September 16, 2025 • 34 mins
On this week’s SoloPod, Angela Rye speaks with Michael Harriot about white-on-white crime.
In the last few months we’ve seen Charlie Kirk murdered, children killed at Annunciation Catholic Church, and a Minnesota state lawmaker assassinated by a psycho in a Michael Myers mask. White-on-white crime is upending our politics and making people afraid to gather in public. Enough is enough.
Read Michael Harriot’s data-driven piece on who commits the most political violence and hate crimes in the USA: https://www.contrabandcamp.com/p/are-leftists-coming-for-you-heres?r=c0yw&utm_medium=ios&triedRedirect=true
When a Black person commits a violent crime it’s often spun to be a reflection on the whole community. Why don’t white folks get the same treatment? Angela asks Michael Harriot, award winning journalist and NY Times best-selling author for his book, Black AF History: The Un-Whitewashed Story of America.
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Native Lanmdpod is a production of iHeartRadio in partnership with
Reason Choice Media. Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Hello everyone,
and welcome home. This is another edition of Native lamppod.
I am your host, Angela Rai and know my co
hosts aren't here because this is a solo pod. Y'all.
We have to have a conversation. It's a very important one.
(00:23):
It's about white on white crime. And the reason why
we need to have the conversation about white on white
crime is because often there is something about gang violence
that is talked about. And when you hear gang violence,
too many of us see the faces of black and
brown people in our minds. We don't always ascribe gang
(00:43):
violence to white vigilantes, to people who are white supremacists
or engage in white toxic toxicity. And that ideology that
follows what we know right now is that there is
a growing set of individuals who have almost like gang
like affiliations and these individuals are very, very dangerous to
(01:07):
this country's present and certainly its future. But we can
look back at history to see that there is nothing
new under the sun, as the Bible says, and unfortunately,
for us, we have not learned from the history that
they continue to try to snatch out of museums. So
joining me today is a legend. He is my brother,
he is my friend, really become we became cousins first,
(01:31):
and that's because the first PC ever wrote referencing me,
he called me cousin Angela. Like so many of people say,
I'm your cousin in your head, and it is my
highest honor. There's nothing more that I love more than
to be your cousin in your head. But Michael Harriet
is now my brother in real life. He is my
chosen family. He is a New York Times best selling
author of Black af history. And we cannot look at
(01:54):
where we are right now without looking back on history
and how this same toxic ideology has reared its ugly
head throughout this country's treacherous past. In order for us
to stop it, we have to call attention to it.
So let's bring Michael Harriet to the stage.
Speaker 2 (02:12):
Hello, Hey me, it is.
Speaker 1 (02:17):
My highest honor. So I'm gonna tell y'all all the
business before we get into the history of this. Michael,
I just want to say thank you. You always find
a way to bring pros to our pain. You always
find a way to ground us in the reality that
exists outside of these folks gaslighting us, and I just
(02:37):
thank you for that. I also want to acknowledge y'all,
when I was doing specials on BT New Specials on BT,
the first person I thought of, I was like, I
have to get Michael Harriet on this writing team. Michael
Harriet was the writing room y'all. Talk about Tyler Perry,
this one can also crack them out, Okay. So I
just want to thank you Michael for being someone who
(02:59):
could bring better words to my thoughts and always just
helping us to really ground ourselves on paper. So thank
you for all you do.
Speaker 2 (03:06):
Brother, Yeah, and thank you for all you do. I remember,
as a matter of fact, you know, that was like
seven eight years ago today, and I just remember because
I thought it was kind of a crazy idea. First
of all, you hired me and to the idea that
you had, like, hey, we're going to make a special
(03:26):
and the theme of this special is going to be
that what if the government just forgives of all our
student loans? And I thought it was a crazy idea
that I was like, I'll write it, but you know
that'll never happen. And look at where we are now.
Speaker 1 (03:40):
I mean, I love that, Michael. That is so true.
I forgot about that when what we did other ones too.
We did one the first election. That was the other one.
But y'all like again, Michael, I cannot think of a
time where I don't read something you wrot And I'm like, yes,
that is exactly how I feel. And true to the part,
I wish I would have been smart enough to bring
my book out. It's sitting right there. I might go,
(04:00):
where's your book? If you don't have your book, I'm
going to get my book. I'm going to get in
this right here. Hold on, it's right here. You're gonna
be mad, y'all keep talking to him, Mike, hold on, Okay,
I'm back, Okay. So I wanted to get this one
because humble bragg As I told you all, this is
chosen family. So Michael Harriet is still on the New
(04:21):
York Times Bestsellers Live. How long has it been, Michael?
Speaker 2 (04:24):
Two years? This week?
Speaker 1 (04:27):
How about that for didn't earn and he earned every
single position. He's hell, my voice already gone, is about
to get worse. So I wanted to just bring this
out because you wrote a great piece last week about
what happened in Utah. Our leftist coming for you. Here's
what the data says about political violence. I want to
get to that, but before we do, Michael, here's my thing.
(04:50):
We know in our nation's history, when something happens, it's
like blame the Negroes, right, Like, whatever happens, it don't
matter if it's in South Dakota, North Coda, Montana. I had
a whole Utah whatever it is our fault because we
were born and somehow ended up in the belly of
a slave ship. They don't know how or several because
(05:11):
we're here, because we exist, because our DNA is gates
like Henrietta Alex it's our fault. So I just wanted
to deepen into that for a moment, because you know,
after this killing last week, I'm gonna try really hard
not to say names. After this killing last week, it
was almost immediate that like there was a brown or
(05:32):
black leftist that was responsible for this brutal killing. And
so I wanted to think back in history on times
where they have also accused us of wrongdoing. And in
response to that accusation, there's been an outsized consequence for
our people. I know you talk about this in the
(05:54):
book over and over again, and so I just wanted
to start there because I think, especially if they're going
to take our history out of museums and off the
alpha books they go, if they haven't been this yet,
it's close, at least in some school districts. I'm certain
it already is. But I think that we should talk
about why this feels so familiar, especially epigenetically for black people.
(06:14):
Something about where we are in this moment feels familiar,
and it's because we carry the DNA of our ancestors.
Speaker 2 (06:20):
Yeah, I mean, when you look at history, it's clear
you know who is you know, when you even that
most of the racial MAXs because in history, right, they
were using us as scapegoats for you know, a beef
between white people, right, Like the Confederates were mad because
they succeeded and the Union Army whipped their butts, and
(06:45):
we were caught in between that, right, But we have
nothing to do with them succeeding. We didn't have nothing
to do with you know, the Union Army didn't even
want us involved in the first place. It was the
luddiest war in the history of this continent was really
just white or white violence when you look at many
(07:08):
of even during slavery, after slavery, during reconstruction, you know,
the Polk War in North Carolina, that was just white
or white crime, and then they killed a lot of
black people. The same thing in South Carolina. The reason
for the eighteen seventy six election that caused Jim directly
(07:30):
led to Jim Crow was like a white violent dude,
Wadehampton third in South Carolina, had an army called the
Red Shirts that was going around killing black people. And
then he, you know, overturned the results of the election,
which caused South Carolina to withhold its electoral votes. And
(07:52):
it's the only time in the history of this country
that an election wasn't chosen by the popular vote or
the electoral college. They just got fifteen men in the
room and saying, hey, if you let us treat let
the South treat black people how we want, we'll let
the Republican Garfield be governor. And that's how we got
Jim Crow. And so you know, we are always taking
(08:13):
the brunt of this white or white violence. And it's
the same today. You know, a black person didn't try
to assassinate Donald Trump. Right, A black person didn't walk
into that synagogue. A black person didn't put pipe bombs
in by the US Capitol, we didn't storm the capitol.
(08:33):
We know who did it. The FBI reports, all the
data shows who did it. Yet we're the ones whose
cities are being occupied by soldiers. We're the ones who
are blamed for all of the violence in America because
there's that very narrow definition of violence that they created
and used for their own ends.
Speaker 1 (08:55):
Yeah, and I guess I wonder like, why is that
the default? Is it an unwillingness to take accountability to
you know, want to look in the mirror? Is it
because you know, we hear that white folks say they
are talking about how they preserve their race. Right now,
you know, there's a town that was recently established all
(09:17):
white town. There's white vigilantes marching down the street in
Huntington Beach right now. Like, what is the thing that
is driving this narrative? And I think we could probably
argue that that is historically, what, you know, the same
thing that it drove the narrative in the past.
Speaker 2 (09:33):
Yeah, I think it's a combination of things. Right, So
one is a phrase that I call the privilege of individuality.
So when a white person does something, they see it
as that person did a thing, and it doesn't have
any bearing on me. It's not what white people do,
it's what that person did. Right. So when we look
at the data, we see that white people are responsible
(09:54):
for most takee. Crimes, white people are responsible for most
political violence, but they see that as individual acts of
different people, and they see crime in Chicago as a
whole different thing than crime. And you know, the most uh,
(10:15):
the city in America with the most crime is all
white town in Florida. And they don't send soldiers there, right,
It's it's literally has eight black people in the whole town, right,
But they don't send black people there. I can't remember
(10:35):
the name of Evergreen, Florida, but yeah, they don't send
people there. They send people to the black cities because
that's who they think is committing the crime.
Speaker 1 (10:46):
Wow, I'm looking you know, I'm looking this up right
now because I want to get it right. We're gonna
make sure y'all have the facts.
Speaker 2 (10:54):
Yeah, no, I'm I'm I'm I'll find it in one second.
It because I started actually writing about it, which is
how I got this data about political violence. So it's
called Bellevue. So it's Bellevue, Florida and Marion County, Florida.
(11:14):
It is eighty three percent white, fourteen percent Hispanic. It's
got eight black people. Kamala Harris lost it by forty
one point, so it's very maga and it has twice
the violent crime rate and as Chicago or any other city.
And you know, people are always surprised when like Chicago
(11:36):
ranks like one hundred and twenty first among cities and
six hundred and twenty first among all municipalities for violent crime.
It's just a thing that white people made up and
have us believe.
Speaker 1 (11:50):
Right, And I think that to this point, and this
is what I want to get back to around language.
We know in this country, at least right now, we
have First Amendment protections first speech for free speech. And
one of the things that people don't always realize is
that what is not protected by the First Amendment is
speech that incites violence. At least it's not supposed to be. However,
(12:12):
Michael Harriet, I don't know if you've already done the
research on this, because you are very data driven journalists,
but I'm curious to know why white folks are carved
out of that incitement of violence bubble. You know, even
with the killing last week, the man who had lost
his life regularly incited violence. And I also think that
it's interesting the president, the current sitting president, has utilized
(12:38):
the bully pulpit to incite violence, including the insurrection on
January sixth, twenty twenty one. Why do you think they're
given a pass or they are the speech that they
use that would incite violence or cause individuals to be
targeted is not seen that way when literally some of
the same rhetoric they use is what resulted in, you know,
the lynching of an innocent black or black woman, you know,
(13:01):
back in the day. Why is their speech, their violent speech,
not deemed as such?
Speaker 2 (13:06):
Well, because those protections, those constitutional protections haven't just been
traditionally historically afforded to them. Right. They all what frame
our definition of incitement or a riot? Right? So for instance,
(13:27):
I mean we all know, well I hope your listeners know.
You know, the only person who was imprisoned during the
Civil Rights era for the most violent event of the
Civil Rights era was Cleveland Sellers Becari Sellers father, and
he was not imprisoned for any act. He was imprisoned
(13:47):
for talking to nonviolent protesters and charged with inciting a riot.
But those people, they didn't burn anything, They didn't you know,
kill anybody. The police killed black people, and he was
charged with in inciting the riot that made the police
(14:08):
open fire on black college students. And it's because that
was a riot to them, right. But January sixth is again,
according to the privilege of individuality, a bunch of people
who was just doing a bunch of different things white people,
even though there were ninety six percent white. They were
(14:29):
individual acts. So when they are incited to do stuff, right,
it wasn't Trump's fault. It wasn't the person who said
the thing. It wasn't the person who told them, Hey,
come here and stand on this capital quotunda with all
of these other people and walk up here and come
(14:49):
in there and stop this vote. It wasn't his fault, right,
Like literally the name of the thing was stopped to steal.
But it wasn't his fault, right. And so we know
that the law can be kind of jerry rig to
fit whatever narrative you want, because you know, one of
the questions we ask ourselves. I ask often is what
(15:10):
is violence? Right? Is it violent too? It's violent to
stab somebody on the train, right, But it's not violent
to withhold mental health care from somebody for their entire
life and then not offer them the services that we
know could help him. Is that violence? Right? Is it
(15:31):
violent to withhold health care from people because of because
they are poor? But not you know, but give all
the white people in rural America AK forty seven's or
AR fifteens? Right? Which one of those things is violent? Well? Violent?
You know, more people die from guns and lack of
(15:51):
health care than you know, being in gangs or from
gang violence. But we classify one as violence and the
other is not.
Speaker 1 (16:00):
That is fascinating. That is so fascinating, Like, how do
we reimagine what violence really is, particularly in a country
where the gap between the haves and the have nots
(16:23):
is increasing and it's by design? So intent is there?
Intent is normally a factor for some of the most
severe crimes. So how is that not violence? I think
it's such a fascinating proposition. So when you go into
you know, what history says about riots or uprisings, what
history says about lynchings, excuse me, and the reasons for
(16:45):
that my voice is not the best. When you think
about all of that and you fast forward to right now,
there is a growing divide in this country between halves
and the have nots. But Michael, there also seems to
be a growing divide between like white supremacist ideology and
like this other pocket where they are also racists too.
(17:06):
Definitely have from some racist underpinning, some racial racist beliefs.
You know, the man who was killed last week had
a lot to say about our dear sister and friend
joy Read and her intellect, right, which I feel like
is also violent because it's an attack on someone's personhood,
their humanity, and their ability to earn what they deserve
in this country. So when you think about all of
(17:27):
those things, what is the right response to this moment?
How do we how do we show up one to
protect ourselves? Because I don't know that we're out of
the woods from last week. I don't know that just
because they found that the killer is one of them,
I don't know that that means that we are now Okay.
(17:51):
I think that there was a reprieve. I want to
hear what you think.
Speaker 2 (17:54):
Yeah, I think I think that is correct, But I
also think that we have to remember that, like, you know,
Charlie Kirk on his best days had about like five
hundred thousand listeners to his podcast. It is, you know,
consuming his stuff. And so all these people that we
see defending Charlie Kirk were not Charlie Kirk fans. They
(18:17):
didn't listen to him. It is impossible for five hundred
thousand people like to make that much noise and to
issue that much threat over the entire government. What we're
seeing though, is that these people believed what Charlie Kirk believed,
and now they have an avatar. So I don't even
(18:38):
know if it's correct to say that there's a rise
in this white supremacist ideology. Maybe they've believed it all
the time and just hit it because it was not,
you know, acceptable to do so, and now it is,
and it is because of people like Charlie Kirk and
(19:00):
his other followers, or that guy and his other followers.
They have made it acceptable to say, well, you know,
the black women, they must have gotten DEI, a college
dropout is saying that about somebody who attended the institution.
That white people found it right, that white people said
(19:21):
it is the best institution, right, not us. Right. They
made the rules, they constructed the whole admissions policy, and
they accepted a black person, and then the white people say, well,
you know that's anti white, right, that's the narrative that
we're living under. And the other thing about this kind
(19:42):
of rhetoric, though, is that it is not just freeing
for people who had this ideology all the time, right,
But you have to look at it in combination with
what else is going on. So the thing a lot
of the things that prevent people from accepting or adopting
(20:03):
this ideology, it's knowing history and knowing the facts that
we just talked about. Well, if they are erasing the facts,
and if they're erasing the history, right, what is that cause? Right? Like,
if you don't know about redlining, you might believe, like
all the black people just want to live in their
own neighborhood so they can commit violence against each other. Right,
if you don't know about how white a generation of
(20:27):
white people was giving access to the largest government program
in America in world history, the New Deal, while white
black people were excluded, you might think that black people
are poor because they're lazy, like black schools are underfunded
because black people don't care. And so once you erase
(20:47):
the actual truth and the history from public or make
it create one more obstacle for them to find out
the truth because they can't erase our history, and people
who don't necessarily care about black people will just adopt
the thing that they hear on the podcast from a
dude who's on the internet, versus going to look in
(21:09):
their library and read a book and find out the truth.
Speaker 1 (21:13):
Let me ask you about So there are some people
that have been categorizing this as right versus left, but
I still think that your frame around white versus white
is correct. And the reason for that, Michael, is if
you look at who responded to the death last week,
(21:35):
it wasn't just people on the right. There were white
people on the alleged left, white moderates who felt a
sense of empathy, who thought that flag should fly at
half mass, who think that school districts should hear about him,
that there should be moments of silence at professionals sports
(21:58):
games at the NFL. In NFL games, New Orleans Saints
boot this by the way, But like you're seeing that,
it isn't just a right wing response of regret and
maybe they would say, well, this is what stability looks like,
which I can appreciate, right, But I'm also curious to
(22:19):
know if you think that this is this moment is
a convergence of what white supremacy looks like. It is
a nonpartisan and a bipartisan ideology, and we've seen it
in both parties historically.
Speaker 2 (22:31):
Yeah, I think that's true, because you know, to believe
that this is a thing that is right versus left,
and you'd have to believe, like, you know, all the
stuff that they say about black culture and how you
should raise your kids, that white Republican family did that
to the dude who killed another white Republican, Right, they
(22:52):
all the stuff that they say about culture and guns
don't kill people, crazy people kill people, and a white
dude would guns killed another white dude who loves guns, right,
and left versus right had nothing to do with it.
Politics had nothing to do with it. Because when you
think about this, what they're saying is that if you
(23:15):
don't agree with one of the most racist Republicans, then
you must be on the left. Because I don't agree
with most Democrats on a lot of issues, right y,
and I ain't gonna kill them, but I'm still on
the left right. So like if I disagree with something
(23:35):
Joe Biden did, I won't not only will I not
kill them, but that doesn't exclude me from being on
the left right while in their minds because they want
to use it as pretext to silence us anyway, Right,
so if the facts kind of don't matter, and debating
(23:55):
the intimate details of these facts kind of you know,
overlook or miss or ignore the reality of what they
are trying to do, like something didn't care about Charlie Kirk.
He wanted to use this as pretext to crack down
on his opposition anyway.
Speaker 1 (24:16):
Do you think that I'm trying to be careful about
how I phrase things? Do you think that we are
in at the beginning of you know, I don't even
know if it's at the beginning micro I can't even
ask this question right, Here's what I want to know.
How do you think that they will continue to use
(24:36):
this tragedy to silence voices who have been courageous on
many issues? We are watching people get fired some of
the things that folks have done. I would also say
that was tack it, that was out of pocket. I
don't know why you did that, right, But there are
some other things where like Karen Atia was fired from
the Washington Post, I feel like they've been just looking
(24:58):
for a reason to get rid of Karen for using
his own words, for using his own words. So can
we talk a little bit about that.
Speaker 2 (25:07):
Well, I don't think they will continue to do it right,
because they'll always find something else to further their aims. Right,
But we also have to remember, right when it comes
to issues of race, when it comes to issues and
movements of freedom and equality, the vast majority of white
(25:33):
people have always, always, always, always always been wrong. They
were wrong about abolition, they were wrong about slavery, they
were wrong about Jim Crow, they were wrong about Native
American removal, they were wrong about the Black Power movement.
And they don't go back and apologize like all those
(25:55):
parents who spent on those kids who were integrating schools.
They didn't just, like, you know what, go back and say,
you know what, we apologize. They just move on to
whatever they did next. So they'll always be something next, right,
And so we don't have a month from now, we
won't be worrying about the things that we said about
(26:17):
Charlie Kirk, and they they won't be worried about the
things we said about Charlie Kirk, Right, they won't care
because they don't care now about Charlie Kirk again, five
hundred thousand listeners on the whole planet, right, And so
next month it'll be just like it was Woke or
CRT or DEI or Black Lives Matter. Next month it'll
(26:39):
be something else, right, And so what we can't continue
to do to do is to fall into their trap
of defending the individual constructs that they came up with
to demonize us, like no CRT, is this, no Woke,
is this? No Nah? We can't continue to play that game.
(26:59):
What we have to do is continue marching forward towards
our own liberation and understand that there will be something
next and we don't have to capitulate whatever. Like you know,
one of the reasons one of the things I said
about Charlie kurricular I didn't have to glote about Charlie
because I wrote enough about him when he was alive. Right,
(27:22):
But you know, he affected people's lives and instilled fear
and did tell you a story I've never told this story.
Speaker 1 (27:31):
I want to hear it anywhere breaking news, y'all.
Speaker 2 (27:34):
So a couple of years ago, when I was working
at the Route, we every year we used to do
this thing called the Root Institute. Well, we'd invite scholars
to teach about a class. And this is when white
people were going crazy about critical race theory. So I
had a professor come on and we talked about what
(27:55):
critical race theory actually was. It's a woman, professor. I
don't want to give her name, but she ended up
on Charlie Kirk's professor watchlist. And after the video came.
Speaker 3 (28:07):
Out, she was at school, at the place where she taught,
and a man with a gun was on campus looking
for her, and she had to leave the school and assisily.
Speaker 2 (28:21):
Go into hiding. And you know, I don't know how
many people she told about it. I knew about it.
I think I might have written about it, but that
was years ago, and I knew the power of the
violence that he could incite, right like, it wasn't him
(28:44):
talking to a mass movement of people. It was him
talking to crazy right wing ideologues who believed and accepted
the ideology that he was trying to spread. And that
kind of violence predated what happened in Utah. That kind
(29:04):
of violence that he incited, the fear that he incited,
actually affected people. And you know, I don't know how
I hadn't talked to you know, that person that educated
since this happened. But I can imagine that they won't
(29:25):
speak out like a dude with a gun already showed
up at their job for saying something that was not
about Charlie kirk So I that is the chilling effect
that they are trying to achieve. It's not about Charlie Kirker,
(29:45):
like keeping us quiet about this great debater. It is
just the chill, the overall chilling effect of them trying
to silence our voices.
Speaker 1 (29:54):
Yeah, well, I am so grateful for the way in
which you use your voice. Brother. I'm so thankful that
you were able to come on today and help us
understand the historical context of the violence that were not
just bearing witness to last week, but really since Martin
Luther King Day of this year, and then all of
the ways in which Project twenty twenty five is also violent.
(30:18):
I hope that this is an impetus for you to
write a piece on redefining violence, because there's really good
points that you raised and maybe that'll be in the
new book. Y'all know that Michael writes, and I hope
that you will if you haven't already, cop this right
here and know that he is one of the best
writers of our time, our very own resident History and
(30:42):
Irvin Great and so much more. Michael Harriet, I love you.
I'm gonna close the show out after I leave you,
but you know I will check in with you on
text later. Thank you so much.
Speaker 2 (30:51):
Thank you for having me.
Speaker 1 (30:53):
Absolutely well everyone. I think that there's so much for
us to unpack in this moment. We are living in
an era where it feels like we have gone backwards,
and I just want to have no Normally, I don't
get super spiritual on the show, but I do want
to do this just for a moment. I was talking
with my sister friend Natasha Brown recently, and she always
(31:15):
does such a great job of reminding us where we
are spiritually, and she said, you know what we are
warring against right now is spiritual. This is a spiritual battle, y'all.
The reason why it is impacting us at a soul
level so much is because there are things that are
stirring up in us that we have not felt since
our ancestors were alive. I would remind you all, if
(31:38):
you haven't, to please make sure you read Doctor Joyda
Gruz post Traumatic Slave Syndrome. Shout out to my cousin Mia,
who told me about that book. I've had an opportunity
to speak to doctor de Group. It is important for
us to understand that we carry these markers, and so
there's a tension that we're feeling. There is an anxietiety
(32:00):
that we feel about this moment because we know that
whatever the violent action was that was taken, the response
to black people will be outside. We are living in
an era right now where our heroes and their contributions
to society are being questioned on every side. But they
want to bring back Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson
and all of these other Confederates and celebrate them. Where
(32:24):
if we knew right now what they represented in American history,
these are folks that represent traders. When Nicolehannah Jones rolled
out the sixteen to nineteen Project, later to have a
subsequent book name the same, they began to wear hats
that says seventeen seventy six because they don't want the
accountability of what happened starting in sixteen nineteen, where the
(32:45):
first documented named person in this country was Angela because
they assumed that she came from the Angola region of
the continent. Right that history they don't want to be
tied to because even though the country itself wasn't founded
Intel seventeen seventy six, the racist and toxic ideology of
the slave trade began in sixteen nineteen. Document it probably
(33:07):
before that, but documented in sixteen nineteen. When you take
that all the way up to make America great again,
the first time with Ronald Reagan and then the second
time with Donald Trump, what we know is that they
ascribe the lack of America's greatness to us, even though
we built this thing with our bare hands for centuries,
without the proper recognition, and most often without the pay
(33:29):
we deserve, even more often no pay at all. And
so even the conversation around reparations, when slaveholders themselves were
given reparations by the local, the state, and the federal government,
we have never seen what we rightfully deserve. And so
what I want us to consider is it is okay
to cry in this moment. It is okay to scream
(33:50):
in this moment. If I can be honest, the reason
my voice is gone is because I had to yell
out a real scream.
Speaker 2 (33:55):
Y'all.
Speaker 1 (33:56):
It's hard. It's hard in this moment you feel gas
on every side. But I want you to know you're
not alone. And if something in you is saying this
just isn't right, whether you black, white, or green, I
really don't care. Something in you is saying this just
isn't right. No, that you are not alone in that feeling.
And the most important thing we can do is utilize
(34:18):
our voices, stand together and ensure that we are all
clear that together we absolutely can overcome. We just got
to keep fighting and maybe midnight, but daybreak is just
on the other side. Welcome home, y'all. Native Lampod is
(34:46):
a production of iHeartRadio in partnership with Reason Choice Media.
For more podcasts from iHeartRadio, visit the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts,
or wherever you listen to your favorite shows.
Native Lanmdpod is a production of iHeartRadio in partnership with
Reason Choice Media. Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Welcome, Hello everyone,
and welcome home. This is another edition of Native lamppod.
I am your host, Angela Rai and know my co
hosts aren't here because this is a solo pod. Y'all.
We have to have a conversation. It's a very important one.
(00:23):
It's about white on white crime. And the reason why
we need to have the conversation about white on white
crime is because often there is something about gang violence
that is talked about. And when you hear gang violence,
too many of us see the faces of black and
brown people in our minds. We don't always ascribe gang
(00:43):
violence to white vigilantes, to people who are white supremacists
or engage in white toxic toxicity. And that ideology that
follows what we know right now is that there is
a growing set of individuals who have almost like gang
like affiliations and these individuals are very, very dangerous to
(01:07):
this country's present and certainly its future. But we can
look back at history to see that there is nothing
new under the sun, as the Bible says, and unfortunately,
for us, we have not learned from the history that
they continue to try to snatch out of museums. So
joining me today is a legend. He is my brother,
he is my friend, really become we became cousins first,
(01:31):
and that's because the first PC ever wrote referencing me,
he called me cousin Angela. Like so many of people say,
I'm your cousin in your head, and it is my
highest honor. There's nothing more that I love more than
to be your cousin in your head. But Michael Harriet
is now my brother in real life. He is my
chosen family. He is a New York Times best selling
author of Black af history. And we cannot look at
(01:54):
where we are right now without looking back on history
and how this same toxic ideology has reared its ugly
head throughout this country's treacherous past. In order for us
to stop it, we have to call attention to it.
So let's bring Michael Harriet to the stage.
Speaker 2 (02:12):
Hello, Hey me, it is.
Speaker 1 (02:17):
My highest honor. So I'm gonna tell y'all all the
business before we get into the history of this. Michael,
I just want to say thank you. You always find
a way to bring pros to our pain. You always
find a way to ground us in the reality that
exists outside of these folks gaslighting us, and I just
(02:37):
thank you for that. I also want to acknowledge y'all,
when I was doing specials on BT New Specials on BT,
the first person I thought of, I was like, I
have to get Michael Harriet on this writing team. Michael
Harriet was the writing room y'all. Talk about Tyler Perry,
this one can also crack them out, Okay. So I
just want to thank you Michael for being someone who
(02:59):
could bring better words to my thoughts and always just
helping us to really ground ourselves on paper. So thank
you for all you do.
Speaker 2 (03:06):
Brother, Yeah, and thank you for all you do. I remember,
as a matter of fact, you know, that was like
seven eight years ago today, and I just remember because
I thought it was kind of a crazy idea. First
of all, you hired me and to the idea that
you had, like, hey, we're going to make a special
(03:26):
and the theme of this special is going to be
that what if the government just forgives of all our
student loans? And I thought it was a crazy idea
that I was like, I'll write it, but you know
that'll never happen. And look at where we are now.
Speaker 1 (03:40):
I mean, I love that, Michael. That is so true.
I forgot about that when what we did other ones too.
We did one the first election. That was the other one.
But y'all like again, Michael, I cannot think of a
time where I don't read something you wrot And I'm like, yes,
that is exactly how I feel. And true to the part,
I wish I would have been smart enough to bring
my book out. It's sitting right there. I might go,
(04:00):
where's your book? If you don't have your book, I'm
going to get my book. I'm going to get in
this right here. Hold on, it's right here. You're gonna
be mad, y'all keep talking to him, Mike, hold on, Okay,
I'm back, Okay. So I wanted to get this one
because humble bragg As I told you all, this is
chosen family. So Michael Harriet is still on the New
(04:21):
York Times Bestsellers Live. How long has it been, Michael?
Speaker 2 (04:24):
Two years? This week?
Speaker 1 (04:27):
How about that for didn't earn and he earned every
single position. He's hell, my voice already gone, is about
to get worse. So I wanted to just bring this
out because you wrote a great piece last week about
what happened in Utah. Our leftist coming for you. Here's
what the data says about political violence. I want to
get to that, but before we do, Michael, here's my thing.
(04:50):
We know in our nation's history, when something happens, it's
like blame the Negroes, right, Like, whatever happens, it don't
matter if it's in South Dakota, North Coda, Montana. I had
a whole Utah whatever it is our fault because we
were born and somehow ended up in the belly of
a slave ship. They don't know how or several because
(05:11):
we're here, because we exist, because our DNA is gates
like Henrietta Alex it's our fault. So I just wanted
to deepen into that for a moment, because you know,
after this killing last week, I'm gonna try really hard
not to say names. After this killing last week, it
was almost immediate that like there was a brown or
(05:32):
black leftist that was responsible for this brutal killing. And
so I wanted to think back in history on times
where they have also accused us of wrongdoing. And in
response to that accusation, there's been an outsized consequence for
our people. I know you talk about this in the
(05:54):
book over and over again, and so I just wanted
to start there because I think, especially if they're going
to take our history out of museums and off the
alpha books they go, if they haven't been this yet,
it's close, at least in some school districts. I'm certain
it already is. But I think that we should talk
about why this feels so familiar, especially epigenetically for black people.
(06:14):
Something about where we are in this moment feels familiar,
and it's because we carry the DNA of our ancestors.
Speaker 2 (06:20):
Yeah, I mean, when you look at history, it's clear
you know who is you know, when you even that
most of the racial MAXs because in history, right, they
were using us as scapegoats for you know, a beef
between white people, right, Like the Confederates were mad because
they succeeded and the Union Army whipped their butts, and
(06:45):
we were caught in between that, right, But we have
nothing to do with them succeeding. We didn't have nothing
to do with you know, the Union Army didn't even
want us involved in the first place. It was the
luddiest war in the history of this continent was really
just white or white violence when you look at many
(07:08):
of even during slavery, after slavery, during reconstruction, you know,
the Polk War in North Carolina, that was just white
or white crime, and then they killed a lot of
black people. The same thing in South Carolina. The reason
for the eighteen seventy six election that caused Jim directly
(07:30):
led to Jim Crow was like a white violent dude,
Wadehampton third in South Carolina, had an army called the
Red Shirts that was going around killing black people. And
then he, you know, overturned the results of the election,
which caused South Carolina to withhold its electoral votes. And
(07:52):
it's the only time in the history of this country
that an election wasn't chosen by the popular vote or
the electoral college. They just got fifteen men in the
room and saying, hey, if you let us treat let
the South treat black people how we want, we'll let
the Republican Garfield be governor. And that's how we got
Jim Crow. And so you know, we are always taking
(08:13):
the brunt of this white or white violence. And it's
the same today. You know, a black person didn't try
to assassinate Donald Trump. Right, A black person didn't walk
into that synagogue. A black person didn't put pipe bombs
in by the US Capitol, we didn't storm the capitol.
(08:33):
We know who did it. The FBI reports, all the
data shows who did it. Yet we're the ones whose
cities are being occupied by soldiers. We're the ones who
are blamed for all of the violence in America because
there's that very narrow definition of violence that they created
and used for their own ends.
Speaker 1 (08:55):
Yeah, and I guess I wonder like, why is that
the default? Is it an unwillingness to take accountability to
you know, want to look in the mirror? Is it
because you know, we hear that white folks say they
are talking about how they preserve their race. Right now,
you know, there's a town that was recently established all
(09:17):
white town. There's white vigilantes marching down the street in
Huntington Beach right now. Like, what is the thing that
is driving this narrative? And I think we could probably
argue that that is historically, what, you know, the same
thing that it drove the narrative in the past.
Speaker 2 (09:33):
Yeah, I think it's a combination of things. Right, So
one is a phrase that I call the privilege of individuality.
So when a white person does something, they see it
as that person did a thing, and it doesn't have
any bearing on me. It's not what white people do,
it's what that person did. Right. So when we look
at the data, we see that white people are responsible
(09:54):
for most takee. Crimes, white people are responsible for most
political violence, but they see that as individual acts of
different people, and they see crime in Chicago as a
whole different thing than crime. And you know, the most uh,
(10:15):
the city in America with the most crime is all
white town in Florida. And they don't send soldiers there, right,
It's it's literally has eight black people in the whole town, right,
But they don't send black people there. I can't remember
(10:35):
the name of Evergreen, Florida, but yeah, they don't send
people there. They send people to the black cities because
that's who they think is committing the crime.
Speaker 1 (10:46):
Wow, I'm looking you know, I'm looking this up right
now because I want to get it right. We're gonna
make sure y'all have the facts.
Speaker 2 (10:54):
Yeah, no, I'm I'm I'm I'll find it in one second.
It because I started actually writing about it, which is
how I got this data about political violence. So it's
called Bellevue. So it's Bellevue, Florida and Marion County, Florida.
(11:14):
It is eighty three percent white, fourteen percent Hispanic. It's
got eight black people. Kamala Harris lost it by forty
one point, so it's very maga and it has twice
the violent crime rate and as Chicago or any other city.
And you know, people are always surprised when like Chicago
(11:36):
ranks like one hundred and twenty first among cities and
six hundred and twenty first among all municipalities for violent crime.
It's just a thing that white people made up and
have us believe.
Speaker 1 (11:50):
Right, And I think that to this point, and this
is what I want to get back to around language.
We know in this country, at least right now, we
have First Amendment protections first speech for free speech. And
one of the things that people don't always realize is
that what is not protected by the First Amendment is
speech that incites violence. At least it's not supposed to be. However,
(12:12):
Michael Harriet, I don't know if you've already done the
research on this, because you are very data driven journalists,
but I'm curious to know why white folks are carved
out of that incitement of violence bubble. You know, even
with the killing last week, the man who had lost
his life regularly incited violence. And I also think that
it's interesting the president, the current sitting president, has utilized
(12:38):
the bully pulpit to incite violence, including the insurrection on
January sixth, twenty twenty one. Why do you think they're
given a pass or they are the speech that they
use that would incite violence or cause individuals to be
targeted is not seen that way when literally some of
the same rhetoric they use is what resulted in, you know,
the lynching of an innocent black or black woman, you know,
(13:01):
back in the day. Why is their speech, their violent speech,
not deemed as such?
Speaker 2 (13:06):
Well, because those protections, those constitutional protections haven't just been
traditionally historically afforded to them. Right. They all what frame
our definition of incitement or a riot? Right? So for instance,
(13:27):
I mean we all know, well I hope your listeners know.
You know, the only person who was imprisoned during the
Civil Rights era for the most violent event of the
Civil Rights era was Cleveland Sellers Becari Sellers father, and
he was not imprisoned for any act. He was imprisoned
(13:47):
for talking to nonviolent protesters and charged with inciting a riot.
But those people, they didn't burn anything, They didn't you know,
kill anybody. The police killed black people, and he was
charged with in inciting the riot that made the police
(14:08):
open fire on black college students. And it's because that
was a riot to them, right. But January sixth is again,
according to the privilege of individuality, a bunch of people
who was just doing a bunch of different things white people,
even though there were ninety six percent white. They were
(14:29):
individual acts. So when they are incited to do stuff, right,
it wasn't Trump's fault. It wasn't the person who said
the thing. It wasn't the person who told them, Hey,
come here and stand on this capital quotunda with all
of these other people and walk up here and come
(14:49):
in there and stop this vote. It wasn't his fault, right,
Like literally the name of the thing was stopped to steal.
But it wasn't his fault, right. And so we know
that the law can be kind of jerry rig to
fit whatever narrative you want, because you know, one of
the questions we ask ourselves. I ask often is what
(15:10):
is violence? Right? Is it violent too? It's violent to
stab somebody on the train, right, But it's not violent
to withhold mental health care from somebody for their entire
life and then not offer them the services that we
know could help him. Is that violence? Right? Is it
(15:31):
violent to withhold health care from people because of because
they are poor? But not you know, but give all
the white people in rural America AK forty seven's or
AR fifteens? Right? Which one of those things is violent? Well? Violent?
You know, more people die from guns and lack of
(15:51):
health care than you know, being in gangs or from
gang violence. But we classify one as violence and the
other is not.
Speaker 1 (16:00):
That is fascinating. That is so fascinating, Like, how do
we reimagine what violence really is, particularly in a country
where the gap between the haves and the have nots
(16:23):
is increasing and it's by design? So intent is there?
Intent is normally a factor for some of the most
severe crimes. So how is that not violence? I think
it's such a fascinating proposition. So when you go into
you know, what history says about riots or uprisings, what
history says about lynchings, excuse me, and the reasons for
(16:45):
that my voice is not the best. When you think
about all of that and you fast forward to right now,
there is a growing divide in this country between halves
and the have nots. But Michael, there also seems to
be a growing divide between like white supremacist ideology and
like this other pocket where they are also racists too.
(17:06):
Definitely have from some racist underpinning, some racial racist beliefs.
You know, the man who was killed last week had
a lot to say about our dear sister and friend
joy Read and her intellect, right, which I feel like
is also violent because it's an attack on someone's personhood,
their humanity, and their ability to earn what they deserve
in this country. So when you think about all of
(17:27):
those things, what is the right response to this moment?
How do we how do we show up one to
protect ourselves? Because I don't know that we're out of
the woods from last week. I don't know that just
because they found that the killer is one of them,
I don't know that that means that we are now Okay.
(17:51):
I think that there was a reprieve. I want to
hear what you think.
Speaker 2 (17:54):
Yeah, I think I think that is correct, But I
also think that we have to remember that, like, you know,
Charlie Kirk on his best days had about like five
hundred thousand listeners to his podcast. It is, you know,
consuming his stuff. And so all these people that we
see defending Charlie Kirk were not Charlie Kirk fans. They
(18:17):
didn't listen to him. It is impossible for five hundred
thousand people like to make that much noise and to
issue that much threat over the entire government. What we're
seeing though, is that these people believed what Charlie Kirk believed,
and now they have an avatar. So I don't even
(18:38):
know if it's correct to say that there's a rise
in this white supremacist ideology. Maybe they've believed it all
the time and just hit it because it was not,
you know, acceptable to do so, and now it is,
and it is because of people like Charlie Kirk and
(19:00):
his other followers, or that guy and his other followers.
They have made it acceptable to say, well, you know,
the black women, they must have gotten DEI, a college
dropout is saying that about somebody who attended the institution.
That white people found it right, that white people said
(19:21):
it is the best institution, right, not us. Right. They
made the rules, they constructed the whole admissions policy, and
they accepted a black person, and then the white people say, well,
you know that's anti white, right, that's the narrative that
we're living under. And the other thing about this kind
(19:42):
of rhetoric, though, is that it is not just freeing
for people who had this ideology all the time, right,
But you have to look at it in combination with
what else is going on. So the thing a lot
of the things that prevent people from accepting or adopting
(20:03):
this ideology, it's knowing history and knowing the facts that
we just talked about. Well, if they are erasing the facts,
and if they're erasing the history, right, what is that cause? Right? Like,
if you don't know about redlining, you might believe, like
all the black people just want to live in their
own neighborhood so they can commit violence against each other. Right,
if you don't know about how white a generation of
(20:27):
white people was giving access to the largest government program
in America in world history, the New Deal, while white
black people were excluded, you might think that black people
are poor because they're lazy, like black schools are underfunded
because black people don't care. And so once you erase
(20:47):
the actual truth and the history from public or make
it create one more obstacle for them to find out
the truth because they can't erase our history, and people
who don't necessarily care about black people will just adopt
the thing that they hear on the podcast from a
dude who's on the internet, versus going to look in
(21:09):
their library and read a book and find out the truth.
Speaker 1 (21:13):
Let me ask you about So there are some people
that have been categorizing this as right versus left, but
I still think that your frame around white versus white
is correct. And the reason for that, Michael, is if
you look at who responded to the death last week,
(21:35):
it wasn't just people on the right. There were white
people on the alleged left, white moderates who felt a
sense of empathy, who thought that flag should fly at
half mass, who think that school districts should hear about him,
that there should be moments of silence at professionals sports
(21:58):
games at the NFL. In NFL games, New Orleans Saints
boot this by the way, But like you're seeing that,
it isn't just a right wing response of regret and
maybe they would say, well, this is what stability looks like,
which I can appreciate, right, But I'm also curious to
(22:19):
know if you think that this is this moment is
a convergence of what white supremacy looks like. It is
a nonpartisan and a bipartisan ideology, and we've seen it
in both parties historically.
Speaker 2 (22:31):
Yeah, I think that's true, because you know, to believe
that this is a thing that is right versus left,
and you'd have to believe, like, you know, all the
stuff that they say about black culture and how you
should raise your kids, that white Republican family did that
to the dude who killed another white Republican, Right, they
(22:52):
all the stuff that they say about culture and guns
don't kill people, crazy people kill people, and a white
dude would guns killed another white dude who loves guns, right,
and left versus right had nothing to do with it.
Politics had nothing to do with it. Because when you
think about this, what they're saying is that if you
(23:15):
don't agree with one of the most racist Republicans, then
you must be on the left. Because I don't agree
with most Democrats on a lot of issues, right y,
and I ain't gonna kill them, but I'm still on
the left right. So like if I disagree with something
(23:35):
Joe Biden did, I won't not only will I not
kill them, but that doesn't exclude me from being on
the left right while in their minds because they want
to use it as pretext to silence us anyway, Right,
so if the facts kind of don't matter, and debating
(23:55):
the intimate details of these facts kind of you know,
overlook or miss or ignore the reality of what they
are trying to do, like something didn't care about Charlie Kirk.
He wanted to use this as pretext to crack down
on his opposition anyway.
Speaker 1 (24:16):
Do you think that I'm trying to be careful about
how I phrase things? Do you think that we are
in at the beginning of you know, I don't even
know if it's at the beginning micro I can't even
ask this question right, Here's what I want to know.
How do you think that they will continue to use
(24:36):
this tragedy to silence voices who have been courageous on
many issues? We are watching people get fired some of
the things that folks have done. I would also say
that was tack it, that was out of pocket. I
don't know why you did that, right, But there are
some other things where like Karen Atia was fired from
the Washington Post, I feel like they've been just looking
(24:58):
for a reason to get rid of Karen for using
his own words, for using his own words. So can
we talk a little bit about that.
Speaker 2 (25:07):
Well, I don't think they will continue to do it right,
because they'll always find something else to further their aims. Right,
But we also have to remember, right when it comes
to issues of race, when it comes to issues and
movements of freedom and equality, the vast majority of white
(25:33):
people have always, always, always, always always been wrong. They
were wrong about abolition, they were wrong about slavery, they
were wrong about Jim Crow, they were wrong about Native
American removal, they were wrong about the Black Power movement.
And they don't go back and apologize like all those
(25:55):
parents who spent on those kids who were integrating schools.
They didn't just, like, you know what, go back and say,
you know what, we apologize. They just move on to
whatever they did next. So they'll always be something next, right,
And so we don't have a month from now, we
won't be worrying about the things that we said about
(26:17):
Charlie Kirk, and they they won't be worried about the
things we said about Charlie Kirk, Right, they won't care
because they don't care now about Charlie Kirk again, five
hundred thousand listeners on the whole planet, right, And so
next month it'll be just like it was Woke or
CRT or DEI or Black Lives Matter. Next month it'll
(26:39):
be something else, right, And so what we can't continue
to do to do is to fall into their trap
of defending the individual constructs that they came up with
to demonize us, like no CRT, is this, no Woke,
is this? No Nah? We can't continue to play that game.
(26:59):
What we have to do is continue marching forward towards
our own liberation and understand that there will be something
next and we don't have to capitulate whatever. Like you know,
one of the reasons one of the things I said
about Charlie kurricular I didn't have to glote about Charlie
because I wrote enough about him when he was alive. Right,
(27:22):
But you know, he affected people's lives and instilled fear
and did tell you a story I've never told this story.
Speaker 1 (27:31):
I want to hear it anywhere breaking news, y'all.
Speaker 2 (27:34):
So a couple of years ago, when I was working
at the Route, we every year we used to do
this thing called the Root Institute. Well, we'd invite scholars
to teach about a class. And this is when white
people were going crazy about critical race theory. So I
had a professor come on and we talked about what
(27:55):
critical race theory actually was. It's a woman, professor. I
don't want to give her name, but she ended up
on Charlie Kirk's professor watchlist. And after the video came.
Speaker 3 (28:07):
Out, she was at school, at the place where she taught,
and a man with a gun was on campus looking
for her, and she had to leave the school and assisily.
Speaker 2 (28:21):
Go into hiding. And you know, I don't know how
many people she told about it. I knew about it.
I think I might have written about it, but that
was years ago, and I knew the power of the
violence that he could incite, right like, it wasn't him
(28:44):
talking to a mass movement of people. It was him
talking to crazy right wing ideologues who believed and accepted
the ideology that he was trying to spread. And that
kind of violence predated what happened in Utah. That kind
(29:04):
of violence that he incited, the fear that he incited,
actually affected people. And you know, I don't know how
I hadn't talked to you know, that person that educated
since this happened. But I can imagine that they won't
(29:25):
speak out like a dude with a gun already showed
up at their job for saying something that was not
about Charlie kirk So I that is the chilling effect
that they are trying to achieve. It's not about Charlie Kirker,
(29:45):
like keeping us quiet about this great debater. It is
just the chill, the overall chilling effect of them trying
to silence our voices.
Speaker 1 (29:54):
Yeah, well, I am so grateful for the way in
which you use your voice. Brother. I'm so thankful that
you were able to come on today and help us
understand the historical context of the violence that were not
just bearing witness to last week, but really since Martin
Luther King Day of this year, and then all of
the ways in which Project twenty twenty five is also violent.
(30:18):
I hope that this is an impetus for you to
write a piece on redefining violence, because there's really good
points that you raised and maybe that'll be in the
new book. Y'all know that Michael writes, and I hope
that you will if you haven't already, cop this right
here and know that he is one of the best
writers of our time, our very own resident History and
(30:42):
Irvin Great and so much more. Michael Harriet, I love you.
I'm gonna close the show out after I leave you,
but you know I will check in with you on
text later. Thank you so much.
Speaker 2 (30:51):
Thank you for having me.
Speaker 1 (30:53):
Absolutely well everyone. I think that there's so much for
us to unpack in this moment. We are living in
an era where it feels like we have gone backwards,
and I just want to have no Normally, I don't
get super spiritual on the show, but I do want
to do this just for a moment. I was talking
with my sister friend Natasha Brown recently, and she always
(31:15):
does such a great job of reminding us where we
are spiritually, and she said, you know what we are
warring against right now is spiritual. This is a spiritual battle, y'all.
The reason why it is impacting us at a soul
level so much is because there are things that are
stirring up in us that we have not felt since
our ancestors were alive. I would remind you all, if
(31:38):
you haven't, to please make sure you read Doctor Joyda
Gruz post Traumatic Slave Syndrome. Shout out to my cousin Mia,
who told me about that book. I've had an opportunity
to speak to doctor de Group. It is important for
us to understand that we carry these markers, and so
there's a tension that we're feeling. There is an anxietiety
(32:00):
that we feel about this moment because we know that
whatever the violent action was that was taken, the response
to black people will be outside. We are living in
an era right now where our heroes and their contributions
to society are being questioned on every side. But they
want to bring back Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson
and all of these other Confederates and celebrate them. Where
(32:24):
if we knew right now what they represented in American history,
these are folks that represent traders. When Nicolehannah Jones rolled
out the sixteen to nineteen Project, later to have a
subsequent book name the same, they began to wear hats
that says seventeen seventy six because they don't want the
accountability of what happened starting in sixteen nineteen, where the
(32:45):
first documented named person in this country was Angela because
they assumed that she came from the Angola region of
the continent. Right that history they don't want to be
tied to because even though the country itself wasn't founded
Intel seventeen seventy six, the racist and toxic ideology of
the slave trade began in sixteen nineteen. Document it probably
(33:07):
before that, but documented in sixteen nineteen. When you take
that all the way up to make America great again,
the first time with Ronald Reagan and then the second
time with Donald Trump, what we know is that they
ascribe the lack of America's greatness to us, even though
we built this thing with our bare hands for centuries,
without the proper recognition, and most often without the pay
(33:29):
we deserve, even more often no pay at all. And
so even the conversation around reparations, when slaveholders themselves were
given reparations by the local, the state, and the federal government,
we have never seen what we rightfully deserve. And so
what I want us to consider is it is okay
to cry in this moment. It is okay to scream
(33:50):
in this moment. If I can be honest, the reason
my voice is gone is because I had to yell
out a real scream.
Speaker 2 (33:55):
Y'all.
Speaker 1 (33:56):
It's hard. It's hard in this moment you feel gas
on every side. But I want you to know you're
not alone. And if something in you is saying this
just isn't right, whether you black, white, or green, I
really don't care. Something in you is saying this just
isn't right. No, that you are not alone in that feeling.
And the most important thing we can do is utilize
(34:18):
our voices, stand together and ensure that we are all
clear that together we absolutely can overcome. We just got
to keep fighting and maybe midnight, but daybreak is just
on the other side. Welcome home, y'all. Native Lampod is
(34:46):
a production of iHeartRadio in partnership with Reason Choice Media.
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Hosts And Creators
Tiffany Cross
Andrew Gillum
Angela Rye
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