Episode 865: Founding Fathers – Patrick Henry

The lives of these men are essential to understanding the American form of government and our ideals of liberty. The Founding Fathers all played key roles in the securing of American independence from Great Britain and in the creation of the government of the United States of America. 

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Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:05):
On this episode in each world. The lives of these
men are essential to understand the American form of government
and our ideals of liberty. The Founding Fathers all played
key roles in securing American independence from Great Britain and
in the creation of the government of the United States
of America. And now the life of Thomas Paine. As

(00:35):
a young person, Patrick Henry accompanied his mother to sermons
given by evangelical Presbyterian Samuel Davies, whose oratorical skills had
a strong influence on him. Remember this was during the
Great Awakening, a period of enormous Protestant Revivalism which had
a deep impact. Grew in part out of the work

(00:56):
of the Wesley Brothers, the founding of the Methodist Church,
and the whole notion of individuals approaching God outside of
the established religions, whether Anglican or Catholic, became enormously deep
emotional power, both in Britain and in the United States.
And Patrick Henry was influenced by Samuel Davies, both in

(01:16):
his religion but also in rhetorical skills, in the ability
to weave words so that they had a magic effect.
He was the second son of John Henry, a Scottish
born planter, and Sarah Winston Sign, a young widow from
a prominent family. He was born on May twenty ninth,
seventeen thirty six in Hanover County, Virginia. Back then, Hanover

(01:41):
County is pretty close to the frontier. We tend to
forget because we're used to a continent wide America that
in the early phases, the American colonies were really a
thin layer along the coast, and as you went towards
the Blue Ridge Mountains, you were beginning to get into
Indian country, and you were beginning to get into a
very different wilderness area. So that a lot of these

(02:03):
folks who grow up grow up not exactly on the frontier,
but near enough to the frontier to be vividly aware
of it. Up until the age of ten, Patrick Henry
was sent to a neighborhood school. Then his father opened
a grammar school in his own house, and Henry started
to attend and learn under his father. At the age
of fifteen, Henry began working as a clerk for a

(02:25):
local merchant. And let me say, by the way, I
think we'd be a lot better off to have a
lot of young people who are sitting around or standing
around on street corners actually having a job. I think
that in many ways our effort to avoid children working
too early has meant that all too many children don't
work at all. But people like Patrick Henry, or for
that matter, Benjamin Franklin, started young, grew and learned, and

(02:49):
became important people. A year later, in seventeen fifty two,
Henry and his older brother opened their own shop. However,
it failed, but nonetheless noticed that at sixteen years of age,
he's out there as an entrepreneur. At the age of eighteen,
Henry married sixteen year old Sarah Shelton, whose dowry included
a six hundred acre farm, not a bad deal. His

(03:11):
first attempt as a planner ended when a fire destroyed
his house. In seventeen fifty seven, he attempted open a
store for a second time, and it was again unsuccessful.
Sometimes to some of our greatest leaders, when people who
weren't exactly have their greatest strengths in running a store.
I remember that Lincoln ends up with a partner and

(03:32):
goes broke as a young man and spends years paying
off the debt. By seventeen sixty, near Patrick Henry's twenty
fourth birthday. After all his previous attempts at making a
living failed, Henry decided to become a lawyer. I won't
go into my own biases here that once you felt
everything else, you could become a lawyer, but nonetheless that's

(03:52):
what he did. Henry was barely prepared, but managed to
persuade the panel of Virginia attorneys that he was smart
enough to obtain admission to the bar. Remember, back then,
you didn't have the formal educational structure and the formal
test that you had to pass in order to become
a lawyer. You usually read under other lawyers, learned from them,

(04:12):
and then at some point were judged to be capable
of representing the law on your own. Within a few
years after his admission to the bar, he had a
large and profitable clientele. I think part of that was
because he really was articulate, and he really could weave
words for a jury, and he liked people. Just had
a natural proclivity for talking to people, and so folks

(04:33):
knew that he was approachable, they could take their problem
to him, and he tended to win the cases. One
of the most famous cases Henry argument was the Parsons
Cause case. The Anglican Church in Virginia at the time
was funded through public revenues and clergymen were paid in tobacco.
When a severe drought caused shortages, the price of tobacco

(04:53):
went up from two cents per pound to six cents
per pound. In response, the Virginia Ledge Wis Lecture passed
the two Penny Act in seventeen fifty eight, which set
the value of the contracts that the clergyman got paid
to be the normal market price before the price of
tobacco went up. Well. That of course led to the
clergyman's salaries being pretty dramatically reduced. They thought they were

(05:16):
going to get six cents a pound. Now they were
told they're going to get two cents a pound. The
clergy appealed to authorities in England, who then overturned the
law and encouraged the ministers to sue for back pay.
In Hanover County, the Reverend James Morey sued his parish
vestry for back pay in December seventeen sixty three. A

(05:37):
young Patrick Henry argued on behalf of the vestry that
England changing the law was an overreach of British authority.
Now think about this in the context of how it's
going to evolve from here. Here he is in seventeen
sixty three arguing the following quote, the Act of seventeen
fifty eight had every characteristic give a good law and

(05:58):
a king by annulling or disallowing acts of so solitary
a nature from being father of his people, degenerated into
a tyrant and forfeits all rights to his subjects obedience.
Now think about this language, and by the way, in
the British system at that time, this could have counted
as treason. He says, degenerated into a tyrant. Remember he's

(06:20):
referring specifically to the King of England, forfeits all rights
to his subjects obedience. And this is over a simple
law involving the payment to clergy of tobacco. Henry persuaded
the jury to award May a minimum compensation of one penny.
Henry's role in the case helped launch his political career.
In seventeen sixty four, Henry moved to Louisa County, where

(06:43):
he was elected to the Virginia House of Burgesses. He
was sworn into office on May twentieth, seventeen sixty five.
And this is a very very key time in American
history because later that month, that is May seventeen sixty five,
Arliament passes the Stamp Act. Now what was happening was

(07:04):
the British had spent a huge amount of money winning
the French and Indian War, or the Seven Years War
was called in Britain, and in the French Indian War
they had conquered Canada, so that had eliminated the primary
threat of Indians. To the colonists. The British attitude was,
since we've now liberated you from this threat, we should
have your help in paying off the debts we ran

(07:26):
up during the war. The American colonist, of course, who
as Paul Johnson once said, probably had the lowest tax
rate of any people in civilized history, and resented every
penny of it. The colonists were not particularly grateful. They
figured the British king had won because that was to
his advantage, and they had no interest in helping him
pay off the debt. So the Parliament passes the Stamp

(07:46):
Act in order to try to get money out of
the colonies to pay off the debt that had grown
up during the seven years war. Henry authors the Virginia
Stamp Act Resolutions in response to the Stamp Actice seventeen
sixty five. During heated debates in the House of Burgesses,
Henry compared King George the Third to both Julius Caesar

(08:08):
and Charles the First. Charles the Frost, remember, is the
English king who in the Civil War is beheaded, noting
that George might quote prophet by their example. Now what's
he saying saying? Well, Caesar, who of course is assassinated
by people who feared he was going to become a dictator,
and Charles the First, who literally had his head cut
off by his subjects. When you say somebody might profit

(08:30):
by their example, is kind of indirectly suggesting that the
king might in fact lose his head and his life
if he continues down this road. Henry introduced seven resolutions.
Five of those resolutions he introduced during the debate. The
fifth one was adopted by a marginal one vote, but
the next day, under pressure from the Governor, the House

(08:51):
of Burgesses rescinded the resolution and headed a race from
the official record. His fifth resolution read, and to think
about the because this is the very beginnings of the
movement towards independence. Quote resolved therefore, that the General Assembly
of this Colony, with the consent of His Majesty or
his substitute, have the sole riding authority to lay taxes

(09:15):
and impositions upon its inhabitants, and that every attempt to
vest such authority in any other person or persons whatsoever,
has a manifest tendency to destroy American freedom. Now, the
two things are important about this. The first is this
is an assertion that only the colonies can tax themselves,

(09:36):
that London cannot tax them. Second, notice, the word he
uses doesn't talk about Virginia to destroy American freedom, and
it's one of the earliest references that this is about
to become an American revolution, not just a colonial revolution
of individual colonies. Virginia's royal governor, Francis Fauquet, prevented the

(09:58):
publications of all seven of Henry's resolutions, including the one
that was struck from the record, from being published in
the Virginia Gazette. Despite the governor's attempts to suppress this information,
within a few weeks, Henry's resolutions were published in other colonies,
including Maryland, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. He's beginning to get

(10:18):
a national audience for what he's saying and how he's
doing it. Henry continued to serve in the House of
Burgesses throughout the seventeen sixties. In the early seventeen seventies,
in September seventeen seventy four, Henry and six other Virginia
delegates traveled to the First Continental Congress. In all, fifty
six delegates from twelve colonies came to Philadelphia. Henry believed

(10:40):
the colonies were on the path to war and declared, quote,
distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are
no more. I am not a Virginian but an American.
Now this is a revolutionary statement. You'll notice that when
you get to the American Civil War some seventy years

(11:01):
eighty years later. At that point you have people say, well,
I can't. ROBERTI leaves a good example. He breaks his
oath as a West Point graduate to side with Virginia.
So he didn't quite get what Patrick Henry was getting at,
which is that Henry was an American. Now he saw
the future as all the colonies working together, not as

(11:21):
a Virginia rebellion, but an American rebellion. During their session

(11:43):
in Philadelphia. In this First Continental of Congress, the group
agreed to boycott British goods within the colonies as a
sign of protest. They also called for an end to
exports degree Britain the following year if the intolerable acts
were not repealed by the way, as a great example
of good word use. The act were intolerable, Now, who's
going to be for an intolerable act? While he attended

(12:05):
the First Continental Congress, Henry cared for his sick wife, Sarah.
Henry became depressed and violent after the birth of their
sixth and last child in seventeen seventy one. Rather than
moving his wife to an institution, Henry kept her at
home and she was carried by an enslaved servant. She
died in early seventeen seventy five. On March twenty third,

(12:26):
seventeen seventy five, at Saint John's Church in Richmond, Henry
spoke at the Second Virginia Convention in response to interference
of the Royal Navy brought in from the King's appointed governor,
Lord Dunmore. Henry had discussed the need to formed armed
militias in Virginia in case British troops attempted to control
the area. And this is an important note about the

(12:47):
American Revolution. It is the existence of armed militias which
enables the Americans to stand up to the British. If
they had not had armed militias, the British would have
crushed them easily. And that's why they wrote in the
Second Amendment on the right to bear arms, because they
understood the difference between an armed citizenry and a disarmed citizenry.

(13:08):
It's not exactly known what Henry said during the meeting,
but years later biographer William Wirt in eighteen seventeen reconstructed
the speech based on recollections of Thomas Jefferson and others
in attendance. The end of Ritz's recollection ended with the
famous give me liberty or give me deathline. It's actually
unknown if Henry actually said it, and that's pretty much

(13:31):
drawing a line. Rit's recollection of speech is this quote,
no man thinks more highly than I do of the
patriotism as well as abilities of the very worthy gentlemen
who have just addressed the house. But different men often
see the same subject in different nights, and therefore I
hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen.

(13:52):
If entertaining as I do, opinions of a character are
very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments
freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.
The question before the House is one of awful moment
to this country. For my own part, I consider as
nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery, and,
in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to

(14:14):
be the freedom of the debate. It is only in
this way that we can hope to arrive at truth
and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God
in our country. Shall I keep back my opinions at
such a time through fear of giving offense? I should
consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, of
an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven, which

(14:36):
I revere above all earthly kings. Mister President, it is
natural to a man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful
truth and listen to the song of that siren child
he transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of
wise men engage in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?

(14:58):
Are we disposed to be of the number of those who,
having eyes see not, and having ears hear not the
things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part,
whatever anguish or spirit it may cost, I am willing
to know the whole truth, to know the worst, and
to provide for it. I have but one lamp by

(15:18):
which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp
of experience. I know of no way of judging of
the future but by the past, and judging by the past.
I wish to know what there has been in the
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years
to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased
to solace themselves in the house. Is it that insidious

(15:39):
smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust
it not, sir, It will prove a snare to your feet.
Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask
yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with
those warlike preparations which cover our waters in darken our lamp,
our fleets, armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation.

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Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that
force must be called in to win back our love?
Let us not deceive ourselves. These are the implements of
war and subjugation, the last arguments to which kings resort.
I asked, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array? If
its purpose be not to force us into submission? Can

(16:25):
gentlemen assign any other possible motive? For it has Great
Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world to
call for all this accumulation of armies and navies, No, sir,
she has none. They are meant for us. They can
be meant for no other. They are sent over to
bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British
ministry have been so long forging. And what have we

(16:48):
to oppose them? Shall we try, argument, sir? We have
been trying that for the last ten years. Have we
anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing? We've held
the subject up in every light of which it is capable,
but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort
to entreaty and humble supplication. What terms shall we find

(17:08):
which have not been already exhausted. Let us not, I
beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything
that can be done to avert the storm which is
now coming on. We have petitioned, we have remonstrated, we
have supplicated, We have prostated ourselves before the throne and
have implored its inner position to arrest the tyrannical hands

(17:29):
of the ministry in Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted,
Our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult. Our supplications
have been disregarded, and we have been spurned with contempt
from the foot of the throne in vain. After these things,
may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.

(17:49):
There is no longer any room for hope if we
wish to be free, if we mean to preserve inviolate
those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending,
if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle
in which we've been so long engaged, in which we
have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object

(18:10):
of our contest shall be obtained. We must fight. I
repeat it, sir, we must fight. An appeal to arms
and to the God of hosts is all that has
left us. They tell us, sir, that we're weak on
able to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when
shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week
or the next year? Will it be when we are

(18:32):
totally disarmed? And what a British guard should be stationed
in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction?
Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying
supinely on our backs and hugging the delucy fandom of
hope until our enemies have bound us by hand and foot. Sir,
we are not weak if we make a proper use

(18:53):
of those means which the God of Nature hath placed
in our power. The millions of people armed in the
holy cause of liberty and in such a country as
that which we possess, are invincible by any force which
our enemy concend against us. Besides, we shall not fight
our battles alone. There is a just God who presides
over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up

(19:15):
friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, Sir,
is not to the strong alone. It is to the vigilant,
the active, the brave. Besides, Sir, we have no election.
If we were base enough to desire it, it is
now too late to retire from the contest. There is
no retreat but in submission and slavery. Our chains are forged.

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Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston.
The war is inevitable. And let it come. I repeat it, sir,
Let it come. It is in vain, sir, to extenuate
the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace, but there is
no peace. The war has actually begun. The next gale
that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears

(19:58):
the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already in
the field. Why stand we here idle? What is it
the gentleman wish? What would they have? His life so dear,
or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the
price of chains and slavery. Forbid it, Almighty God. I
know not what course others may take, But as for me,

(20:21):
give me liberty or give me death. Now I'll tell you,
if you stand in that church, the very same church
he stood in. And you read that out loud, you
will have chills. You will realize what a historic but
amazing moment this was, and what an extraordinary leader and

(20:41):
great orator he was. The convention passed the resolution to
form militias to defend Virginia. Virginia's Royal Governor, John Murray,
dispatched a company of marines to seize the colonies munitions
days after British soldiers marched towards Lexington and conquered for
exactly the same purpose. The angered the Virginias, and Henry

(21:02):
led his militia company towards Williamsburg to demand compensation for
the stolen gunpowder. In response, Murray issued a proclamation of
May sixth, seventeen seventy five, denouncing quote a certain Patrick
Henry and a number of deluded followers who have taken
up arms and put themselves in the posture of war.
He also directed quote all persons, upon their allegiance, not

(21:25):
to aid a bed or give countenance to the said
Patrick Henry close quote. Of course, all this did is
it made Patrick Henry really well known. It strengthened his reputation.
The governor had in fact increased the power and the
capacity of his opponent. On May tenth, seventeen seventy five,
Henry attended the Second Continental Congress. Henry was asked to

(21:46):
repair the colony's final petition to the King, but his
draft was considered too radical. Frankly listened to that speech.
You can imagine why fellow Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee
attempted a second draft. The Congress opted for Pennsylvania's John
Dickinson's draft, which had a much gentler rhetoric. While Henry
was in Philadelphia, the Virginia Convention created two provincial regiments

(22:11):
and elected Henry colonel of the first Virginia Regiment and
commander of the overall militia. Henry tried to recruit and
organize the troops, but in December seventeen seventy five, William
Woodford in the second Virginia Regiment was sent to challenge
the British Army near Fort Norfolk in the Battle of
Great Bridge. Henry, after being passed over for leading the battle,

(22:32):
decided to resign his commission. Many of the soldiers he
recruited threatened to leave because Henry was leaving, but he
persuaded them to put the American cause first and accept
their new leadership. During the Virginia Convention of seventeen seventy six,
Henry helped to write Virginia's new constitution. Remember, these colonies
become states are all writing constitutions, which is great preparation

(22:55):
a decade later when they will have to go to
Philadelphia to write the Constitution United States. So Henry's there
in seventeen seventy six helping write Virginia's new Constitution, its
declaration of Rights, and a resolution to Congress for posing independence.

(23:25):
On June twenty ninth, seventeen seventy six, Henry was chosen
as the first governor of Virginia. As governor, Henry worked
closely with George Washington to raise and equip forces. Henry
was reelected twice for one year terms and served as
governor until June seventeen seventy nine, when he was succeeded
by Thomas Jefferson. Henry remarried in October seventeen seventy seven,

(23:47):
and he and his second wife, do Arthy Dandridge. Henry
had eleven children together, adding to the six children from
his first wife. In seventeen seventy nine, Henry was elected
to the Virginia House of Delegates. During this time, Virginia
politicians were split into two factions, anti Federalists and Federalists.
That is, one side wanted to have a federal government

(24:08):
in the United States. The other side wanted to strengthen
the states and called themselves the anti Federalists because they
didn't want a strong central government. They wanted to continue
the Articles of Confederation, which were very weak and which
really reposed power in each individual state. Henry often found
himself in opposition to James Madison over the separation of
church and state. James Madison and Thomas Jefferson advocated strict

(24:32):
separation of church and successfully pushed for the Virginia Statute
for Religious Freedom. Henry, on the other hand, advocated for
state support for religious teachers. Was governor of Virginia, he
introduced a plan for a tax to support Christian teachers,
a plan that was vividly opposed by Madison and Jefferson.
Madison took this opportunity to rally support for Jefferson's bill

(24:53):
for establishing religious freedom, and since Henry was denied of
voting the legislature since he been elected governor the bill past.
Henry and Madison also different in what role the federal
government should play. In seventeen eighty five, Henry push to
strengthen the Articles of Confederation. He told Madison to sketch
out some plan for giving greater powers to the federal government

(25:13):
and he would support her on the floor. Madison, however,
pushed from much more centralized national government, so where Henry
wanted to strengthen the Articles of Confederation, Madison wanted to
replace them. Henry was elected but refused to attend the
Constitutional Convention of seventeen eighty seven, where the Articles of
Confederation were supposed to be revised, but in an amazing

(25:35):
coup de'etaile by the way, the Constitutional Convention decided they
would replace the Articles, not revise them. When Washington sent
him a copy of the constitution asked him to support it,
Henry expressed concerns, writing to Washington on October nineteen, seventeen
eighty seven, quote, I have to lament that I cannot
bring my mind to accord with the proposed constitution. The

(25:56):
concern I feel in this account is really greater than
I am able to express. Perhaps mature reflection may furnish
me with reasons to change my present sentiments into a
conformity with the opinion of those personages for whom I
have the highest reference. In other words, Henry found himself
in the awkward position of turning down his fellow Virginian
and the first great American, George Washington, But he did

(26:18):
turn him down. During the Virginia Convention of seventeen eighty eight,
aimed at ratifying the Constitution, Henry and George Mason led
the anti federalists in debate against the plan, saying, and
this is very important, because you need to remember, this
wasn't automatic. It was not inevitable that we're going to
end up with a centralized government and with a Constitution

(26:39):
of the United States as opposed to a confederation of
the individual states. So Henry and Madison wrote, quote, what
right had they to say, we the people who authorized
them to speak the language of we the people instead
of we the states. If the states be not the
agents of this compact, it must be one great consolidated

(27:02):
national government. I am not free from suspicion. I am
apt to entertain doubts. I arose yesterday to ask a
question which arose in my own mind. When I asked
the question, I thought the meaning of my interrogation was obvious.
The fate of this question in America may depend on this.
Have they said we the states? Have they made a
proposal of a compact between states? If they had, this

(27:24):
would be a confederation. It is otherwise most clearly a
consolidated government. The question turns, sir, on that poor little thing,
the expression we the people instead of the states of America.
I need not take much pains to show that the
principles of the system are extremely pernicious, in politic and dangerous.

(27:46):
Is this a monarchy like England, a compact between prince
and people, with checks on the former to secure the
liberty of the latter. Is this a confederately like Holland?
An association of a number of independent states, each of
which retain its individual sovereignty. It is not a democracy
when the people retain all their rights securely. Had these
principles been adhered to, we should not have been brought

(28:07):
to this alarming transition from a confederacy to a consolidated government.
We have no detail of these great considerations, which, in
my opinion, ought to have abounded before we should recur
to a government of this kind. Here is a revolution
as radical as that which separated us from Great Britain.
It is as radical if in this transition our rights
and privileges are endangered, and the sovereignty of the states

(28:29):
be relinquished. And cannot we plainly see that this is
actually the case. The rights of conscience, trial by jury,
liberty the press, all your immunities, enfranchises, all pretensions to
human rights and privileges are rendered insecure, if not lost,
by this change so loudly talked of by some and
inconsiderately by others. Is this same relinquishment rights worthy of

(28:52):
free men? Is it worthy of that manly fortitude that
ought to characterize Republicans? It has said eight states have
adopted this plan. I declare that if twelve states and
a half had adopted it, I would, with manly firmness, and,
in spite of an erring world, reject it. You are
not to inquire how your trade may be increased, nor
how you are to become a great and powerful people,

(29:15):
but how your liberties can be secured, For liberty ought
to be the direct end of your government. Now, obviously,
this is a huge fight between those who want America
to become a country and those who want America to
become a confederation of independent states. On June fourth, seventeen
eighty eight, in a speech during the Virginia ratifying convention

(29:37):
later entitled a wrong step now and the Republic will
be lost forever, Henry said, quote, I conceive the Republic
to be in extreme danger. If a wrong step be
now made, the Republic may be lost forever. If this
new government will not come up to the expectation of
the people, their liberty will be lost, and tyranny must

(29:58):
and will arise. Henry was worried of the powers that
the executive branch would have, saying during the Virginia Convention, quote,
if your American chief be a man of ambition and abilities,
how easy is it for him to reduce himself absolute?
The army is in his hands, and where is the
existing force to punish him? Can he not, at the
head of his army beat down every opposition? What will

(30:20):
then become of you? And your rights will not absolute
despotism ensure. Despite this, Henry's opponents went over enough moderate
anti federalist to ratify the constitution eighty nine to seventy nine,
but think about that in the largest state, the central
state that ultimately was the key to whether or not
you could create the United States. The margin was ten votes,

(30:44):
eighty nine to seventy nine. So even with Washington on
the other side, even with Jefferson on the other side,
there were still seventy nine Virginians who said no. In
seventeen ninety one and ailing Henry retired from active politics.
In seventeen ninety three, Henry worked with John Marshall to
defend a Virginia physician in lawsuit by a British merchant

(31:05):
house to recover pre war debts. Henry won, cementing his
reputation as a lawyer. Washington in seventeen ninety nine convinced
Henry to return to politics after the Kentucky and Virginia
resolutions were passed. Henry stood again for election to the
Virginia House of Delegates in the spring of seventeen ninety nine,
and he delivered his last public speech on his election

(31:26):
day quote, if I am asked what is to be
done when the people feel themselves intolerably oppressed, my answer
is ready overturn the government. Wait un least until some
infringement is made upon your rights that cannot be otherwise addressed. Otherwise,
like failed republics of the past, you might bid adio
forever to representative government, for you can never exchange the

(31:48):
present government but for a monarchy. Henry won the election,
but he died on June sixth, seventeen ninety nine, a
few months before the Assembly was to be convened. He
was sixty three years old. Henry left a small envelope
with his last will and testament. Inside. In addition to
his will was a single sheet of paper with his

(32:09):
seventeen sixty five resolutions against the Stamp Act, and on
the back he left a brief message about his resolutions.
It says quote that within resolutions passed the House of
Burgesses in May seventeen sixty five, they formed the first
opposition to the Stamp Act and the scheme of taxing
America by the British Parliament. All the colonies, either through

(32:29):
fear or wanted opportunity to form an opposition, or from
influence of some kind or other, had remained silent. I
had been for the first time elected a Burgess a
few days before, was young, inexperienced, unacquainted with the forms
of the House and the members that composed it. Finding
the men of weight averse to opposition and the commence
of the tax at hand, and that no person was

(32:51):
elected to step forth, I determined to venture and alone,
unadvised and unassisted, on a blank leaf of an old
law book, wrote the Then, upon offering them to the House,
violent debates ensued, many threats ruddered, and much abuse cast
on me by the party for submission. After a long
and warm contest, the resolutions passed by a very small majority,

(33:13):
perhaps of one or two. Only. The alarms spread throughout
America with astonishing quickness, and the ministerial party were overwhelmed.
The great point of resistance to British taxation was universally
established in the colonies. This brought on the war which finally
separated the two countries and gave independence to ours. Whether
this will prove a blessing or a curse will depend

(33:36):
upon the use our people make of the blessings which
a gracious God of the souttleness a pretty good line
for today too. On June fourteenth, seventeen ninety nine, the
Virginia gazett announced the death of Patrick Henry, writing quote,
as long as our rivers flow, our mountains stand Virginia
will say to rising generations, imitate my Henry. It's about

(34:00):
as good a cause for liberty, for freedom, for thinking clearly,
for having the courage to stand for what you believe,
as anything I've ever heard or read. And Patrick Henry
was essential in defining the cause of freedom, essential in
establishing that we had to be a country that was
free and courageous in his willingness to stand up when

(34:20):
necessary to the British King and unnecessary to George Washington.
He's a life worth studying, and he was a remarkable
advocate for the freedom which we now cherish. Thank you
for listening to Founding Father's Week on Newtsworld. You can
learn more about Patrick Henry on our show page at
newtsworld dot com. Newsworld is produced by GINGRIDH three sixty

(34:44):
and iHeartMedia. Our executive producer is Guarnsey Sloan and our
researcher is Rachel Peterson. The artwork for the show was
created by Steve Penley. Special thanks the team at GINGRIDH
three sixty. If you've been enjoying Newtsworld, I hope you'll
go to Apple Podcast and both rate us with five
stars and give us a review so others can learn

(35:07):
what it's all about. Right now, listeners of news World
consign up for my three free weekly columns at Ginrich
three sixty dot com slash newsletter. I'm a gingrich. This
is Newtsworld