Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
What's up and welcome back to another episode of No
Sealer's podcast with your hosts Now fuck That with your
loaw glasses Malone.
Speaker 2 (00:16):
So you got two Latto winners in close proximity to
each other, trying to simultaneously hunt the other one down.
Speaker 1 (00:27):
How do you think they won the same numbers? Again?
Speaker 2 (00:30):
I think they both have. They're from the same area,
same interests, same traditions, same shit. I think they walked
in and said, I want my lucky numbers. Here at
the six lucky numbers, and they both got the same
six numbers. I think it's more likely that than they
just randomly spun the same ones.
Speaker 1 (00:49):
My thought is somebody told somebody to get their lottery numbers. Here,
play my numbers, and they went to play the numbers,
and they felt they didn't go play the numbers, so
they went to plan themselves. So I think it's probably
the winner of the both winners are out the same
(01:10):
exact household.
Speaker 2 (01:11):
It's very likely. That makes it even more chaos. That's
almost like a domestic grudge death match.
Speaker 1 (01:23):
I was reading this crazy story today and there was
a lady who got a tip. She was in the
South and somebody tipped her ten million dollars. No, they
tipped her a lottery ticket.
Speaker 2 (01:37):
Isn't tike a movie out of that with Nicholas Cage.
Speaker 1 (01:39):
I don't know. I don't know. But she won the lottery.
She they tipped her a lottery ticket and the ticket
hit for ten million. Yeah, and she took the ten million.
And then first her co workers, her co people, was like, well,
we split the tips, we split the tips, and so
they tried to see her and didn't work. Yeah. And
(02:01):
then the person who actually gave her the ticket. Yeah,
I guess they was joking. She like, well, if I hit,
I'll buy you a truck or either. He said to
her when he tipped her the ticket. If you hit,
you gotta buy me a truck, and she was like okay.
So he tried to sue her. Wow. He tried to
(02:21):
sue her and it didn't work. And then the husband
kidnapped her, who had just got a fresh divorce, kidnapped
her to try to get it, and she ended up
getting a gun and shooting a husband. Wow.
Speaker 2 (02:37):
That's an that's one too. That's that's a more interesting
movie because something like that happened in the movie, but
it was in like New York at a diner and
some lady won off of a tipped ticket or some nonsense,
and uh, it was just kind of like rom come,
but that that that hadn't.
Speaker 1 (02:58):
No rom com. No, this is the real deal. Read.
Between reading that and living today, I was just thinking
to myself, like, I don't know how I do this
life sober.
Speaker 2 (03:15):
Yeah, I find it a little unsettling.
Speaker 1 (03:19):
And I used to think to myself, I don't know
how everybody else is drinking and smoking weed and shit.
I used to think everybody else is crazy. But as
I get older, I'm starting to believe I'm the crazy
motherfucker for doing this life sober.
Speaker 2 (03:37):
What's in the red cup?
Speaker 1 (03:38):
Then water?
Speaker 2 (03:40):
Oh? Yeah, yeah, No, I think that. I don't think
that you're sober for being or you're crazy for being
the sober one. I think crazy lends itself to you
(04:01):
being the sober one.
Speaker 1 (04:05):
Elaborate, elaborate, Like.
Speaker 2 (04:09):
I think you have to be crazy to want to
soak it all in and make sure you don't miss anything.
Speaker 1 (04:23):
Yeah, that's what I'm saying. That's what I'm saying. It's
like you feel everything, you see everything, to always be
aware and conscious. It's crazy, like everything and I think
things that other people use to get by, because I
(04:45):
think the things that other people use to get by,
you know what I mean, with weed or alcohol or whatever.
Like I get it now, I really fucking get it.
Because I was talking ahead about it earlier and I
was like, here's it's like what it got to be arrogant.
I'm like, why would you think it's arrogance that we
don't drink or smoke like that. He's like, well, because
it's like we believe we could deal with it. And
(05:10):
I'm like, well, I don't think I ever thought about
it like that. I just thought about it in the
sense that, you know, he referencedeeing people throwing up on
a curve. I was like, well, I've seen people be
buzz and I wouldn't go to the exaggeration. I'm worried
about throwing up as much as as much as ah, like,
(05:36):
just poisoning myself, throwing off my equilibrium at all for
any reason. I get that. So that that became the
main thing, Like I just never thought about it, like
and then every time it costs no benefit proposition, yeah,
I don't get the benefit. Like to me, these are normal.
It's like most people talk about normal functions, achieving normal
(05:57):
functions through assistance, right, They'll be like, or I want
to relax. I'm like relax or you know, like if
you meet a girl.
Speaker 2 (06:06):
It's weird.
Speaker 1 (06:06):
You'll meet a girl and she's not trying to use
some pussy, but she's at the board drinking, Like you
know what I mean, Like, why are you lowering your
inhibitions if your goal is not to have lowered inhibitions?
Speaker 2 (06:19):
Yeah, yeah, yeah, so.
Speaker 1 (06:23):
It just it gets crazier and crazier every time.
Speaker 2 (06:28):
That's true. I don't know personally, I mean, yeah, I
guess like through time, people who drink like the cope
and shit like that. Seems like I know a lot
of more people who smoke weed to cope.
Speaker 1 (06:43):
You know, like.
Speaker 2 (06:46):
Because I've always equated it, like I don't drink that
much anymore, like in frequency or volume. But there's people
I know that like through their day, they you know,
got to hit the when they get up before work,
on a break at work, lunch, after work, before they
go to bed. It's like five times. Like if I
(07:09):
had a cocktail five times a day, every single fucking day,
I'd walk into an intervention at some point, like I don't.
I don't know. That's kind of like my my weed curses,
like like that's a lot, you know, like you can't
make it three four hours. You just go to work
(07:30):
and send in a cubicle.
Speaker 1 (07:36):
How did you start drinking?
Speaker 2 (07:40):
My best friend growing up was the youngest of like
four so and by by a margin, he was what
some might call a change of life baby, others might
call an accident. So his older brothers that he looked
up to a lot, like when he was younger, they
(08:01):
were like, like we were in grade school, they were
like in college doing the fraternity thing or whatever else.
Some the time we were in high school, they were
in there like I don't know, fucking mid late twenties whatever,
They're out and going to bars when I was kind
of junk whatever. So I started drinking with him one
time on a vacation. I went on a vacation with
his family once, and I didn't think a lot of it.
(08:23):
At some point in time in high school, around in
eleventh grade. I was from about the eleventh grade through
at the time I was like twenty to twenty, I
drank a lot. Like seventeen to twenty, I drank a
lot twenty one to twenty three, I drank less, but
(08:49):
there were still some frequent, like gargantuan consumption moments, you know.
After that, I really you know, if I get drunk drunk,
it might be once a year maybe, And it just
happened randomly.
Speaker 1 (09:10):
So so your partner turn you on, hold up, no seilings,
g L my man Peter in the house. So your
partner introduce you to drinking.
Speaker 2 (09:28):
That's correct. It wasn't like I hadn't heard of it.
Speaker 1 (09:31):
Sure, but I'm saying, but the first time I drank,
do you remember what it was?
Speaker 2 (09:38):
Yeah? It was a beer, just a beer. Remember what
kind of beer? But uh.
Speaker 1 (09:49):
So, what did you start drinking after that?
Speaker 2 (09:51):
Whatever we had after that? I didn't start really discerning
any kind of alcohol until I had to become responsible
for getting it myself. Then I it just it went
from whatever got handed to me to well, now since
I have to make the decision, you.
Speaker 1 (10:15):
Know, So, how the fuck did you start drinking a
lot between seventeen and twenty and nobody noticed?
Speaker 2 (10:26):
I don't know if nobody noticed, but like, how do
you mean, like.
Speaker 1 (10:35):
How was you going home drinking a lot? Like how
was you going home your your mom and dad, sister,
how you going home if you're drinking a lot? Younger
people can handle liquor better.
Speaker 2 (10:51):
Oh, they bounced back faster. Hangover is not a big
deal when you're younger, handle it better. No, But I've
I only got caught coming home drunk once, and it
was so stupid because I think my parents didn't think
I was going to drink and drive, and a lot
of the time I didn't, but a lot of the
time I did too, So it depended.
Speaker 1 (11:14):
On I quite a lot of the times you didn't.
A lot of times you.
Speaker 2 (11:18):
Did, yeah, meaning it was a mixed bag. But the
nights when I didn't, I would still drive and leave
the house, but I would drive around the corner and
get my friend's car. So the time that I got
caught coming home driving drunk, I had driven one hundred feet.
(11:40):
I just came around a corner like this, stopped for
like the other side of the neighbor's house.
Speaker 1 (11:45):
So at that point, why the fuck was you even
driving to move.
Speaker 2 (11:48):
The car back so it looked like I didn't. I
wasn't allowed to go out and drink like that. Oh,
so there was.
Speaker 1 (11:55):
That Imagine you seventeen to twenty You for sure wouldn't
be old of to go out and drink like that, folks. No, no, no, no.
Speaker 2 (12:04):
So Also they had a house with two stories, so
like my bedroom had like a balcony thing, so I
could get out and come back in through there. That
happened a lot too.
Speaker 1 (12:19):
The fuck you get out through the balcony, fucking spider
man up the dam? You ever climbed up drunk?
Speaker 2 (12:26):
Oh?
Speaker 1 (12:27):
Hell, yeah, you're a fail. No close, but no, what
the fuck was you climbing to climb up to the balcony?
You got a ladder out there?
Speaker 2 (12:37):
No, it's funny. They had a little retaining wall kind
of thing by like the pool filter shit, So I
could hop up onto that and jump from that and
catch that and pull myself up onto the next thing
and then just go over the rail and walk in
the door.
Speaker 1 (12:53):
White life is just white life is fucking hella, like
how most met like general pot people feel about, you know,
growing up in the ghetto. That's how I feel about
Like when you hear about white life, I mean not
white life like ghetto, because I get how trailer trash
white life can go, but regular and yeah, like saved
by the bell, white life, Kelly Zach and Slater white life,
(13:18):
it's almost like that's not real to us.
Speaker 2 (13:22):
Yeah, there's a lot of there's a lot of bilateral disconnect.
Speaker 1 (13:28):
It's like the first time I started hanging out in
Lakewood and you start meaning like go to people house.
I remember one of my child friends, he became a
police officer. He was a little older than us. I
think I went to our teaching my freshman year in Lakewood,
and they used to have a park across the street
called Palm's Park, and it was cool. I was super
good at karams because obviously from the ghetto, they got carams.
(13:50):
But I remember I used to have so many like
white friends.
Speaker 2 (13:53):
Went to Teacher High School for year. One year, my
friends older sister they moved. They were from South Central
and that his mom moved them down to our school district.
But his older sister went to ar Teaser.
Speaker 1 (14:07):
Yeah, the ABC school district. I had got a's and shit,
and I had thirty six tarties. So they pulled my permit,
send my eyes right back to Compton, like you're not
going this ain't happening, And my mom ended up giving
me a pair of my high school because they still had,
she wouldn't let me go to Compton Lock Jeordan, Like
I wanted to go to the schools that you know,
(14:27):
we grew up because it's all your friends go there.
But they didn't have ap class the school.
Speaker 2 (14:30):
I guess it depends on if you are your mom's
your dad's, Like what school would have been your school?
Speaker 1 (14:35):
Well, at my mom, I was Conter High that was
Leterly like four minutes away. At my dad house, it
would have probably been to ten, which that would have
been weird. Yeah, it would have been ten to ten
or Locked or maybe lynn Will because a lot of
their older homies went to lynd Wood too, that was close.
Speaker 2 (14:51):
That's yeah, because don't understand like how that school district
iSport was because obviously Compton unified its own thing. You're
on the LA side, you know. So you got a
USD address.
Speaker 1 (15:01):
Yep, right, because you so in wats right, you got
Jordan right by the Jordan Downs. You got Locked. You
got Centennial because Centennial's is in Los Angeles too. Yeah, Okay,
I know it seemed like it's in Comptant, but it
gets freaking when you get over Well, I think no,
Centennial is in Compton.
Speaker 2 (15:18):
Still yeah, I swear that it is, But.
Speaker 1 (15:23):
It would have been one of those schools. But I
wanted to go to those schools because that's where everybody
you know went to school. Yeah, yeah, Centennia was at Compton,
so soon as you cross over, that was a good though. Yeah,
so it would have been one of those schools, the Mingas.
Maybe my mom wasn't going for that. They had no
AP classes. She was like that ship out the Mingas.
She none of those schools had AP classes. There was
(15:46):
no chance she was letting me go to school without
being in an advanced placement. That just wasn't gonna happen.
But yeah, I used to notice that, and so I
got a chance to hang around that kind of environment
for about a good months and just really chilling, just
tripping off of it. And that's how I knew it
(16:10):
was real because before that, you know Compton and watching
you think Comptonent watches the whole world like everywhere is
like this. Some people don't have money, some people on drugs.
You go to Lakewood, ain't nobody pushing no damn baskets?
Speaker 2 (16:22):
Sure?
Speaker 1 (16:23):
You know what I mean? When you and watching content,
people pushing baskets, assembling all kinds of things that they
could sell to try to buy some rocks like that
was normal. I think about a lot of the stuff
that was normal at that time.
Speaker 2 (16:36):
I have to ask, sure, because the the language choice
was so particular. Sure, you said assembling all kinds of things.
What kind of product would a person purchased for money
that had been assembled by a crackhead? What would be
something that they might assemble.
Speaker 1 (16:57):
When I'm saying as symble, I mean gathering, right, So
some people would be taking like people would be pushing grows.
They used to still the grocery baskets, sure, right from
the grocery store and be pushing them around as simp
like gathering things to sell. You got it. So it
could be something like cans, bottles. Some people would get TVs.
(17:24):
People would do that time. They was the only flockers.
Crackheads was the only flockers. It was only people breaking
in people houses. Sometimes you see people with TVs radios,
and a lot of times that shit to be working,
like they knew the difference between junk and things that
people bought. Sure, Sure, so I used to look at
(17:44):
them people crazy, But I'm starting to really think that
I must be crazy. Because I don't know how I
deal with this world sober, Like Chuck Game is posting
all these pictures of uh, what's going on and over
there in Israel?
Speaker 2 (18:00):
Mm hm.
Speaker 1 (18:01):
You know it's people posting babies being blown up and
women dead, And I was just thinking to myself, like,
how am I sober looking at all this shit?
Speaker 2 (18:11):
It's a matter of scope, I suppose. I mean, it's tragic,
is a hell, but I've never I don't know as
far as like the world me personally, I never blinked.
Speaker 1 (18:25):
M I don't think I blink. I think I see
it all. But it's also why like I'll be on
my Donnie Hathaway where I'd be like, eah, living ain't
what it cracked up to be, Like, like, I have
(18:46):
huge faith in humanity, but that's probably a big problem too.
I believe in humanity, and that probably is like a
flaw maybe.
Speaker 2 (18:56):
I mean humanity cuts both ways. Humanity makes creates enormous problems,
and humanity solves enormous problems.
Speaker 1 (19:04):
You know what's the biggest problem they ever solve? You
feel humanity?
Speaker 2 (19:08):
Humanity? Well, I mean the almost obvious one. I mean,
like they created a humanity created a clusterfuck of World
War two. It also solved the same problem.
Speaker 1 (19:21):
You know, what's the what do you mean you solve
which problem? I think humanity don't do shit but cause problems.
I don't think humanity has done one good thing for
the Earth. I would disagree with that, you know what
I mean? I think humanity just creates problems and then
solve the problems that they create, and then the problems
(19:43):
that they solve creates even more problems.
Speaker 2 (19:46):
Well, I think the default setting is a problem. You know,
if you were to go back and back and back
and back in time, whether the human life expectancy probably
twenty five thirty years, you will die in all kinds
of different ways we were supposed to. That's probably true.
I think that there's it's like every innovation that's that's
(20:08):
that's helped human beings. Human beings probably worse for the Earth.
I don't know about that. I think there's the person.
I think there is fine. The Earth's equilibrium is pretty fine.
Speaker 1 (20:22):
But like.
Speaker 2 (20:25):
The abundant, like abundance breeds abundance, and abundance breeds time.
So the same ecosystem of the human mind that was
able to use spare time to invent a light bulb,
was able to use spare time to devise eugenics, you know,
(20:52):
time to think. It's all in the mind of the thinker.
I agree with that.
Speaker 1 (21:01):
Every day I'll be disappointed.
Speaker 2 (21:02):
Because, yeah, that disappointing types, but I don't think it
ever wasn't a disappointing time.
Speaker 1 (21:11):
It's also true, you know what I mean, Like, how
could a place like Watts in a place like Newport
Beach exists at the same time. That gotta be like
a fucking flaw in a place like bell Layer in
a place like Compton can exist at the same time. Yeah, yeah,
(21:34):
think about that bell Layer and Compton, then motherfuckers is
twenty miles from each other. I think. Let me look
it up, gul Well.
Speaker 2 (21:41):
I mean, how far is Central Park West or whatever
the hell from Harlem? I mean, it'sn't like Park Avenue
on one side of Central Park West or I'm sorry,
one side of Central Park and then like Harlem is
like basically the other side.
Speaker 1 (21:59):
Yeah, Compton to bell Layer is nineteen miles.
Speaker 2 (22:04):
A little more. Number of guests had about fourteen, But.
Speaker 1 (22:07):
How the fuck can somebody have entirely too much and
then these people have entirely not enough. That gotta be
like the greatest, Like that's just crap. It's nineteen miles
peat it is how could you? How could you have
(22:30):
that much? And then somebody this close could not have
nearly enough and you exist peacefully.
Speaker 2 (22:38):
That's the last part is kind of the uh, the kicker,
you know, but you know resources come buy an awful lot.
Speaker 1 (22:54):
Like think about that. There's a house in bell Layer
for sale right now. Let me look at this. Was
looking at a house in bell Layer for sale right
It came up in my email and there's a house
in bell Layer. Oh thin.
Speaker 2 (23:10):
I saw something about that.
Speaker 1 (23:12):
It was like some kind of crazy means like a
nine figure Yeah, it was like one hundred and thirty
nine million dollars a twelve bedroom, seventeen bath, two acre
house and bell Layer. The address is twelve hundred Bell Layer, rolled,
Los Angeles, Sky nine zero zero seven seven. The house
(23:35):
cousin is one hundred and forty million dollars.
Speaker 2 (23:38):
You know what I really don't understand about that. There's
a lot of surplus bathrooms in that home.
Speaker 1 (23:48):
It's almost like they don't want to share the bathroom.
I never got that evil.
Speaker 2 (23:53):
I understand Okay, we're gonna have twelve bedrooms and then
twelve bathrooms.
Speaker 1 (24:00):
Five teams. Yeah, I get thirteen guess bathroom? You want
people in Yo bad.
Speaker 2 (24:03):
They've got five or six extra bathrooms. It's as if
they're serving laxative in there. And you better have a
bathroom close enough to in case, you know, you don't
have to go down to the hall too far to
the next bathroom.
Speaker 1 (24:14):
You never know what that was about.
Speaker 2 (24:16):
Oh what's going on there?
Speaker 1 (24:18):
But I'm looking and this is right here, and they
be talking shit about these people who running in these
stores taking shit.
Speaker 2 (24:26):
Five one hundred thousand is about what it's about the
price of a house in Compton.
Speaker 1 (24:33):
Three to five.
Speaker 2 (24:34):
Yeah, so if we if we called it five, that's
two hundred and eighty houses in Compton for that guy's house.
That would be pretty cool. If I was going to
roll up, roll up a buck forty on a property acquisition,
(24:56):
I'd be down to buy two hundred and eighty house.
Isn't Compton? They were all, if they were all attached,
they all.
Speaker 1 (25:05):
But it's like the down payment because it's twenty eight
MILLI you know, the dawn payment is twenty eight minutes
for yeah, twenty eight million, twenty percent, and the monthly
payment is one million dollars nine hundred and eighteen thousand
a month. Yeah, I mean I don't think you can
even findance that for thirty years.
Speaker 2 (25:25):
Oh, I don't know at this interest rates like this, Yeah,
probably could.
Speaker 1 (25:31):
Would you even want to finance that at that point
thirty six was at one hundred, was at twelve million
a year, one twenty three six, God damn three g
you've been in the house four hundred million dollars. Yeah. Yeah,
that type of shit make me want to drink. The
fact that that much house is fifteen miles away from
(25:53):
the ghetto. It depends on which ghetto because it probably
could be like if you want the Hoovers, I'm probably at.
Speaker 2 (26:00):
It from the Jays about eighty.
Speaker 1 (26:03):
But the Jay's is almost like a science project.
Speaker 2 (26:07):
How far has it been from the Harlems? About nine?
Speaker 1 (26:10):
Yeah, it's close. The Jazz is different because the Jays is.
Speaker 2 (26:14):
Like a like a when I sold those.
Speaker 1 (26:17):
Yeah, I know that's it's gonna be over.
Speaker 2 (26:18):
I was trying to tell Malcolm. I was like, what
you need to do, because he was all like, I
gotta turn in the jungles. I was like you can
complaining about they suck for thirty years. He should be happy.
But like I was, like, go get Potomac made a
historical landmark site. I mean it was the culmination scene
(26:43):
of what was that? Then? That the first oscar to
a black actor in a non supporting role. Yeah, yeah,
just go over the city hall and get it the
cleared the historical monument. They'll do it in two seconds.
Speaker 1 (26:57):
And then what does that do?
Speaker 2 (26:58):
I can't knock it down. The rest of it they
probably knocked down, but you can at least hold down
the cold set.
Speaker 1 (27:07):
You know what. Somebody asked me that I think gentrification
was bad. They was like, oh, Gusins, you don't think
it's better. I'm thinking to myself, like I get it right, Like,
because that's what's been That's what's happening right, These places
are being gentrified. But it's like if you're not, how
is it somebody could have enough fucking money to come
(27:28):
over here and buy shit, but the people who live
here don't have enough money to buy shit. You know
what I'm saying, Like, how do you have that much
money to where all these stray people can come and
move into community? And they got enough money to afford it,
but the people right there can't afford it. And what
people would like me to believe is that, like a
(27:50):
drunk mind would like me to believe that, oh, they
just didn't do anything with their life. And it's like,
I mean, the majority of the population bro as sheit. Yeah,
so it's easy to lead sheep any direction you want
them to go.
Speaker 2 (28:04):
The American perspective on wealth disparity is perceived upside down.
Speaker 1 (28:13):
You know.
Speaker 2 (28:13):
It's like looking at a forest right from eye level
to the top I leveled to the top of what
of the of the trees in the forest? Soy feet
up in the ear? Yeah, like you.
Speaker 1 (28:27):
If the trees are fifty feet, if the.
Speaker 2 (28:30):
Tree is fifty feet the average three fifty feet, you're
like forty sixty feet. You can see the tops of them, sure,
but you see that they're not the same tops. I
think people will look at it like who came around
and knocked the tops off of all those trees that
aren't as tall as that one? And the perception really
(28:51):
is more accurately, what caused that tree to grow taller
than that one?
Speaker 1 (28:58):
You know, you think that's the perception from who?
Speaker 2 (29:04):
I think that's the current. Like that's the times perception
of in America of wealthy spirity, Like like the culture
now looks at it as though all the trees were
sixty feet and then someone came and hacked the tops
(29:24):
off of like ninety percent of them down to forty
five feet. Reality is the other ones grew taller.
Speaker 1 (29:36):
I don't know they might even start it taller.
Speaker 2 (29:39):
Trees don't start taller, yeah, but.
Speaker 1 (29:42):
It depends, like even coming into America, it's a different
set of trees. Like right, it's like slavery is not
even two hundred years old, right, Like it's not that old. Right,
this is not that old. And you like, because I
don't think, I don't even want to have a conversation.
(30:03):
I hate about Like I get the concept of the
wealth disparity, wealth gap, That's not what I'm talking about.
I'm talking about simple things like the American dreams that
we sold, I mean American dream that we sold out right,
which was like a place like Compton. Well, I know,
it's like the people crazy and they so a place
like Compton or a place like let's say like Herssey,
Pennsylvania where John his name is John Hershey. They made
(30:25):
Hershey company. I think it's name is John Hershey. Hershey.
Speaker 2 (30:30):
So, just out of curiosity, I had noticed at at
the end of one of the famous Zapp and Roger songs,
he was talking about chocolate cities, and he didn't mention
Hershey Pennsylvania. Why is that.
Speaker 1 (30:43):
I have no fucking idea. I don't think they're talking
about the same chocolate.
Speaker 2 (30:47):
Interesting.
Speaker 1 (30:48):
So, Milton Hershey, you might be right, Milton Hershey. Right.
So Milton Hershey created the town that we know. It's Hershey, Pennsylvania, right,
And this was kind of the traditional American idea. He
had a great idea that he built factory and then
he wanted people to come work, and he had people
come work, and instead of having him drive miles away,
he built the town to support you know, he built
(31:08):
the town to master the economy right where people could
move into these houses and shot play and work there.
That's Compton. Was the same thing. Like if you look
down Alameda on Compton and Compton right, all these factories
right now, I was talking to a politician. Hey, what
she was telling me that it was grandfathered in that
(31:30):
I think forty to fifty percent of the people who
worked at these factories were supposed to live in these houses.
And I think that was the simplistic idea of America.
And it was a brilliant idea. Right you people used
to walk to work, you know what I mean? And
what I think happened specifically in canter right as black
(31:52):
people started to move to Compton out. It's probably a
really crazy idea that they started moving there. It's something
that we don't know about because they moved there and grow,
but you know, and then white folks start moving out, right,
Kevin Costner families in the world start moving out.
Speaker 2 (32:06):
Well, they had to move out for the black people
to move in because the vacancies had to be created.
Speaker 1 (32:13):
Sure, but I think they were also building at that time.
But I don't know, I don't know.
Speaker 2 (32:19):
I think so well, And this is the thing it
because like I only said it because like we've talked
about a hundred times. Sure, my grandparents lived in all
those same houses. They ain't built nothing new.
Speaker 1 (32:31):
But then what is older than Compton?
Speaker 2 (32:33):
Yeah, but like not by a lot.
Speaker 1 (32:36):
And really what.
Speaker 2 (32:41):
Late sixties, early late fifties, early sixties was when black
people start to come to South California.
Speaker 1 (32:47):
Yeah, because they had been around so remember they couldn't
they couldn't remember, they couldn't really be around, right, because
they did have a little pockets right the place in Venice.
What's that dog down?
Speaker 2 (33:01):
Yeah, those old big apartments.
Speaker 1 (33:03):
Like one of the oldest places black people moved. So
black people came to southern California before that, but I
don't think they could get in the the aries like
they was in Dogtown.
Speaker 2 (33:14):
They were in it was the fifties. That's when the fifties.
When in the fifties, And that's why like the difference between.
Speaker 1 (33:22):
Well the projects was wasn't first for remember that was
for the war people. No Jordan Downzelea.
Speaker 2 (33:29):
Most of the expansions of products was for black people,
and black people were good a paper. This is a
little story people. I don't think know about La Sure
below the pueblos is that's black projects is below all
the ones what do they call it? The I thought
they called it also like dog Town or something like that.
The projects by Chinatown and and then like Big Hazard
(33:53):
and the Strata courts and all those ones th was
are on Mexican Yeah, as I looked, I mean I
at least for what I read the they built all
those ones up there and didn't allow black people to
apply because apparently black people were very good at paperwork
compared to Mexicans.
Speaker 1 (34:13):
So the Jordan Downs first open in May nineteen forty four.
The complex was originally developed as a semi permanent housing
for war workers during World War Two. In the early
nineteen fifties, Hacla Damn that still around converted it to
public housing. It was among the last of the public
housing projects and was to be open for that purpose.
(34:33):
It opened in nineteen fifty five, shortly after new Mayor
Norris Pulsen ended all new public housing in the city. Development,
like others in the area, became partially integrated. However, its
tendency its Tennessee rapidly became majority black, approaching one hundred
percent by the mid nineteen sixties. This rapid change occurred
(34:54):
for a number of reasons. Many of the veterans who
still lived in the projects in the early nineteen fifties
moved out as they were able to purchase homes. Blacks
still migrating west after the war ended gravitated excuse me,
Blacks still migrating west after the war gravitated towards areas
like Watts that already had sizeable back populations. In addition,
(35:15):
at least in the first decade of the post war period,
restrictive covenants helped channel recent migrants into Watts and away
from nearby suburban cities such as Compton.
Speaker 2 (35:26):
Sure yeah so no, No, what I think a lot
of the real initial challenges for black people in LA
was the fact that they, bluntly speaking, they just got
there later.
Speaker 1 (35:43):
Yea.
Speaker 2 (35:44):
Like the economic explosion that happened on the West coast,
like from like nineteen forty three or four, whenever the
Pacific theater machine really really ramped up, they weren't there yet. Sure,
So by the time that wave crested and crashed, then
they got there.
Speaker 1 (36:00):
Sure.
Speaker 2 (36:00):
So that's there's a big difference. And that's a huge
difference in twenty years.
Speaker 1 (36:04):
Sure, Sure, especially around that time. But the Mexicans were
here then before then, yea, because the first was crazy
is the first street gang in LA that's credited Obviously
that's not white people would be white fence Okay, Yeah,
they've been around.
Speaker 2 (36:19):
Since like the thirties, and it was fun. I had
to look it up too, because I was such a square.
But when you get off of the one on one
at Normandy because to me, fourteen means up north. Sure,
I kept seeing C fourteen, C fourteen all over the place.
Is this I'm like, because you can go to the
north and see thirteens. You don't come to the south
(36:39):
fourteen that's.
Speaker 1 (36:40):
Not happening now once you pass Fresh No, that ain't.
Speaker 2 (36:42):
Yeah, And I was like, I know that is not
what I am seeing. So I google what's CE fourteen
as a KYA fourteen and you know under like you
know where the blue line turns? Sure above Washington. Apparently
that fourteenth Street was one of the was all like
one of the very also original gangs like zoot Suit
during gang and they the city was so vexed by
(37:11):
the Fourteenth Street Gang that they cleared them out and
rezoned their neighborhood industrial so that they couldn't live there.
So KAYE fourteen became a nomadic gang, but they retained
the name.
Speaker 1 (37:27):
That makes sense. I know a couple of those most
gangs is gonna be like that in twenty years, I mean,
if they're still gangs. But I guess the point I
was making is I mean, even the whole concept of
the wealth gap is it's just different. Man, if you
you have to really just believe that they're still a
letble of you know what I mean, Like you niggas
(37:49):
ain't finna get no money. It's just kind of how
to go and even certain things because I agree, like
as Americans started selling the country out as a whole,
oh right, to you know, they didn't want to build
everything no more they want to People got greedier. I mean,
I don't know if that's the correct way to put it,
but to me, that's what it's about. People got greedier
(38:10):
right where they started building everything overseas for cheaper.
Speaker 2 (38:13):
They didn't get greater. They got lazier. And I don't
mean the workers, I mean the leaders. Sure you got
to a point where you had a generation of innovators
that created an explosion of growth in the US and constum.
Those were not people who got MBA's at Ivy League schools,
(38:37):
That's true, they were really they were replaced not by
innovators but by managers. What do managers know how to do?
Very little? They know how to do one thing, cut cost.
I don't know how to come up with a new idea.
I don't know how to streamline this better. What can
we do cut cost We gotta our projections for next
(39:01):
year got to be better than they were for last year.
We can't make any more profit unless we cut costs,
because we can't put out a product that is innovative
enough to justify raising the price. We got to hold
the price, compete against that guy and cut costs. What's
that guy doing the same old dumb ass shit we're doing.
He's cutting costs. So we got to cut cost so
we can have our margin and not get priced out
(39:21):
of the marketplace by that guy and have no new ideas.
There's no innovation, no growth, no nothing. All they can
do is figure out a way to get it done
cheap or elsewhere. That's a huge problem in the US economy.
Speaker 1 (39:32):
So Ray crockm Ray Kroc. Who's Ray Krock, guy who
took over mcdonnald's from Ray mac Ray and Mac when
Ray is Richard and Maurice makes.
Speaker 2 (39:46):
That would have been the guy who has played in
that movie by Michael Keaton. Yes, no, he was an innovator.
Speaker 1 (39:53):
What the fuck did he innovate? He wasn't no fucking innovator.
He was a fucking manager. He literally cut all the
costs He's reason why all the burgers tastes like shit.
He's the reason why the fucking drink is made out
of powdered milkshake. He's the reason that quality goes down
the drain.
Speaker 2 (40:07):
Sure, the quality went down the drain, but the business
growth didn't grow down the drain. He streamlined the system,
and he system to the streamlined. He didn't out, he
didn't say, he didn't walk into a bunch of He
didn't find a mature entity, a mature thing and start
taking people out of it.
Speaker 1 (40:28):
Of course it did. He took the owners who understood
quality and what made the business thrive. Right, he understood
the quality of the business was so high that he
could shrink it down further and further to allow it
to spread.
Speaker 2 (40:42):
Like, but but it did though, So what like what
how many people did McDonald's employ when he got there
versus when he left?
Speaker 1 (40:51):
Yeah, but it also depends on like like right, it's like.
Speaker 2 (40:58):
Like in comparison to Ford during the time when McDonald's
employed one hundred x in a growth curve. Oh sure
it was.
Speaker 1 (41:08):
You know, I'm saying, I'm saying I'm sorry a hundreds
said hundred times. I'minking I'm talking about the first time,
so I'm saying go ahead. I'm saying it wasn't as many,
so yeah, he took it ahead.
Speaker 2 (41:17):
Yeah, so more locations, more employees, more.
Speaker 1 (41:21):
Or whatever at the expensive quality.
Speaker 2 (41:23):
Though sure Ford also with the expensive quality reduce their
employment in America.
Speaker 1 (41:33):
Yes, yeah, but I think it's it's kind of the
same thing. I understand the concept of employment in America,
and I think that's what we're talking about, right, somebody
like Ford, So you feel like that's the responsible. Some
asshole just came in like this is how we're gonna
maximize profit.
Speaker 2 (41:54):
Yeah, no question. I mean it's rampant throughout all sorts
of verticals of commerce.
Speaker 1 (42:00):
And you think this is because uh the Ford, Henry
Ford was like he was pretty much done and this
is somebody taking over. Yeah, because like what happened to
make because what's happening with in and Out could be
happening with McDonald's. But because again they went after kind
of the global look at the expense of having something
(42:21):
that benefit human beings to it. I don't want to
be You're right, I can't be too hasty because it
does employ American people and people around the world. But
I think that's the problem. I think when we keep
exchanging quality right for the sake of growth, and I
think that's still triggered by greed.
Speaker 2 (42:40):
I think it depends on the kind of growth.
Speaker 1 (42:44):
Yeah, I think what you know, because by the saying standard,
like the person who made the move for four could
be considered a global hero, right because they created more
opportunities in China, created more opportunities in Mexico and everywhere
else except America.
Speaker 2 (42:59):
We brought more people out of poverty in China than
our breathing air in America.
Speaker 1 (43:07):
For sure.
Speaker 2 (43:08):
That happened, for sure, you know. So, yeah, it all
does depend to scale, you know. And I was talking
about the other day with somebody, like, if you were
to say the square this average square footage of an
average house and an average town and an average income,
(43:29):
the triangulate all the averages you can find on that
house in nineteen fifty eight, you know, the arrow and everything.
Everybody had everything. Whatever the fuck there was family of
four or five, you know, whatever it was with one
small house and one car and one TV. Now that
(43:55):
experience is three cars, fives, four cell phones, internet cable,
all this sudden shit TV was freeze the radio. I
mean there's like, I don't know what, what's what's the
(44:15):
note on on whatever the fuck house on a three
hundred fifty thousand dollars house in Indianapolis.
Speaker 1 (44:24):
Shit, that's probably a mansion in Indianapolis. I mean the
note is probably I don't know, twenty eight six twenty six.
We did right there about twenty six twenty seven.
Speaker 2 (44:33):
Something like that. I mean, if you start adding in
more cars and cell phones and internet and cable and
whatever the fuck else, that those numbers almost match.
Speaker 1 (44:44):
So you're saying, what are you saying?
Speaker 2 (44:47):
I'm saying, there's two things happening simultaneously.
Speaker 1 (44:51):
You have.
Speaker 2 (44:53):
An increase in the standard expectation that has.
Speaker 1 (44:57):
A standard of existent living.
Speaker 2 (44:59):
The standard of living expectation has outpaced like on you
in the median side has has outpaced median income by
a lot, Like the price I just saw a price
breakdown by an economist of like the time price to
buy a house now, I mean the amount of hours
(45:20):
of work that you could buy at a again median
income for median house. The house has grown, So you're
getting a better, bigger house for less hours work today
than was required to do so in like nineteen sixty
right from a price per square foot standpoint.
Speaker 1 (45:37):
Sure, even though it's a piece of shit house.
Speaker 2 (45:40):
Yeah, the only one, the new one is, the old
one is. But the piece of shit built in twenty
twenty one is better than a piece of shit built
in nineteen sixty one.
Speaker 1 (45:49):
Okay, I'm I'm an handle that one. But that's yeah.
Speaker 2 (45:52):
I mean you go look because the house built nineteen
sixty one's on Pyruin Central. Those houses knocked down, you
tip mo if you hit them hard enough.
Speaker 1 (46:01):
Oh no, there's some pretty ship The moths are some
ship ones right there. They built them upfuers out of brick.
Speaker 2 (46:08):
Oh they didn't bring Those houses are built out of
dry wall. And as best us, you die a living
in one of those houses.
Speaker 1 (46:15):
That's a push. Go ahead.
Speaker 2 (46:19):
But anyhow, the difference is also everything I said before.
The regular costs to do everything else are three hundred
a month for your family's cell phone bills, even seven
eight USand dollars for a month.
Speaker 1 (46:36):
That's a push though, because you're saying without the electives
of life, the extra then it said, would be livable.
Fuck no, let me ask this, okay, because okay, let's
let's go back to that same house. Let's let's go
to a house in Indianapolis right now, where would there
even be a mass place to work to earn twenty
(46:57):
seven hundred dollars a month.
Speaker 2 (47:00):
A month is nothing, that's thirty thousand dollars a year.
Speaker 1 (47:03):
That's something like where the fuck are you gonna get
thirty thousand? McDonald's barely pay thirty thousand dollars a year.
Do it even pay thirty thousand dollars a year? What
is McDonald's minum wage? Fifteen dollars an hour?
Speaker 2 (47:13):
Fifteen times forty.
Speaker 1 (47:16):
Six hundred, six hundred, twelve hundred. What you bringing on
a fifty Everybody in the house got to work to
pay that bill. That's shit crazy, Like okay, right, if
it's fifteen dollars times forty, that's six hundred times two
to twenty.
Speaker 2 (47:32):
But that's but you're mismatching. Now, that's like a median
house in the area versus the most the one percentile income.
Your median income is like fifty.
Speaker 1 (47:45):
Right, median income is fifty. Average income is.
Speaker 2 (47:48):
Fifty to a median house to match the meeting, but.
Speaker 1 (47:52):
Where is the median income fifty thousand dollars at who
the fuck is making fit. And this is what I'm saying,
back to the original point that I'm saying, like there
is nowhere to work in it. Okay, think about how
few jobs is in the community, right, Like, I know
you've been around a little bit, you know what's up.
(48:12):
The jobs to me that make that kind of money
are the jobs that are not there anymore. I mean, right, So,
if you didn't go to school, you didn't go to college, right,
Lord knows if you could afford college. But if you
didn't go to college, how the fuck do you make
fifty thousand dollars a year? Sixty thousand dollars a year.
Speaker 2 (48:28):
Trained jobs make more than that what trained.
Speaker 1 (48:30):
Jobs is available.
Speaker 2 (48:33):
If you pull up, this is what we're saying.
Speaker 1 (48:36):
This is Ford left the country.
Speaker 2 (48:38):
This is well, I mean, like right now there is
a massive drought for a lot of basic skilled labor electricians, plumbers,
all that kind of shit, mechanics, all that kind of stuff.
Speaker 1 (48:48):
It said, that's that's it. That's it's a shortage for.
Speaker 2 (48:50):
Sure, major shortage, nationally rich, regional so like. And the
thing I think with Watts almost give credit WATS is
transiend in nineteen seventy WATS was like seventy five percent
black and twenty five percent Mexican. Now it's the other
way around. So less black people were fucking the Mexicans
came out.
Speaker 1 (49:10):
People left, Nah, they got priced out. They didn't just leave.
The prices really start slipping up, probably in the in
the late two thousands. I remember that, Like I remember
growing up right, hustling, selling drugs and shit. You buy
a house in Watch for fifty thousand.
Speaker 2 (49:27):
What what year would you say Watts stopped being seventy
percent black?
Speaker 1 (49:34):
Probably too well, that changed, But I'm gonna tell you
why that changed.
Speaker 2 (49:38):
I'm only using the race thing because to identify.
Speaker 1 (49:40):
You, not even race, because Mexicans wouldn't be a race,
that'd just be white people.
Speaker 2 (49:45):
But I'm just saying because if it was all black people,
I couldn't keep track of who's moving in and out.
Speaker 1 (49:50):
Sure, Uh, probably became fifty to fifty in two thousand
and four.
Speaker 2 (49:57):
Like nineteen ninety.
Speaker 1 (50:00):
I don't know tistically.
Speaker 2 (50:02):
I don't think the census numbers.
Speaker 1 (50:04):
I don't know if that's true. I don't even think
that's true because the projects wasn't fifty to fifty. Projects
wasn't fifty fifty in nineteen ninety for sure.
Speaker 2 (50:13):
No, but but I do.
Speaker 1 (50:14):
I'm telling you, when I saw it was fifty five,
well I looked and I was on the seven and
fifty percent of the people in the house at this
point was Mexican. Now this is probably twenty nineteen, nine nine,
two thousand and two thousand. I'm looking like, Okay, every
other house is somebody from Mexico or somebody else that
speaks Spanish.
Speaker 2 (50:32):
Sure, that's that's about a generation. Yeah, you know.
Speaker 1 (50:35):
But but what happened is, right, is as the houses
started to change pricing. It wasn't like people just left
and then people moved in, right, Like some people left
because they felt like there was no opportunity. Sure, right,
so there's like, let me go get some opportunity, and
then I do agree. Right, you may have had somebody
(50:55):
that you know from you know, Mexico and below, you know,
South America moving in multiple families.
Speaker 2 (51:03):
You know, it was just kids from Mexican parents in
Long Beach shouldn't have shit else going on, or had
a shittier job, and they moved to watch because they
just could afford it to watch.
Speaker 1 (51:14):
Nah, nah, nah. It was people who didn't even speak English. Yeah,
it was definitely people you know, coming across and ship
and getting those properties. But see, it didn't used to
be like now when I'm in the sixties, it's fifty percent. Yeah, See,
wats has always been hell of multicultural, Like even if
it was seventy five to twenty five, it probably was
a little bit more than that because I could always
(51:35):
remember when I'm at my dad house, Mexican people being there.
Like I think my older homies may remember a time
or Watch was like one hundred percent, but I ain't
never in my life. So the East Side has always
been my grandma friends of black family in the thirties
and they wasn't even a black family the people for
a long time.
Speaker 2 (51:54):
And Watch is right next to the South gates, so
that's natural exactly.
Speaker 1 (51:57):
So something else is happening, Pete, Like, I don't think
it's as simple as people are moving out and other
people are moving in. I think there is a target.
I think there's a reason people move here, right, And
it's like with gentrification, right, there's a there's a mass
movement of people. Like it's not as simple as like,
(52:20):
oh you know what people like. Like even when I
was in Content the other day, I went to a
cook's corner. I think that's the name of the barbecue spot.
Got the name of the barbecue spot, but that's not
the barbecue.
Speaker 2 (52:32):
Remember I brought a bunch of barbecue comptent up here
at one time.
Speaker 1 (52:35):
I don't know was it was. It was. It was
it at a Dolley truck.
Speaker 2 (52:39):
There was a little a small, little restaurant. It was
almost I think it was near a churches.
Speaker 1 (52:44):
Like this place is fire. Oh hold on, we call
this motherfucker Mannica. Oh up, we.
Speaker 2 (52:56):
Can't call in a barbecue address. In the middle of
the podcast, everybody to stop us.
Speaker 1 (53:02):
Who's gonna fucking stop us?
Speaker 2 (53:03):
This is the most important thing we're gonna talk about,
exact opinion, quite frankly, exactly.
Speaker 1 (53:10):
I need to know about this je Manny Manny from
as Boys fucking worldwide. What's the name of that barbecue
spot in Compton you sent me to That was really good?
That got the big dinosaur ribs in Compton. Oh, kitchen corner,
kitchen corner a dry back. So I I was in
(53:33):
k I was. I went to kitchen Corner the other
day and I look and really now, like you're right,
Compton is probably like you know, Compton for sure would
be like eighty percent. But I think that's the problem, right.
I think what's happening is is there's a gentrification, right,
a thing happening. These These are conversations that's happening, even
(53:54):
if we're not a part of them, Like even if
they're not mainstream conversations, if everybody don't know about the conversations,
these conversations, Pete, is happening and these places are being
targeted specifically for certain moves of economic growth, like even
a gentrification plan that's not an accident.
Speaker 2 (54:12):
I'll talk about that's on the buyer side. You're not
gonna want to hear it.
Speaker 1 (54:15):
Sure.
Speaker 2 (54:17):
I'll preface it with a quote from Jamaica Andrea usually
because he came from Jamaica in the in the country
and was in the Bronx, and he's very critical, as
a lot of people from the islands are when they
come to the States. He would say, you know, I
can always tell what houses the Jamaican's wearing in the Bronx.
How's that because the lawn was cut and they had
(54:39):
flowers in the front yard. That's his words, not mine.
Speaker 1 (54:43):
But the I get it, I get it right. Because
even even though that's a bit ridiculous, but I get
what he's says. Yeah, it's sure, Sure, it's a loose
and it's a loose idea. It's a loose concept because
there's black people who manicure their nons. But I know
what he's talking about. Yeah, But also it's different. You
come from a fucking third world country, right, and then
you come to Compton or you come to the Bronx,
(55:06):
you know what I mean. Like it's like when people say, oh, well,
Mexican people come to Los Angeles, and it's like they like,
they go, do nigga. They come from somewhere. Nigga's no
roofs on the property. They come from somewhere. It's like
a different level of poverty. So even at that starting point,
it's still better than where they started at. It ain't
(55:26):
like we're getting the It ain't like the Wildens people
from Jamaica's coming here. But that's not that matters point.
Speaker 2 (55:33):
But I mean, at the same time, you also if
you came from nineteen fifties rural Mississippi or rural Louisiana,
that's like modern day Jamaica poor.
Speaker 1 (55:45):
Yeah, but those people come and that's why if you
look at certain houses in one eleven, one eleven is
uh or how would I reference that to you? Imperial?
Speaker 2 (55:54):
Uh?
Speaker 1 (55:54):
Imperial and van is those houses uh Compton. If you
go to those older people houses that came from the south,
look at their fucking house. They have those manicure lines,
the grass they are, but them ain't. That ain't the
same house that Jamaican Andre and their family had in Jamaica.
They ain't had no fucking lines manicured and no motherfucking
(56:15):
flowers over there, just like the people in Mexico that
come here, right, the homies and shit different people I
fuck with, They didn't have fucking manicured lines and flowers
in fucking Mexico.
Speaker 2 (56:26):
In Vaness, it's not that far different people from like
Danker and one hundred and third.
Speaker 1 (56:35):
Danker and one hundred and third, dank one hundred third,
like one of the hood.
Speaker 2 (56:38):
Streets and the hundreds. That's pretty damn.
Speaker 1 (56:41):
Close a one hundred and third. But it is different,
right because if you okay, I agree, right, because okay,
I see you're talking about Yeah, so some of those people,
all of those people aren't the people that came here
originally and bought those houses, right, some of those people
if you look at certain houses on those blocks, right,
(57:03):
Like if you go in the sixties, if you go
on the hundreds and dinker in one hundred and third,
is who is it?
Speaker 2 (57:09):
I think that's like Hoover, that's hundreds, that danker between
Western and Normandy.
Speaker 1 (57:14):
I said, none is that fot? Yeah? Okay, so yeah,
that's the hundreds. Wait a minute, man, that's wes Okay,
one eleven. If you go to those houses, right, you
go to any of those houses, it's going to be
people that own that property since the fifties and sixties.
That's why it looks like that. It's not the children,
it's not the people who ended up on crack. It's
(57:35):
not none of those people. Because remember these neighborhoods were
all nice at a time unless somebody parents was going
through it. But it's a hard competition to compete with
somebody who comes from a third world country and then
has opportunity at this. Even how they look at it
is completely different. How they see it is completely different,
(57:56):
Like like what's going on in watch right now? Ever
since they sold the projects, you started to see white people.
You in comp you started to see Asian people. I
remember the only Asian people in the Compton. Dog was
one of the projects they saw. I know, right, it's
(58:17):
some crazy shit.
Speaker 2 (58:18):
Oh with like the little mall over there.
Speaker 1 (58:19):
No, they sold the projects.
Speaker 2 (58:21):
To who it's the new Jordan Down developments.
Speaker 1 (58:25):
No, it's you gotta look it up. It's some crazy shit, right.
But I'm saying even when you're on crensyall right, like
where where the low riders park at on the boulevard,
Like with a woman situation, I've seen a man, a
white man, running his dog with little shorts.
Speaker 2 (58:39):
Oh yeah yeah.
Speaker 1 (58:41):
So again it's these are not like, oh you know what,
let me find somewhere to move. I'm gonna go down here.
Speaker 2 (58:48):
I mean it's ten times worse than like the north
side avenues that like twenty five years.
Speaker 1 (58:53):
Ago were like the side nees. What's the north side
like you know, like Mount Washington.
Speaker 2 (58:58):
If you go up the one ten north of downtown,
you get like at like North Avenue forty three.
Speaker 1 (59:04):
Oh you're talking about like neor Pasadena. That that part
of La. Yeah, that's not passing, but that part LA
yeah yeah, yeah.
Speaker 2 (59:10):
I mean that's like it was hood as fuck up there.
Speaker 1 (59:13):
Yeah, but that been gentrified for a good twenty years now.
Speaker 2 (59:16):
That's what I'm saying. It's like, it's like that, it's
you know, saying from a time span standpoint, it's like.
Speaker 1 (59:26):
You know, but I think all generation has sure. But
I digress. I think the point I'm saying is it
makes it when we don't take care of each other
as a society, right, Like Americans don't take care of
Americans as a society. Right. This is where you have
(59:47):
those problems. The fact that bel Air is right there
and this is right here, right, that's what fucks it up.
I think that's what makes people even more crazy than everything.
How could somebody be ten miles and a half into
hardly too much somebody ten miles have entirely not enough.
That's just fucking crazy, Pete. Now, I think it was
(01:00:09):
even the concept of the wealth gap, right. I think
Henry Ford was an innovator. I do think, you know,
Milton Herstey was an innovator. But they cared about other
human beings to some degree, even when it came in
America to see their dreams.
Speaker 2 (01:00:22):
Because the builder is that guy like that's that's one
of my top criticisms of I'm not saying one of
my top this is gonna sound wrong, but from an
economic in the economic conversation, sure, the problem in the
(01:00:44):
economic conversation, just so we're clear with slavery was most
innovation and growth comes from hands on workers.
Speaker 1 (01:00:53):
Right, that's fair. The way you could take more cotton,
you pick more cotton you have to get or you're
working on the machine, had plantation, no shit.
Speaker 2 (01:01:03):
But if you have the freedom to implement an idea
to make something happen more efficiently, that's going to happen
from the person who's doing it all day long. It's
not going to happen from another guy, you know what
I mean? Ninety nine percent of the time, I agree.
So that's why you see, like the South was sparse
concentrations of ultra wealth and then mass poverty, and in
(01:01:25):
the aggregate, the South was way more poor than the
North because there had wealthy people. Yeah, because their whole
working class of people that was slaves were not allowed
to implement human thought. So they're just doing work frozen
like cryogenically frozen in time.
Speaker 1 (01:01:46):
Sure, if they how they started, how they had to finish.
Speaker 2 (01:01:50):
If you had, however, many million people working on a
task in an industry commercial vertical for fifty years in
year fifty year one, that industry wouldn't even resemble itself.
Speaker 1 (01:02:04):
Sure, normally, but usually you would have took the you
have took how to make it happen faster when there's people.
Speaker 2 (01:02:09):
Yeah, some guy would work at a place, he'd go,
you know, they're slow at this. I can do it better.
I'm gonna go across the street, start a small shop,
do it faster, build and compete against them. Or they
would just implement the thing, get a raise, whatever the fuck,
and shit just happens. I mean, there's no there's not
an example in which that's not really true, even agriculture now.
Speaker 1 (01:02:29):
Yeah, but I'm saying, what's the point of even doing
it with slavery. I'm sure some of the slaves came
up with better ideas, but I guess like you might
be getting too many ideas, nigg You might think you
can be free nicks.
Speaker 2 (01:02:39):
Yeah, I mean you know how many of them are
gonna say, oh, hey, uncle Bill, this is a faster
way to do this. Yeah. Well, I'm saying, yeah, Bill
runs the place. You're Bill's nephew, Uncle Bill. I got
an idea, what if you do this? Where'd you come
(01:03:01):
with that idea? Oh? That slave guy over there top
that he's smarter than you. Probably not going to have
that conversation.
Speaker 1 (01:03:10):
M So it has to be something as simple as greed.
It cannot just be.
Speaker 2 (01:03:22):
There's there's a problem. There is an inherent just one thing.
There's an inherent issue with the arc of like wealth
growth when.
Speaker 1 (01:03:34):
It goes from you know what happened, and I'm not
to cut you off. Wealth went from just wealth used
to be more than just money. It used to be
like a connection to community, a connection to humanity, you
know what I mean. Like back in the day, it
(01:03:55):
was wealth meant more than just I have in time
too much money. It also meant I had the affection
of human beings.
Speaker 2 (01:04:04):
It was tied to productivity. You know what the largest
do you is.
Speaker 1 (01:04:12):
Ford really not still producing or is it just productivity
based off between them Ford Motor.
Speaker 2 (01:04:19):
Co Company, Inc. And for the guy, sure, guy running
for a CEO. Now I'm not named for it. Sure
I don't have to even even have to look at it. No,
but like talk about like you know what the biggest
industry in the world is currency exchange.
Speaker 1 (01:04:39):
Currency exchange make the most money with the money is
I don't.
Speaker 2 (01:04:43):
Know if they make the most money, but it's seven
trillion dollars plus per day in global currency exchange. That's
not production. Hiring somebody to come in and be hiring
a room of five hundred analysts to scrutinize where you
can save a nickel. That's not production. Paying somebody half
a million dollars a year to be in house counsel
(01:05:05):
to stave off some sort of stupid whatever the fuck
slip and fall lawsuit that you're gonna face. For Christ
knows what is not production. Being in some sort of
private equity subsidized bizarre matrix where you're just running free
money around because interest rates were one percent for twenty years,
or because we've now subsidized big banks as being too
(01:05:29):
big to fail so that they don't even understand risk
components in the economy. There's no growth because there's no failure.
You've subsidized failure out of existence. You have an enormous
class of wealthy Americans that get money and produce nothing.
That's the disconnect.
Speaker 1 (01:05:52):
How are these people getting more wealthy without producing anything? Today?
Speaker 2 (01:06:00):
Market manipulation, you don't think and hyperregulation. I mean, what
do you do now, Like you're ex company and you're
now the biggest company in your field in America or
the world. What's your top priority. It's lobbying barriers of
(01:06:22):
entry and barriers of competition from anybody else to knock
you off the top. It's not trying to create a
better product anymore.
Speaker 1 (01:06:29):
You pivot. Why do you pivot?
Speaker 2 (01:06:33):
Because you have new rooms of leaders who run out
of ideas, but they don't want to lose their seat
on the top of the mountain. So instead of you
can't climb up any further, all you can do is
prevent anybody else like that. That's the story. Like California
right now makes sense. California matured into the fifth largest
(01:06:55):
economy in the world by itself. You can't build sit here.
Like how many people are billionaires in California from real
estate development? That's like most other than the tech people
who are also completely invested in an anti competitive environment.
There's no competition for Apple, there's no competition for Google.
(01:07:20):
And then take Donald Brinn of the Irvine Company out
of Orange County or Caruso, the developer in La what
do they do? They just lobby. They lobby for anything good. No,
they lobby for exemptions and carve outs out of massive
blanket regulations that prevent anybody from building anything except for them.
(01:07:42):
That's why Caruso is always running for some sort of
fucking office. That's why it is always in politics. Why
you're always in politics. All you do is build shopping malls. Well,
you can't build a shopping mall if you aren't in politics.
Fuck part of the economy? Is that.
Speaker 1 (01:08:00):
Good? Looking out for tuning in to the Note Sellers podcast,
Please do us a favorite, subscribe, rate, comment, and share.
This episode was recorded right here on the West coast
of the USA and produced by my homeboy A King
for the Black Effect Podcast Network and No Heart Radio.
Yeah