV now controls the majority of gang
municipalities across Rio. The bloodshed is non stop. There were
over three and a half thousand murders in this state
last year. That's almost three hundred killings a month. This
(14:55):
doesn't happen in a vacuum. The police and their so
called militias play a big role in the violence. The
militias are criminal squads formed mostly of rogue police. They
shoot their way into favelas, extort the residents, and set
up protection rackets. Brazil's military police are also involved, specifically
(15:19):
both a notorious shoot to kill tactical unit. In Rio
twenty nineteen, they executed thirteen men here in Philette Fogetero.
The victims were shot after surrendering. They were unarmed, restrained,
and yet still got a bullet in the head. All
of the cops involved were cleared of any wrongdoing. We
(15:55):
get word that one of the higher up CV members
might be willing to speak to us so far, it's
been mostly foot soldiers and mid level street buses. The
higher ups are, no doubt here, there and everywhere, watching on,
but they're not stepping out to talk to us, not yet.
Much like a rebel group or militia detachment, CV as
(16:17):
a criminal gang has a strict hierarchical structure. At the
top is the general leadership. This is composed of high
ranking members who are either running things directly from prison
or whilst on the run in hiding, often stowed away
in the depths of the favelas. For the top members
of CV, being sent to prison by no means stops
(16:38):
their operations. Leaders continue to run things via smuggled mobile
phones or corrupt prison staff, both of which are in
abundance in Brazil. These top level figures coordinate alliances, resolve disputes,
handle external communications, and manage the organization's financial game plan.
(16:59):
Beneath are what's called the fronts. These are mid tier
commanders responsible for managing a specific territory, either a whole
favella or a cluster of communities within one. A front
overseas drug operations, local enforcement, and strategic decisions in their
zone of control. It's a cell system that fitters upwards.
(17:22):
The fronts maintain punishments, collect profits, and enforce loyalty to
the wider CV command. Each front has what you could
call sub bosses who handle daily operations. These include supervising lookouts,
coordinating drug runners, and overseeing the soldados, the gang's armed
foot soldiers. These sub bosses act as go between for
(17:46):
the street level operatives and the upper leadership. The lad
we mentioned in Episode one, Fat Sexy is one of
such sub bosses. As a whole, CV operates as a
system like a decentralized franchise. What everyone involved is united
by allegiance to CV and their shared criminal code. Each
front has relative autonomy in managing its local operations. This
(18:11):
model allows flexibility and means that if one cell is
wiped out, either through death or arrest, it doesn't really
affect the full structure of the gang. These networks keep
it all moving and are very important, as drug trafficking
is the lifeblood of CV. Territories are fiercely defended to
protect sales points, which generate consistent revenue for the gang.
(18:35):
Arms trafficking, extortion, and robbery supplement their income. The drug
store is that bread and butter Internal discipline in CV
is enforced through a code known as the estatuto the
crime literally a crime statute. This is a kind of
gangster charter. It includes rules on respecting allies, not stealing
(18:59):
within the network, and severe punishments for those who go
against this, either through betrayal or in subordination. The punishment,
more often than not, is death. CV regularly executes their
members who don't tow the line. The idea is that
the crime statue enforces CV rule within their network and
(19:21):
prevents fragmentation in what is a highly complicated cell structure
of gang members all across Brazil. Initiation into CV can
involve a baptism of violence. You can't be a member
of this gang if you're not ready to kill anyone
at any time anywhere. Loyalty is prized above all else.
(19:43):
Desertion is rare. Members are expected to obey orders without
question and contribute financially. CV also communicates their power across
all the areas they control. Whether you're a bossman of
a front or a young runner transport in drugs around
the favel, you'll always know exactly who's in control. CV
(20:04):
graffiti Marx their territory on every war. I don't think
I've turned a single corner here and pilot for Guetro
without seeing the red CV emblazoned.
Speaker 2 (20:13):
On the wall somewhere.
Speaker 1 (20:14):
What's more, here there are very few tags of other
gangs sprayed over. This indicates that CV's nearby rivals have
almost never invaded and captured this Favella, because when they do,
they spray up their own gang tags. CV has filoped
for Gato on lock inside and outside prison, CV moves
(20:36):
with the same strategy of communications. In the prison, they
have what's called disaplinas, inmate representatives who are responsible for
enforcing gang rules and handling internal disputes. These figures often
act as liaisons between operatives who are outside and free
and cvs jailed leadership. Overall, CV functions like a criminal operation,
(21:01):
with a strict hierarchy, defined roles, and military style discipline
Within their more active ranks. The gang has an ability
to adapt and maintain unity despite regular police crackdowns and
bloody internal disputes.
Speaker 2 (21:16):
This has allowed CB.
Speaker 1 (21:18):
To survive for over four decades, evolving into a dominant
force in Brazil's underworld. Naturally, I want to meet one
of the guys who's moving in the higher up echelons
of the gang. Turns out, after a few days in
the favela where we've been watched and susted out from
a distance, a CB sub boss has agreed to meet me.
(21:52):
We head down to an open intersection with an intense
cobweb of knotted up phone lines above our heads in
every direction. A health and safety officer would have an
absolute heart attack in this place. We don't have to
wait long when the CV higher up arrives. Apparently he
goes by the name Player, and he wears a balaclava
and a zip up coat. He's short, but noticeably stocky,
(22:17):
much like the other front sub boss we saw earlier.
He's clearly eating a lot better than your average foot
soldier or drug runner. What's interesting is that Player is
visibly unarmed. No one else in CV that we've met
so far has moved more than a few feet with
their gun either nearby or slung over their shoulder. If
(22:37):
I had to guess, this guy is so confident in
his role in the gang that he doesn't need to
carry his own side arm for such events as meeting
a reporter from the UK.
Speaker 2 (22:47):
Why would he?
Speaker 1 (22:48):
Everyone around him is basically his protector. Player waves us
over and we walk to the end of a long
ledge where you can see the whole built up valley
of the rival controlled for Vella nearby.
Speaker 4 (23:00):
Right.
Speaker 1 (23:01):
The player has a noticeable gravitas to him. You walk
slowly and purposely. He thinks before he speaks, and he
looks at me with complete uninterest. He points out to
the Rival for Vella. He looks intensely begins to explain
that never ending battle CV has with their enemies.
Speaker 4 (23:21):
Every time we go over there, we kill. There are enemies.
There's no other way. It's an urban war. One side attacks,
one side kills. It's a war that's going to last
until the end of the world.
Speaker 1 (23:33):
Do you guys feel like maybe like CV is like
the government of this for Vela.
Speaker 4 (23:37):
Like no doubt, no doubt. CV law works in this
case to implement rules, not to take your rights away.
That's how it is. Each person in their own place.
Speaker 1 (23:50):
The government say this place is like this because of you, guys,
because the CV here. That's why there's chaos, that's why
there's you know, drugs and shooting and stuff like that.
They say, it's your fault. What do you think about that?
Speaker 4 (24:05):
They're totally wrong. Our criminal code keeps people in order.
We don't charge taxes or come to your doorstep for money.
Each person is where they belong. The cops are a
bunch of corrupt assholes. We have saying here in Brazil.
And it's a fact, a well known fact. Those in
power don't want the word to end because more war
means more profit.
Speaker 1 (24:26):
So obviously you're at war with the police. You fight
with the police, we've already seen. But do you actually,
like you know, pay off the police. Do you ever
have any interactions with them like.
Speaker 4 (24:33):
That in a way, yes, because what helps us helps everybody.
We've made deals with cops which reduces their mistreatment of
the residents here. The enemy of my enemy is my friend.
You know.
Speaker 1 (24:50):
Here is very different. So in the city, do you
feel part of Brazil here? Do you actually feel part
of this country or separate.
Speaker 4 (25:00):
And Brazilian? We defend our homeland in a way. It's
the state that's genocidal. They want to exclude the poor
people in the black people. But with hustle and determination,
it's CV who helps these people. The government abandoned us,
They left it for God to decide. So CV to
(25:22):
control the difference between CV and other gangs is that
everybody is grounded and equal.
Speaker 1 (25:29):
After this is translated to me, I can't help but
show my skepticism. Problem with me my whole life is
that I'm somehow incapable of hiding my emotions in my face.
It just covers my whole face like a mask instantly,
as you can imagine. I've done my research, and I
don't believe that CV is quite as fair as Player
(25:50):
is saying they are. He clocks my face and just
looks me dead in the eye. He holds the gaze
for about thirty seconds without blinking. His eyes are completely black,
just no color, two huge pupils. I get the feeling
I best lose the skepticism from my face as soon
as possible. I look away off into the distance, and
(26:12):
I think about what Player was saying. Whilst he's of
course doing up pr for his own gang, something he's
been around since he was a child, He's actually got
some very good points. The government has totally abandoned them
here in the favela. This has been going on for
a very long time, and not one single government entity
here has made a considerable difference to the lives of
(26:34):
the people in the communities of the favelas. The government
blames it all entirely on the gangs, but the gang
didn't evolve into what they are today for no reason.
I look around and I see the foot soldiers up
the roads, all of them with semi automatic rifles dangling
from their skinny bodies. Then Player reaches his hand out
(26:56):
to me. I look up and he nots shake. We embrace.
It's all good. He knows his role, iron O mine.
In this day in the Favela, we met two different
kinds of leaders, Player being the head of a considerable
higher up position in the CV criminal hierarchy here in
Philip Fogeterro and also Diogo at the gym. Diogo is
(27:21):
a saving grace in a place like this. God knows
how many children he's saved from the gang life by
simply being a positive role model and a tough leader
in their equal and fair Lute Levy community. There are
many diamonds in the dirt in a place like this.
The Favela is simply not black and white in any way,
(27:42):
shape or form. Next episode will be meeting an aspiring
musician that's managed to keep himself out of harm's way
in the Favella, despite living amongst the gang and even
having friends that were executed by the police, he himself, though,
(28:06):
is completely unaffiliated. It is possible you've been listening to
the Away Days podcast. Next Week par two, Episode two.
To watch independent Away Days documentaries, subscribe to our channel
at YouTube dot com slash at away Days TV. The
(28:30):
Awaitdays Podcast is a production of H eleven Studio for
Cool Zone Media. Reporting, producing, writing, editing and research by
me Jake Hanrahan, co producing by Sophy Lichtman, Music by
Sam Black and in this episode, Diamondstein sound mixed by
(28:51):
Splicing Block. Photography by Johnny Pickop and Louis Hollis. Graphic
design by Laura Adamson k C. Highfields as
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