May 4, 2025 • 41 mins
Stephen A. Smith is a New York Times Bestselling Author, Executive Producer, host of ESPN's First Take, and co-host of NBA Countdown.
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:03):
My next guest was selected as the sixteenth overall pick
by the Houston Rockets in the twenty twelve NBA Draft. Today,
he's in a different arena now as a GOP candidate
for the US Senate from the state of Minnesota. Please
welcome mister Royce White to the show. To Stephen A.
Smith Stoe. What's going on, man, how you doing? How's everything?
Speaker 2 (00:23):
I'm good man. Thanks for having me on. I really
appreciate it. Man.
Speaker 3 (00:26):
Please, the pleasure is all mine.
Speaker 1 (00:28):
I'm always interested in hearing what somebody like yourself has
to say. So, you ran in twenty twenty four in
Minnesota against Emmy clover Shaw. You lost that election, but
you got forty percent of the vote this time. Now
you're campaigning the run for the Senate in twenty twenty six.
First of all, why, and most importantly do you think
(00:51):
you can win this time?
Speaker 4 (00:53):
Well, again, I want to say thank you for having
me on. I appreciated a great deal. And I also
appreciate you having the great Steve Benning on recently. That's what,
you know, got me to reach out to you and
try and talk to you as well. Bannon as obviously
a friend of mine and an even better mentor we
call him the happy Warrior because he takes his scrutiny
and his prosecution in some cases you know which hunt
(01:15):
lawfare that's going on with a smile on his face. Me,
I'm more of the young bull kind of fire breathing nationalists,
populous part of the MAGA movement, the young Maga movement.
So I appreciate you even giving me a platform. We
know we've gone through a long time in this country
where people like me couldn't speak as far as the
elections go. Look, I think there are a lot of
(01:35):
problems still with our elections, especially in Minnesota. I think
letting illegal immigrants vote in elections is something that's an
issue here in the state of Minnesota, as well as
many other places in the country. Obviously, Donald Trump is
fighting back against that, and hopefully he can get some
legislation with some teeth to help out on that front
in twenty twenty six. Ultimately, we know the machines are
an issue, and I don't say that as a conspiracy
(01:58):
although if you go to my Wikipedia just a month back,
it said American conspiracy theorists in the first sentence, but
actually Amy Klobers are both Amy clobersh Are and I
think Kamala Harris at the time had a demonstration before
a Senatorial committee back in twenty eighteen that demonstrated the
machines had security issues. At that time, they were trying
(02:20):
to say the Russians could hack our elections now or after.
In twenty twenty, of course, the elections were completely safe.
So what I'm doing it for, and what Bannon sort
of commissioned me to do, is to be a younger
voice that speaks to the growing wedge or divide in
American politics and really politics all around the world, which
(02:41):
is a more proto globalist establishment, meaning a thought process
that believes in global citizenship and a world without borders
for lack of more or less, versus a more nationalist
mindset that says, there's value in nationhood, there's value in
(03:02):
the nation state, there's value in national identity and national citizenship.
And that's what I've been doing since twenty twenty two.
I tried to run against Ilhana twenty twenty two. I
lost the primary there. I came back in twenty four
won a statewide prime. Then it was only Congression District
twenty twenty four was obviously state wide in the primary,
and so we're moving the needle. And to be quite honest,
(03:23):
the number one thing I want to say to you,
stephen A, before we even get going is what really
drew me in to run as a Republican is how
dishonest the narrative was about the Republican Party. If you
remember Donald Trump coming down the escalator in twenty fifteen sixteen,
his number one enemy was not the Democrat Party, who
he had fundraised for and had many friends, And the
(03:44):
number one enemy was the proto globalist Republican establishment led
by George Bush and the rest of his counterparts in
that Echelona Republican Party. And we're fighting the same thing
here in Minnesota still to this day, that Republican establishment
as a stronghold on the party. And I represent the
more grassroots movement that's fighting back.
Speaker 1 (04:05):
Well, when you say you represent the more grassroots movement,
is that your way of saying you've been disappointed in
what conventional Republicans were doing up until the moment you
decided to run in twenty twenty two and then twenty
four or are you just simply saying these times call
for a different kind of Republican and that's what you
want to represent.
Speaker 4 (04:26):
I'd say both to take a step back, a lot
of people who are watching the show will probably know
my name from being drafted, like you said, in my
problems or my fight with the NBA, and we don't
have time to go into all those misconceptions, though they
are many, but I think they're much more interesting and
important things for us to talk about, especially along policy.
(04:48):
But it is important because my story back in twenty
twelve was a microcosm of what we face today, and
that was a proto globalist establishment media, who, at the
drop of a dime, was willing to protect the NBA
even though they knew that I had a categorical winning
position in that fight for mental health policy. As you
(05:09):
very well know, when I came in the league, there
was no mental health policy.
Speaker 2 (05:13):
Now there is one.
Speaker 4 (05:13):
In fact, the one they put in place in twenty
sixteen is one that I helped them develop.
Speaker 2 (05:18):
Absolutely, I actually added language to them.
Speaker 4 (05:21):
So I had a huge political victory, but it cost
me a lot of money.
Speaker 3 (05:24):
And you were willing to go out front and fantas
to you.
Speaker 1 (05:26):
You were willing to go out front and center and
bring attention to something that a lot of people the NBA.
Speaker 3 (05:31):
I'm not going to accuse them of.
Speaker 1 (05:32):
Purposely ignoring it, as if they knew how detrimental it
was and then chose to ignore it. I don't think
anybody at that particular moment in time took mental health
as seriously as you were imploring all of us to do.
So that's definitely we saw Chris bosh Lady, we saw
Kevin Love later, we saw Littany DeMar DeRozan and stuff
like that, So you definitely deserve a lot of credit
(05:54):
for that. I'm not here to take that from you,
that's for sure.
Speaker 4 (05:57):
Well, and my point is, well, I had some more
behind the scenes conversations with the NBA higher ups, so
I have a different experience with how much they knew
and how much they didn't know fortune And I don't
want to go into the details there, but for example,
what I was fighting for back then was something simple like, Okay,
if we have a banned substance listen to collective bargaining agreement,
and on the banned substance list we have xanax, it
(06:19):
would behoove the general managers, coaches, players, agents, refs, and
whoever else team trainers to understand or at least have
some sort of baseline knowledge of why is Xenix so
widely prescribed, Why is it so easy for people to
get it on the street, Why is.
Speaker 2 (06:34):
Xenix so addictive?
Speaker 4 (06:35):
Which ties into mental health and mental health conditions. The
NBA wanted no part of that conversation because it was
going to change the power dynamic politically within the league.
And so what the story became is, well, Royce White
just want He's a prima donnie. He wants special treatment.
He wants to be able to bust from Minneapolis to Chicago.
And it's funny now I see all these players sitting
(06:56):
out a season and a half with injuries or load management,
and I'm thinking of myself. I would have never missed
one game, busting to a game, because that's just not
my mentality. I'm tough as nails, I'm built kind of
Midwest tough.
Speaker 3 (07:09):
That's that's what we knew you to be.
Speaker 4 (07:11):
And I played like that, right, So I got that
grit to me, so I would have never missed a game.
But so that was how the narrative was manipulated. And
I only bring that up to say this was four
years before Donald Trump ever came down the escalator, and
stories like mine laid the groundwork for what would be
an easy movement for a lot of young men like
(07:32):
myself into what Donald Trump created. Right, so people go, well,
why are you, how can you be maga? How are
you Republican? I faced the fake news media firsthand and
it probably cost me more than one hundred million dollars
well before Donald Trump ever added his name to the
political arena.
Speaker 1 (07:50):
So I look, I listened to you, and let me
be very very clear, I'm not a Republican. I'm not
a maga Republican, but I don't I don't pride myself
on being the liberal either. And when I saw you
in the past as being critical of some of the
things that I said, I wasn't offended by it.
Speaker 3 (08:04):
It made me listen, I said, let me, let me, let.
Speaker 1 (08:07):
Me think about what he said, because I know the
inclination on the left is for somebody to be so
put off then all of a sudden, I don't want
you around. I want you cancer, and I don't want
to listen to what you have to say hello all
of that. I think that's one of the problems that
exists in this country in my in my opinion, Royce
on both sides, meaning that I think two extremes where
(08:28):
it doesn't encourage anybody to listen to one another and
hopefully compromise.
Speaker 3 (08:33):
So when you brought up the fact that when you
were a player.
Speaker 1 (08:37):
You felt like you couldn't be yourself, like you couldn't
be open, rather about where you stood politically, et cetera,
et cetera, I want you to elaborate from a political
perspective on what it was like for you as a
black man being somebody that leans towards the GOP, even
before MAGA, what that has been like for you as
(08:59):
a black man in America.
Speaker 2 (09:01):
Well, again, you know Donald Trump.
Speaker 4 (09:03):
The advent of Donald Trump and the MAGA movement is
the split or the schism in modern day American politics,
global politics, that is two things on the left or
the Democrats and the Liberals. And I come from a
culturally Democrat black community in Saint Paul, Minnesota, you know,
working class, blue collar, so I'm very familiar with why
(09:23):
black people continue to vote Democrat with the thought process.
Speaker 2 (09:26):
But the thinking is something like, is the left is
the left, let's.
Speaker 4 (09:31):
Say even the far left, which some people call extreme radical.
But let's say the AOC Bernie Sanders wing of the party.
Are they a genuine anti establishment economic populist movement or
are they a radical sexual identity politics movement. And so
where even before Donald Trump, where I was critical of
the NBA and saying, hey, this this institution is the
(09:55):
watering hole for global corporate community and their morals and
ethics and state and their business practice has had implications
downstream from the institution. There were a lot of people
who were traditionally liberal or Democrat that were all in support.
They were fans. They were saying, hey, yeah, we support
this guy. He's saying the right things, he's asking good questions.
But the establishment that controls the media was not going
(10:20):
to let that be the prominent or dominant story. So,
and I bring that up because again, if you fast forward,
what Donald Trump and the MAGA movement really represents is
a rejection of the institutions and the establishments that have
had control of this country for the last seventy years
since World War Two. I love when Eric Weinstein. Eric
(10:41):
Weinstein is the brother of Brett Weinstein, and he's not
a far right wing Republican by any means, he's like
nominally a democrat, he's I think he was the co
managing director of til Capital, and he's a brilliant mathematician,
and he said it best. He goes, you know, the
democracy that they mentioned for the people, by the people
and of the people is not the democracy they mean
(11:02):
when they talk about it today. What they're talking about
when they say democracy is being threatened are the democratic
institutions that were erected after World War Two and serve
as the load bearing walls for this globalist's vision of
the world. And I was already pushing back on that
in twenty twelve without even realizing it, without being able
(11:22):
to give a name to it. And I didn't understand
as being on the side with liberals and democrats, why
I was facing such a you know, a difference of
reaction to fighting with the NBA. Later on, I would
really as soon as Donald Trump came down the escalator,
and then later in twenty twenty, when George Floyd died
and I was on the ground, I was in the streets,
(11:44):
I knew exactly what had happened. It clicked for me,
and after that it wasn't even a question of whether
with the Republican Party or.
Speaker 1 (11:50):
Not allow me to interject by saying this. I want
to be very respectful when I asked this question because
I'm not pointing to you specifically, but I'm pointing to
the MAGA movement per se, and one of the issues
that I have with it this seems to be this fealty,
this undying, unwavering loyalty to Donald Trump. And my attitude
(12:12):
is is that not? And I'm not saying again you
feel that way, you can answer that question yourself.
Speaker 3 (12:16):
I wouldn't disrespect you like that, bro, But.
Speaker 1 (12:18):
What I'm saying is is that it comes across when
you listen to a lot of people talk about MAGA
in that regard. Is that a safe kind of mentality
to have? Because my attitude is, okay, let's say physical
you feel that way to Donald Trump, Let's say it's
completely justified.
Speaker 3 (12:36):
Let's not even debate that. Right, He's still supposed to
be going to twenty twenty eight.
Speaker 1 (12:40):
Where does that leave this country if everybody is feeling
that way about him as opposed to policy? I would
like us to focus more on policy than people I'm
talking about as a nation, and I don't think we
do enough of that to that, you say.
Speaker 4 (12:57):
What and I say one thousand percent agree. If you
listen to my podcast, please call me crazy. Myself and
the other co host who I have as a part
of the crew, we always talk about policy and politics
in America being more policy driven and idea driven than
they are personality in person driven. However, Donald Trump just
and look, if Donald Trump does something I don't agree with,
(13:19):
I'm the first one to criticize him. There is no
undying loyalty to Donald Trump the person. What I do
have a loyalty too, is his courage to step up
and say things that are inconvenient because it resonates with
me because I did it. That's what you do, Yes,
you though, I just have to respect that on GP,
on general principle. But if he waivers, and if he
(13:40):
starts to not be America first or what I think
is maga and actually, you know, representing the nationalist populist
movement that needs to happen in this country, I'll criticize him.
And in fairness to him, I don't think he's gonna
do everything right because who can. I certainly can. If
I was president, I would want people to say, hey,
is he doing a good job overall, because he can't
(14:00):
do everything right.
Speaker 2 (14:01):
That's impossible. But but I will say.
Speaker 4 (14:05):
Going forward, one of the main reasons I'm doing this
and doing what doing one in office, being involved in
the political conversation, and the reason I appreciate you having
me on is I do believe that even in the
MAGA movement, even in the Republican Party or conservative movement,
(14:25):
there needs to be a deeper dive into the intellectual
foundation framework of the ideas that we're calling our platform,
because there's a lot of contradictions in there, and where
those contradictions lie is where I still have to fight
with the Republican Party inside. It's where Donald Trump has
to often fight with the Republican Party inside. So yes,
(14:46):
I agree with you one thousand percent. It needs to
be more about ideas and less about the person. But
Donald Trump did. He did stand up when we needed
him to, and he was touched by God. In my opinion,
him not being assassinated that day three bullets going by
his face can't be anything other.
Speaker 2 (15:02):
Than an act of God.
Speaker 4 (15:03):
If you deny that, then I don't want to stand
next to you because the bolt the lightning may become
I'm being facetious, but you know what I'm saying, how.
Speaker 1 (15:10):
Do you feel Donald Trump has done in this first
one hundred days in office.
Speaker 4 (15:14):
I think he's brought a reckon ball to what I
was just mentioning, and what it's called is the post
World War two.
Speaker 2 (15:21):
Democrat liberal order.
Speaker 4 (15:23):
And when I realized what it was and what it
intended to do, it became clear to me why the
Democrat Party or the liberal establishment has had such a
stronghold on the media and the narrative and politics in
this country. And by that I also mean George Bush
and the mainstream establishment Republicans. He is trying to reorient
(15:47):
the entire global the entire global landscape, to have America
stand up for what you would call national identity, and
not just identity, because identity is a fickle thing, but
more so citizenship. You know, it was not a benign
(16:08):
phenomenon or or or you know, creation to come up
with borders. Many people think of borders as you know,
powerful people dividing land on the map to be able
to conquer and you know, pillage whatever natural resources or
wealth that they can, and in many cases in history
that is the case.
Speaker 2 (16:26):
But borders also have a much.
Speaker 4 (16:29):
Deeper spiritual meaning that we have to acknowledge, and that
is a man without boundaries. A man without limits is
a man who believes at least God.
Speaker 1 (16:37):
And yeah, okay, I don't disagree, but let me let
me push back on you with this. Okay, you'll get
no argument from me about the job he's done at
the border. There was no excuse for us to have
open borders in this nation.
Speaker 2 (16:49):
Wait wait, wait, which part don't you agree with? Let
me I want to track.
Speaker 1 (16:51):
I want to No, no, no, no, I'm not saying any
part that you said that I disagreed. I'm talking about
pushing back in terms of some of the some of
the things that I wanted to bring up him hesitating
about him. I have no problem with him on immigration.
I think he's done an outstanding job on immigration. I
think it was necessary. Do I think it's a bit
extreme sometimes when you're taking somebody, if it's a student protesting,
(17:11):
then you're deporting him and what have you. In the
courts are telling you, no, don't do it. I got
a problem with that because I'm care. I'm concerned that
you can ignore the courts and you can act of
your own accord because that's not what this nation of
laws is built on in my estimation. However, I'm looking
at the economy.
Speaker 3 (17:30):
Oh, I don't know.
Speaker 1 (17:31):
I mean he's saying it's doing better. That's not what
I'm hearing. I'm looking at the tariffs. I have no
problem with him going after China, but you're going after
allies too, at least initially, and you had the allies,
you know, cole mingling and talking with China because they
were thinking they were going to be allies with China.
Speaker 3 (17:46):
Now because they.
Speaker 1 (17:46):
Would turn it against you. I'm worried about that. I'm
thinking about DEI and I'm like, I don't like and
Royce Ooh, I hope you with me on this one. Diversity,
equity and inclusion. Here's the argument that I have made.
Didn't earn it? That's what DEI stands for for me?
Did it earn it?
Speaker 2 (18:03):
Right?
Speaker 1 (18:03):
And I'm like, why does DEI automatically have to.
Speaker 3 (18:08):
Be associated with merit?
Speaker 1 (18:10):
Who's to say some of those people didn't have the
merit warranting them to get hired As a black man
in America, I'm quite sure you've seen, as I have seen,
plenty of qualified black folks that weren't getting opportunities because
of the white establishment, but they seem to be ignoring
that right now to all of that floors yours.
Speaker 4 (18:29):
Yeah, okay, well, let me take it piece by piece.
You'll start from the end and work my way back.
Speaker 3 (18:35):
No problem.
Speaker 4 (18:36):
Number one, you will never hear me pander to this
right wing narrative that racism in this country doesn't exist.
That's ridiculous, it's absurd. It's something that is cheap kind
of WWE politics. It's it's what they serve you on
Fox News and seeing. And that's the conventional and proverbial
battle of political class in America. Is it racist or
(19:00):
is it not. There's racism in America, There's no doubt
about it. There's been racism in the past. The question
is what is the answer, what's the solution? And I
do believe that there are people who may have benevited
from DEI programs or let's say, affirmative action to take
it back to something that has real teeth, who did
have the merit and got in with those programs. The
question becomes, and this is what really opened my eyes
(19:23):
when George Floyd died. I was as a palled and
shocked as anybody. And now I do think that Derek
Chalvin's prosecution was political. Okay, they prosecuted him because they
wanted the riots to stop in the streets. They didn't
want to have to have any more conversations or riots
or right, so that the prosecution was political. But I'm
(19:46):
always I am not quote unquote loyal to a thin
blue line in police backing at any and all or
any and all circumstances.
Speaker 2 (19:55):
Not my deal. My deal is.
Speaker 4 (19:57):
Something more biblical, like when Paul said to the centurion guard,
I'm a Roman citizen. Do you have the right to bind?
And be a Roman citizen who has not yet seen?
And I think Donald Trump in the MAGA movement is
now more privy to the dangers of a police state,
in a security state and letting the courts have more
(20:18):
power or let's say, the justice system for lack of
a better to be more all encompassing, the justice system
to have more power than they're supposed to.
Speaker 2 (20:26):
And so we're still working out that. Gordian.
Speaker 4 (20:28):
Now, now to back up to what you said about
the border and the immigrants, here's the thing. The courts
have long been politicized. They've long been politically weaponized. And
we got into that when we started letting presidents who
(20:48):
are party loyal appoint judges, and it happened on both sides,
and there started to be this game of who has
the political power in the judiciary with judge appointments. I'll
say this, when a country is in the place that
our country was at, it is very difficult for me
to continue to believe in the rule of law, even
(21:08):
though my Republican counterparts have such a dying loyalty to
the concept.
Speaker 2 (21:13):
They all say, rule of law, rule of law. Democracy.
Speaker 4 (21:16):
Listen, your rule of law is only as good as
the lawmakers who uphold it as your lawmakers. If your
lawmakers aren't righteous, then there is no rule of law.
And what we saw the Democrat establishment that also include
some very rhino we call them or rats. I call
them Republicans against Trump, Republicans that have more loyalty to
the liberal order than they do to the Republican ideas
(21:38):
or the Republican party. We have seen some very dangerous
things happen in this country in the legal system. Thee
banished prosecution was one of them. Obviously we don't have
to go into detail, but Merrick Garland and Eric Holder
and all these guys also denied being subpoena and speaking
before the Congress, and they didn't serve a day in jail.
Speaker 2 (21:56):
They give Steve Bannon four months.
Speaker 4 (21:58):
Why because he's powerful, because he speaks the truth, and
because he represents a change of the brand of the
Republican Party that neither the Republican Party or Democrat Party
want to see. So I have to support Donald Trump
in some sort and in some instance and playing hardball
and smash mouth with the courts and saying, wait a minute,
we're not going to play this game and pretend.
Speaker 2 (22:20):
Like the courts are level. And guess what.
Speaker 4 (22:23):
As a black man, and for many young black men
who are leaning towards the Republican Party and Donald Trump,
we know the courts to be unjust.
Speaker 2 (22:31):
We just didn't understand the depths of it.
Speaker 4 (22:33):
We didn't realize it could happen to the white Republicans
who we have as boogeymen in our heads. And that's
why when Donald Trump was arraigned and they booked him,
it was a brilliant move by him. As soon as
they booked him, there were blacks and Hispanics and Asians
and all kinds of minorities across this country that said.
Speaker 2 (22:50):
Damn, damn that corrupt system.
Speaker 4 (22:52):
When George Floyd died, they chanted, the whole system is guilty. Damn,
that system is really guilty. And guess what now some
white folks are starting to fill it too. And praise
be to God for that, because now we're starting to
cross the rubicon where we see the real danger and
threat to freedom.
Speaker 1 (23:07):
Getting back to George Floyd, and I know you keep
bringing up Steve Banning and how and how he was
wrong and how you know how you feel about him,
I have to confess to you, I'm not comfortable with
a lot of things that Steve Benning said. But that brother,
that man is smart as hell. He knows what he's
talking about, and you better bring the rain information.
Speaker 3 (23:27):
Wise if you're gonna deal with him.
Speaker 1 (23:29):
Because I say this, he means what he says, all right,
and he has information to back it up. So I
had to go back and watch a show like two
or three times and listen to everyway.
Speaker 3 (23:40):
I'm like, Damn, I try.
Speaker 1 (23:42):
I gotta watch this guy right here because he's not
a joke and he's not playing around. But I'll get
back to you Royce with George Floyd, because when he
was killed by police officer Derek Chauvin, you led what
you called a peaceful protest, but said the mainstream media
misrepresented those efforts.
Speaker 3 (23:58):
How did they do that?
Speaker 4 (24:01):
I mean, this is a very important node in my
own journey, both as a young man in general, but
certainly politically.
Speaker 2 (24:08):
You gotta remember I fought against the NBA. I got
black ball.
Speaker 4 (24:11):
Later on I would go to live in Canada for
two years and play in Canada. This was twenty fifteen,
sixteen and seventeen. I was living in London, Ontario, and
it was around the time that Jordan Peterson encountered his
troubles with the government there around Bill C sixteen, which
was an argument about gender identity in legislation essentially, And
(24:33):
I remember watching Look. I grew up in Minneapolis, Minnesota.
It's one of the more gay communities in the country.
My mom was an esthetician my whole life. She worked
to pay bills, our rent with her tips. Okay, So
I grew up in the hair salon and in the
spa world and in the beauty business, and I knew
and grew up knowing gay men, and it was very
different back in the nineties than it is today, I'll
say that, but I wasn't unfamiliar with the gay community. Also,
(24:58):
playing basketball, you meet a lot of female basketball players
who are lesbian, and that's fine, that's their choice.
Speaker 2 (25:03):
All good point I'm making.
Speaker 4 (25:04):
Is I wasn't familiar with this transgender pronoun thing. And
I was in Canada, and I remember watching the news like, man,
this guy Jordan Peterson sounds logical, saying reasonable, actually really smart,
to be honest, and I don't understand why they're attacking them.
But I was playing basketball and we won two national
championships in Canada back to back. So you know how
you watch things you know kind of but you're it's
(25:27):
in passing, Okay. I come back to the States in
twenty eighteen nineteen, I joined the Big Three, and I'm
talking about all these political issues in the Big Three,
Edward Snowden and Julian Assange and the Federal Reserve and
so on and so forth. And the Wigers, okay, the
Wigers in China that their persecution. And so when twenty
twenty hit and George Floyd died, I was like, I
(25:52):
know what's gonna happen here? This is gonna be one
of the biggest I could just feel it. It's gonna
be one of the biggest things in American history. And
it's right here in my backyard where I grew up,
I mean thirty six thirty eighth in Chicago, on the
south side of Minneapolis. I used to run the streets
and play at the parks and you know, my whole life.
So it's home home. So I went to the front
(26:12):
line because there were all of these people organizing these
protests who I didn't know from being from the city.
I didn't know them from any wakes. I didn't know
them from any weddings. I didn't know them from any barbecues.
I didn't know them from any of the grade schools
or the after school programs or the basketball team. I
didn't know them, and so it was odd to me.
And then when I researched them, I realized a lot
(26:33):
of these community activists were imports from colleges, you know,
in California or somewhere else that were given a position
by politicians who had been elected. Okay, so I'm out
on the streets and I'm saying, listen, we're going to
go to the front door of the Federal Reserve. You
all believe that the problem in this country is policing.
(26:53):
The problem is not policing. The problem is how the
money works. And if we want to talk about follow
the money or the whole system being guilty, I can.
Speaker 2 (27:02):
Show you just how guilty it is.
Speaker 4 (27:04):
The Federal Reserve is the epitome of corruption in America,
and it has a downstream effect on every working class citizen,
including Black's, Latinos and everybody else up and down in between.
Speaker 2 (27:20):
So when I.
Speaker 4 (27:21):
Did that, naturally people were excited to see me leading.
They're like, oh shit, Royce White's out here, and look
at there's ten thousand people with him.
Speaker 2 (27:29):
How did he do that?
Speaker 4 (27:30):
And they even wrote stories about me in Washington Posts
and whatnot, and they were like, hey, there's a rising
young activist. When I was out there, I heard something
that just blew my mind. Black trans lives Matter. I
didn't even know what trans meant at the time, to
be honest, even they I had no clue, and I
didn't push back on it right away.
Speaker 2 (27:51):
Because I didn't know what it meant to push back.
Speaker 4 (27:53):
But when they explained to me that I needed to
organize these demonstrations and who spoke at these demonstrations based
on people's sexual identity and sexual preference.
Speaker 2 (28:04):
Boom Me and the local community.
Speaker 4 (28:07):
Activists in Minnesota were at odds, and I didn't back
down because you know, there's no back down in me,
right And.
Speaker 2 (28:14):
I said, that's the story.
Speaker 4 (28:16):
So when George Floyd died, I led these protests, and
the local activists who had already been here as an
extension of BLM, they didn't want to have anything to
do with me because I wasn't pro LGBTQ pronoun.
Speaker 2 (28:27):
And so there was another instance.
Speaker 4 (28:30):
Where the bubbling up of the black men in this
country who have come to reject the lunacy on the
far left happened right there at twenty twenty in the
streets of Minneapolis, and the mainstream media.
Speaker 2 (28:42):
Never covered it that way.
Speaker 4 (28:43):
They don't want you to know that a young black
man who didn't graduate college, came from a single mother
household in a blue collar community, can tell you how
global finance works.
Speaker 1 (28:53):
As a member of the media for decades, I can't
even disagree with you. There is no doubt that there
was stuff that folks did not want to discuss. I
was covering sports, so it was different for me. But
I'm just saying there was no doubt that you're absolutely right,
that there was so much stuff being comfortable, and I
(29:14):
got to get a little bit uncomfortable with you for
a second here. During the twenty twenty four campaign, you
raised controversy with what they labeled as anti Semitic remarks.
Speaker 3 (29:22):
I don't know what you said.
Speaker 1 (29:23):
I didn't know anything about that, civil judgments for unpaid
child support, and a finance report that showed more than
one million of donor money went to credit card fees,
which was nearly seventy percent of your one point forty
three million in operating expenses.
Speaker 3 (29:37):
First of all, is that stuff true. If it's false,
say so.
Speaker 1 (29:42):
And Number two, to Minnesotans out there who would use
that information obviously emanating from the left about you to
decide how they're going to.
Speaker 3 (29:53):
Vote, why should they vote for.
Speaker 1 (29:55):
You at this moment in times.
Speaker 4 (29:58):
Well, Number one, I hope I get a little bit
the time to explain the three of those early, because
they're very important.
Speaker 2 (30:04):
Please, But I will I.
Speaker 4 (30:05):
Will say that it's not the left, it's not emanating
from the left. Those stories, those lives of rumors are
emanating from the establishment.
Speaker 2 (30:12):
GOP, who's more afraid.
Speaker 4 (30:14):
Of a young black man talking about the Federal Reserve
than they are in AOC or ilhan Omar. In fact,
a lot of the establishment GOP loves ilhan Omar because
they raise a lot of money off of her. They're
more afraid of me being in office than they are
keeping ilhan Omar in And they're afraid of me saying
that they're afraid of me being on your show and
saying it to your audience, because this is this is
the real politic of America. Okay, okay, let me go back.
(30:36):
Number one. You asked me about the the the credit
card processing. That's from this campaign, not to twenty twenty four, King,
and that's from twenty twenty six. And how that works,
in short, is the establishment Republicans like Tom emer or
Mitch McConnell or used to be Kevin McCarthy now probably
(30:57):
Mike Johnson and many of the others who have a
lot of power there in DC. When you go to
run and you run under a certain political party affiliation,
they have access to the Republican party donor data, and
they are usually unwilling to give that data, give open
access to that data to candidates who they think are
a threat to their established power base. That would be me.
(31:19):
Me and Tom Emmer. We don't get along. We're adversaries.
We're both Republicans, but we don't like each other. And
I don't make any qualms about it. I think he's
a globalist, just like Hakim Jeffries. And that's why if
you go to APAX landing page, I'll get you your
anti semitic question in a moment. If you go to
APAX landing page, you'll find there are six politicians represented
on that landing page. Mike Johnson, Scalise, Tom Emmer, Hakim Jeffries,
(31:44):
Catherine Clark, and Aguilar. There's no better example of what
we call the uniparty than those six politicians. One of
them happens to be here in Minnesota. So they don't
give you access to those lists. So we as candidates,
to are kind of role, kind of you know, out
there in the wilderness on our own, have to do
third party deals with bundlers. And these bundlers charge a
(32:07):
high commission. Now, they charge a high commission on the
first donation. So let's say Steven A. Smith supports Royce White.
You get an email from these bundlers. You send me
one hundred dollars, they'll take eighty five the first time.
Now your name is on my list. When I send
you the next email, I get one hundred percent or
ninety five percent of the donation.
Speaker 2 (32:25):
Okay, So the credit.
Speaker 4 (32:27):
Card processing fees are because on first pass, I was
able to raise that much money with the people we
came into contact with, but they took a big piece
of it.
Speaker 2 (32:38):
Okay. Now to go back to your.
Speaker 4 (32:40):
Question about anti Semitism, because I think it might be
the most important one. When I announced my campaign at
twenty twenty two, I did it in front of the
Federal Reserve. I was trying to run against Ilhan Omar
for CD five, Congressional District five, basically Greater Minneapolis, and
that's actually where the FED is located, downtown Minneapolis on Hinnepen.
So when I announced my campaign, my run for Congress,
(33:04):
I did it in from the FED. And the Star Tribune,
which is the local newspaper record here in Minneapolis, asked
me about globalism, and you can go look this up
for anybody who wants to fact check me. The articles
still up. They asked me what I meant by globalism,
and I said it's an economic attack on the nation
state and its citizens, mostly the working class. They wrote
(33:27):
that globalism to even say globalism is a dog whistle
for anti Semitism, and that just blew my I mean
it just it blew my mind. And it's something that's
carried on alongside of me because the Republican Party has
this strange obsession with Israel in which they are unable
to see the very obvious contradiction in how they talk
(33:51):
about all other issues except this one.
Speaker 2 (33:54):
And I just won't do that with them. Now. Do
I recognize the biblical significant of Israel? Absolutely? Do I
have Jewish friends. Yes.
Speaker 4 (34:03):
One of my business partners and my co hosts on
Police Call Me Crazy sometimes is David Penn. Professor Penny
has a great podcast too. He's a Ukrainian Jew. He's
like family to me. So I have a bunch of
people in my life who are Jewish who are like
family to me. Really, So I'm not anti Semitic at all.
But it is an example of how they and I
don't mean they as in the liberal left media.
Speaker 2 (34:23):
They'll they'll piggyback off of it.
Speaker 4 (34:25):
But that was more intended to disenfranchise me to the
Republican evangelical voter out there who hears anything anti semitic
and they automatically turn the channel.
Speaker 1 (34:37):
So essentially because I got to get ready to get
on out of here.
Speaker 3 (34:40):
But that's the bad news.
Speaker 1 (34:41):
The good news is that, my brother, this will not
be the last time you will be on this show.
I don't play that mess. I'm fair minded. What I
don't understand, I don't I don't understand. I'm open about it,
I admit it, and I'm open to learning from both
sides of the aisle.
Speaker 3 (34:56):
That's me.
Speaker 1 (34:56):
And by the way, and nobody goes silence your voice
on this show. Everything you said is gonna go, is
gonna be over the airways, trust me on that right.
Let me end this by asking you this question, though
you just talked about the GOP establishment essentially and to
some degree that's against you. You know how to left
would feel about you, because you're in the opposite aisle
(35:17):
all right, where you consider the climate that we're living in.
How are you gonna get it done? How you gonna
win this election in Minnesota?
Speaker 4 (35:27):
Well, brother, I appreciate you having me on, and I'll
come back on anytime.
Speaker 2 (35:31):
I love what you're doing.
Speaker 4 (35:32):
I love that you're starting to have uh, you know,
descending voices on the on the platform and show. I
can't tell you how important it is, and I can't
tell you how grateful I really am, because it's not
about me. It's about the entire conversation being opened up
to some things that people need to hear. Uh And
and this is probably most important, Russ.
Speaker 1 (35:50):
I never had this platform before when I was.
Speaker 3 (35:52):
Doing sports, you know.
Speaker 1 (35:53):
I mean, if you look at if you look at
the diversity that comes on the ESPN, I got a
lot to do with that. I have this platform that
I own and operate, and I'm getting in the polities.
I never had to do it before. So this I've
always been this guy. I've always been willing to listen
to both sides.
Speaker 4 (36:08):
And I appreciate it great. And look, this GOP thing
is probably the most important. The mainstream media for so
long has created a WWE politics narrative where you have
Republicans and Democrats and they hate each other. They fight
mostly the uniparty of Republicans and Democrats who protect the
post World War two Democrat liberal order, or what they
(36:29):
call the international.
Speaker 2 (36:31):
Rules based order.
Speaker 4 (36:32):
Work together behind the scenes to create legislation that destroyed
the value of American citizenship. I stand against that uniparty.
And so what the GOP has functioned as is a
and Donald Trump has changed this.
Speaker 2 (36:46):
He took it over.
Speaker 4 (36:47):
He punched them in the gut, and now they have
to eat kro and bend the knee. And I kind
of enjoy watching it because they all tried to take
him out. And this was Christy and Romney and Cheney.
I mean, how did the Democrats ever side with Dick
cha any of the guys that convicted he should be
a convicted war criminal and he's definitely a warmonger. But anyway,
(37:07):
the point is that what they functioned as is a
vanguard to keep minorities out of the Republican Party. They
are the outer bastion of New World Order, the Minnesota GOP.
This is what they tell you. We got to get
new voters, We got to get new Republicans. But they
(37:29):
don't want to go down into the Twin cities. And
then they'll say, well, Royce has too many Twin Cities roots,
we can't trust that he's actually Republican. And then the
white rural Republicans who are Christian or whatever else the
case may be libertarian, whatever. When they try and come
into the party after being motivated by Donald Trump's movement,
they try and keep them out. So what are they
(37:50):
actually function as. They are functioning as the controlled opposition
and tended to make sure black people, young black men specifically,
never find their way into the party. They should have
rightfully always been in and had a very very important
influence in. And guess what, I'm not here to fight
(38:11):
that battle with the entirety of American politics. All I
can do in Minnesota and on your show and anywhere else,
tell people the truth, give you the facts, the history
post World War two Democrat liberal order. This was the
restructuring of the global finance system, Brententwood's conference, the World Bank,
the dollar, and all of the other stuff in between,
(38:32):
mostly predicated on national security and foreign policy. And this
was when you said allies early. I don't want to
go back to that. We'll talk about another time. But
when you said our allies, I'm not so sure there
are allies, Okay. The European Union has to decide the
fate of the European Union, and it can't be on
the backs of the American working class, because the Europeans
(38:54):
have a working class that need to pay up as well.
So that's what we're fighting against. That's what I'm fighting against.
I appreciate the time. I don't know if I can
win in Minnesota, but I'm thirty four years old. I
started early for a reason. I'm gonna keep going until
my heart stops beating and I tell the truth and
guess what.
Speaker 2 (39:09):
The people get to decide.
Speaker 4 (39:10):
If you want to vote for another Amy Klobashar, then
I tell people, hey, you get the government you deserve.
Speaker 2 (39:17):
I guarantee you this.
Speaker 4 (39:18):
I would represent people in a much more honest way
than maybe any politician that I could that I could name.
Speaker 1 (39:24):
I can respect that. I have to listen to that.
I can't ignore that last question, very last question. I
need a quick answer here, Royce. I'm gonna put you
on the spot. There is no MAGA movement, there is
no Donald Trump.
Speaker 3 (39:36):
Which side would you fall on?
Speaker 1 (39:38):
Considering what you said about the left and what you
said about the GOP. If there were no Donald Trump,
Steve Bannon, MAGA movement, which side would you for which
you favor?
Speaker 2 (39:51):
I mean, I'm so close to Steve Bannon It's hard
for me to say that. Now.
Speaker 1 (39:54):
What I'm saying, I say, if you take I say,
if you take him away, take him out of the mix,
take Trump out of the mix, take MAGA.
Speaker 3 (40:00):
Out of mix.
Speaker 1 (40:00):
It's just a conventional GOP that you decried and the left.
Speaker 3 (40:04):
Who you're rolling with.
Speaker 4 (40:06):
Well, without Donald Trump, I'd have to say I'd run independent,
or I would have tried to fight my way up
to the top of the Democrat Party and been smacked
down the way I think you may run into actually
the fact that you run on the Democrats side. But
I'd have to say independent, and I probably would have
had a very tough time winning as an independent in
any office all across the country because the party or
(40:27):
the independent just doesn't have that political power and machine
and sort of tribal tribaliness to it. So, but without
a Donald Trump, the Republican Party is the Republican Party
of George Bush. And there is no greater threat to
freedom and American stability than the neo Khan war mongering
of the George Bush types and the Republican Party.
Speaker 1 (40:48):
Wow Royce White, candidate for Senator for the state of Minnesota.
Man Listen, I didn't expect this kind of conversation. I
wanted to introduce you to my audience as a potential
senator in twenty twenty six. I can't tell you how
much I enjoy talking to you. We'll get in and
what you've been critical about me with next time. It
all when we got more time. But I'm all good
(41:10):
with you. I mean, I think that what you're saying
is you've given us a lot of food for thought, man,
and I sincerely thank you for that. And this will
not be the last time I will have you on
because I think America needs to hear more of what
you have to say, especially before the election. As we
look forward to picking our politicians, electing them, holding them accountable,
et cetera, we need to hear from people like you
(41:32):
more so you always have a home on this show.
Speaker 3 (41:35):
My brother.
Speaker 1 (41:36):
Thank you so much for being on the show, and
I talked you soon.
Speaker 2 (41:38):
Thank you, brother, God speed to you. I appreciate it.
Speaker 1 (41:41):
Talk to you soon well. Only Royce White right here
with Steven A.
Speaker 2 (41:43):
Smith
My next guest was selected as the sixteenth overall pick
by the Houston Rockets in the twenty twelve NBA Draft. Today,
he's in a different arena now as a GOP candidate
for the US Senate from the state of Minnesota. Please
welcome mister Royce White to the show. To Stephen A.
Smith Stoe. What's going on, man, how you doing? How's everything?
Speaker 2 (00:23):
I'm good man. Thanks for having me on. I really
appreciate it. Man.
Speaker 3 (00:26):
Please, the pleasure is all mine.
Speaker 1 (00:28):
I'm always interested in hearing what somebody like yourself has
to say. So, you ran in twenty twenty four in
Minnesota against Emmy clover Shaw. You lost that election, but
you got forty percent of the vote this time. Now
you're campaigning the run for the Senate in twenty twenty six.
First of all, why, and most importantly do you think
(00:51):
you can win this time?
Speaker 4 (00:53):
Well, again, I want to say thank you for having
me on. I appreciated a great deal. And I also
appreciate you having the great Steve Benning on recently. That's what,
you know, got me to reach out to you and
try and talk to you as well. Bannon as obviously
a friend of mine and an even better mentor we
call him the happy Warrior because he takes his scrutiny
and his prosecution in some cases you know which hunt
(01:15):
lawfare that's going on with a smile on his face. Me,
I'm more of the young bull kind of fire breathing nationalists,
populous part of the MAGA movement, the young Maga movement.
So I appreciate you even giving me a platform. We
know we've gone through a long time in this country
where people like me couldn't speak as far as the
elections go. Look, I think there are a lot of
(01:35):
problems still with our elections, especially in Minnesota. I think
letting illegal immigrants vote in elections is something that's an
issue here in the state of Minnesota, as well as
many other places in the country. Obviously, Donald Trump is
fighting back against that, and hopefully he can get some
legislation with some teeth to help out on that front
in twenty twenty six. Ultimately, we know the machines are
an issue, and I don't say that as a conspiracy
(01:58):
although if you go to my Wikipedia just a month back,
it said American conspiracy theorists in the first sentence, but
actually Amy Klobers are both Amy clobersh Are and I
think Kamala Harris at the time had a demonstration before
a Senatorial committee back in twenty eighteen that demonstrated the
machines had security issues. At that time, they were trying
(02:20):
to say the Russians could hack our elections now or after.
In twenty twenty, of course, the elections were completely safe.
So what I'm doing it for, and what Bannon sort
of commissioned me to do, is to be a younger
voice that speaks to the growing wedge or divide in
American politics and really politics all around the world, which
(02:41):
is a more proto globalist establishment, meaning a thought process
that believes in global citizenship and a world without borders
for lack of more or less, versus a more nationalist
mindset that says, there's value in nationhood, there's value in
(03:02):
the nation state, there's value in national identity and national citizenship.
And that's what I've been doing since twenty twenty two.
I tried to run against Ilhana twenty twenty two. I
lost the primary there. I came back in twenty four
won a statewide prime. Then it was only Congression District
twenty twenty four was obviously state wide in the primary,
and so we're moving the needle. And to be quite honest,
(03:23):
the number one thing I want to say to you,
stephen A, before we even get going is what really
drew me in to run as a Republican is how
dishonest the narrative was about the Republican Party. If you
remember Donald Trump coming down the escalator in twenty fifteen sixteen,
his number one enemy was not the Democrat Party, who
he had fundraised for and had many friends, And the
(03:44):
number one enemy was the proto globalist Republican establishment led
by George Bush and the rest of his counterparts in
that Echelona Republican Party. And we're fighting the same thing
here in Minnesota still to this day, that Republican establishment
as a stronghold on the party. And I represent the
more grassroots movement that's fighting back.
Speaker 1 (04:05):
Well, when you say you represent the more grassroots movement,
is that your way of saying you've been disappointed in
what conventional Republicans were doing up until the moment you
decided to run in twenty twenty two and then twenty
four or are you just simply saying these times call
for a different kind of Republican and that's what you
want to represent.
Speaker 4 (04:26):
I'd say both to take a step back, a lot
of people who are watching the show will probably know
my name from being drafted, like you said, in my
problems or my fight with the NBA, and we don't
have time to go into all those misconceptions, though they
are many, but I think they're much more interesting and
important things for us to talk about, especially along policy.
(04:48):
But it is important because my story back in twenty
twelve was a microcosm of what we face today, and
that was a proto globalist establishment media, who, at the
drop of a dime, was willing to protect the NBA
even though they knew that I had a categorical winning
position in that fight for mental health policy. As you
(05:09):
very well know, when I came in the league, there
was no mental health policy.
Speaker 2 (05:13):
Now there is one.
Speaker 4 (05:13):
In fact, the one they put in place in twenty
sixteen is one that I helped them develop.
Speaker 2 (05:18):
Absolutely, I actually added language to them.
Speaker 4 (05:21):
So I had a huge political victory, but it cost
me a lot of money.
Speaker 3 (05:24):
And you were willing to go out front and fantas
to you.
Speaker 1 (05:26):
You were willing to go out front and center and
bring attention to something that a lot of people the NBA.
Speaker 3 (05:31):
I'm not going to accuse them of.
Speaker 1 (05:32):
Purposely ignoring it, as if they knew how detrimental it
was and then chose to ignore it. I don't think
anybody at that particular moment in time took mental health
as seriously as you were imploring all of us to do.
So that's definitely we saw Chris bosh Lady, we saw
Kevin Love later, we saw Littany DeMar DeRozan and stuff
like that, So you definitely deserve a lot of credit
(05:54):
for that. I'm not here to take that from you,
that's for sure.
Speaker 4 (05:57):
Well, and my point is, well, I had some more
behind the scenes conversations with the NBA higher ups, so
I have a different experience with how much they knew
and how much they didn't know fortune And I don't
want to go into the details there, but for example,
what I was fighting for back then was something simple like, Okay,
if we have a banned substance listen to collective bargaining agreement,
and on the banned substance list we have xanax, it
(06:19):
would behoove the general managers, coaches, players, agents, refs, and
whoever else team trainers to understand or at least have
some sort of baseline knowledge of why is Xenix so
widely prescribed, Why is it so easy for people to
get it on the street, Why is.
Speaker 2 (06:34):
Xenix so addictive?
Speaker 4 (06:35):
Which ties into mental health and mental health conditions. The
NBA wanted no part of that conversation because it was
going to change the power dynamic politically within the league.
And so what the story became is, well, Royce White
just want He's a prima donnie. He wants special treatment.
He wants to be able to bust from Minneapolis to Chicago.
And it's funny now I see all these players sitting
(06:56):
out a season and a half with injuries or load management,
and I'm thinking of myself. I would have never missed
one game, busting to a game, because that's just not
my mentality. I'm tough as nails, I'm built kind of
Midwest tough.
Speaker 3 (07:09):
That's that's what we knew you to be.
Speaker 4 (07:11):
And I played like that, right, So I got that
grit to me, so I would have never missed a game.
But so that was how the narrative was manipulated. And
I only bring that up to say this was four
years before Donald Trump ever came down the escalator, and
stories like mine laid the groundwork for what would be
an easy movement for a lot of young men like
(07:32):
myself into what Donald Trump created. Right, so people go, well,
why are you, how can you be maga? How are
you Republican? I faced the fake news media firsthand and
it probably cost me more than one hundred million dollars
well before Donald Trump ever added his name to the
political arena.
Speaker 1 (07:50):
So I look, I listened to you, and let me
be very very clear, I'm not a Republican. I'm not
a maga Republican, but I don't I don't pride myself
on being the liberal either. And when I saw you
in the past as being critical of some of the
things that I said, I wasn't offended by it.
Speaker 3 (08:04):
It made me listen, I said, let me, let me, let.
Speaker 1 (08:07):
Me think about what he said, because I know the
inclination on the left is for somebody to be so
put off then all of a sudden, I don't want
you around. I want you cancer, and I don't want
to listen to what you have to say hello all
of that. I think that's one of the problems that
exists in this country in my in my opinion, Royce
on both sides, meaning that I think two extremes where
(08:28):
it doesn't encourage anybody to listen to one another and
hopefully compromise.
Speaker 3 (08:33):
So when you brought up the fact that when you
were a player.
Speaker 1 (08:37):
You felt like you couldn't be yourself, like you couldn't
be open, rather about where you stood politically, et cetera,
et cetera, I want you to elaborate from a political
perspective on what it was like for you as a
black man being somebody that leans towards the GOP, even
before MAGA, what that has been like for you as
(08:59):
a black man in America.
Speaker 2 (09:01):
Well, again, you know Donald Trump.
Speaker 4 (09:03):
The advent of Donald Trump and the MAGA movement is
the split or the schism in modern day American politics,
global politics, that is two things on the left or
the Democrats and the Liberals. And I come from a
culturally Democrat black community in Saint Paul, Minnesota, you know,
working class, blue collar, so I'm very familiar with why
(09:23):
black people continue to vote Democrat with the thought process.
Speaker 2 (09:26):
But the thinking is something like, is the left is
the left, let's.
Speaker 4 (09:31):
Say even the far left, which some people call extreme radical.
But let's say the AOC Bernie Sanders wing of the party.
Are they a genuine anti establishment economic populist movement or
are they a radical sexual identity politics movement. And so
where even before Donald Trump, where I was critical of
the NBA and saying, hey, this this institution is the
(09:55):
watering hole for global corporate community and their morals and
ethics and state and their business practice has had implications
downstream from the institution. There were a lot of people
who were traditionally liberal or Democrat that were all in support.
They were fans. They were saying, hey, yeah, we support
this guy. He's saying the right things, he's asking good questions.
But the establishment that controls the media was not going
(10:20):
to let that be the prominent or dominant story. So,
and I bring that up because again, if you fast forward,
what Donald Trump and the MAGA movement really represents is
a rejection of the institutions and the establishments that have
had control of this country for the last seventy years
since World War Two. I love when Eric Weinstein. Eric
(10:41):
Weinstein is the brother of Brett Weinstein, and he's not
a far right wing Republican by any means, he's like
nominally a democrat, he's I think he was the co
managing director of til Capital, and he's a brilliant mathematician,
and he said it best. He goes, you know, the
democracy that they mentioned for the people, by the people
and of the people is not the democracy they mean
(11:02):
when they talk about it today. What they're talking about
when they say democracy is being threatened are the democratic
institutions that were erected after World War Two and serve
as the load bearing walls for this globalist's vision of
the world. And I was already pushing back on that
in twenty twelve without even realizing it, without being able
(11:22):
to give a name to it. And I didn't understand
as being on the side with liberals and democrats, why
I was facing such a you know, a difference of
reaction to fighting with the NBA. Later on, I would
really as soon as Donald Trump came down the escalator,
and then later in twenty twenty, when George Floyd died
and I was on the ground, I was in the streets,
(11:44):
I knew exactly what had happened. It clicked for me,
and after that it wasn't even a question of whether
with the Republican Party or.
Speaker 1 (11:50):
Not allow me to interject by saying this. I want
to be very respectful when I asked this question because
I'm not pointing to you specifically, but I'm pointing to
the MAGA movement per se, and one of the issues
that I have with it this seems to be this fealty,
this undying, unwavering loyalty to Donald Trump. And my attitude
(12:12):
is is that not? And I'm not saying again you
feel that way, you can answer that question yourself.
Speaker 3 (12:16):
I wouldn't disrespect you like that, bro, But.
Speaker 1 (12:18):
What I'm saying is is that it comes across when
you listen to a lot of people talk about MAGA
in that regard. Is that a safe kind of mentality
to have? Because my attitude is, okay, let's say physical
you feel that way to Donald Trump, Let's say it's
completely justified.
Speaker 3 (12:36):
Let's not even debate that. Right, He's still supposed to
be going to twenty twenty eight.
Speaker 1 (12:40):
Where does that leave this country if everybody is feeling
that way about him as opposed to policy? I would
like us to focus more on policy than people I'm
talking about as a nation, and I don't think we
do enough of that to that, you say.
Speaker 4 (12:57):
What and I say one thousand percent agree. If you
listen to my podcast, please call me crazy. Myself and
the other co host who I have as a part
of the crew, we always talk about policy and politics
in America being more policy driven and idea driven than
they are personality in person driven. However, Donald Trump just
and look, if Donald Trump does something I don't agree with,
(13:19):
I'm the first one to criticize him. There is no
undying loyalty to Donald Trump the person. What I do
have a loyalty too, is his courage to step up
and say things that are inconvenient because it resonates with
me because I did it. That's what you do, Yes,
you though, I just have to respect that on GP,
on general principle. But if he waivers, and if he
(13:40):
starts to not be America first or what I think
is maga and actually, you know, representing the nationalist populist
movement that needs to happen in this country, I'll criticize him.
And in fairness to him, I don't think he's gonna
do everything right because who can. I certainly can. If
I was president, I would want people to say, hey,
is he doing a good job overall, because he can't
(14:00):
do everything right.
Speaker 2 (14:01):
That's impossible. But but I will say.
Speaker 4 (14:05):
Going forward, one of the main reasons I'm doing this
and doing what doing one in office, being involved in
the political conversation, and the reason I appreciate you having
me on is I do believe that even in the
MAGA movement, even in the Republican Party or conservative movement,
(14:25):
there needs to be a deeper dive into the intellectual
foundation framework of the ideas that we're calling our platform,
because there's a lot of contradictions in there, and where
those contradictions lie is where I still have to fight
with the Republican Party inside. It's where Donald Trump has
to often fight with the Republican Party inside. So yes,
(14:46):
I agree with you one thousand percent. It needs to
be more about ideas and less about the person. But
Donald Trump did. He did stand up when we needed
him to, and he was touched by God. In my opinion,
him not being assassinated that day three bullets going by
his face can't be anything other.
Speaker 2 (15:02):
Than an act of God.
Speaker 4 (15:03):
If you deny that, then I don't want to stand
next to you because the bolt the lightning may become
I'm being facetious, but you know what I'm saying, how.
Speaker 1 (15:10):
Do you feel Donald Trump has done in this first
one hundred days in office.
Speaker 4 (15:14):
I think he's brought a reckon ball to what I
was just mentioning, and what it's called is the post
World War two.
Speaker 2 (15:21):
Democrat liberal order.
Speaker 4 (15:23):
And when I realized what it was and what it
intended to do, it became clear to me why the
Democrat Party or the liberal establishment has had such a
stronghold on the media and the narrative and politics in
this country. And by that I also mean George Bush
and the mainstream establishment Republicans. He is trying to reorient
(15:47):
the entire global the entire global landscape, to have America
stand up for what you would call national identity, and
not just identity, because identity is a fickle thing, but
more so citizenship. You know, it was not a benign
(16:08):
phenomenon or or or you know, creation to come up
with borders. Many people think of borders as you know,
powerful people dividing land on the map to be able
to conquer and you know, pillage whatever natural resources or
wealth that they can, and in many cases in history
that is the case.
Speaker 2 (16:26):
But borders also have a much.
Speaker 4 (16:29):
Deeper spiritual meaning that we have to acknowledge, and that
is a man without boundaries. A man without limits is
a man who believes at least God.
Speaker 1 (16:37):
And yeah, okay, I don't disagree, but let me let
me push back on you with this. Okay, you'll get
no argument from me about the job he's done at
the border. There was no excuse for us to have
open borders in this nation.
Speaker 2 (16:49):
Wait wait, wait, which part don't you agree with? Let
me I want to track.
Speaker 1 (16:51):
I want to No, no, no, no, I'm not saying any
part that you said that I disagreed. I'm talking about
pushing back in terms of some of the some of
the things that I wanted to bring up him hesitating
about him. I have no problem with him on immigration.
I think he's done an outstanding job on immigration. I
think it was necessary. Do I think it's a bit
extreme sometimes when you're taking somebody, if it's a student protesting,
(17:11):
then you're deporting him and what have you. In the
courts are telling you, no, don't do it. I got
a problem with that because I'm care. I'm concerned that
you can ignore the courts and you can act of
your own accord because that's not what this nation of
laws is built on in my estimation. However, I'm looking
at the economy.
Speaker 3 (17:30):
Oh, I don't know.
Speaker 1 (17:31):
I mean he's saying it's doing better. That's not what
I'm hearing. I'm looking at the tariffs. I have no
problem with him going after China, but you're going after
allies too, at least initially, and you had the allies,
you know, cole mingling and talking with China because they
were thinking they were going to be allies with China.
Speaker 3 (17:46):
Now because they.
Speaker 1 (17:46):
Would turn it against you. I'm worried about that. I'm
thinking about DEI and I'm like, I don't like and
Royce Ooh, I hope you with me on this one. Diversity,
equity and inclusion. Here's the argument that I have made.
Didn't earn it? That's what DEI stands for for me?
Did it earn it?
Speaker 2 (18:03):
Right?
Speaker 1 (18:03):
And I'm like, why does DEI automatically have to.
Speaker 3 (18:08):
Be associated with merit?
Speaker 1 (18:10):
Who's to say some of those people didn't have the
merit warranting them to get hired As a black man
in America, I'm quite sure you've seen, as I have seen,
plenty of qualified black folks that weren't getting opportunities because
of the white establishment, but they seem to be ignoring
that right now to all of that floors yours.
Speaker 4 (18:29):
Yeah, okay, well, let me take it piece by piece.
You'll start from the end and work my way back.
Speaker 3 (18:35):
No problem.
Speaker 4 (18:36):
Number one, you will never hear me pander to this
right wing narrative that racism in this country doesn't exist.
That's ridiculous, it's absurd. It's something that is cheap kind
of WWE politics. It's it's what they serve you on
Fox News and seeing. And that's the conventional and proverbial
battle of political class in America. Is it racist or
(19:00):
is it not. There's racism in America, There's no doubt
about it. There's been racism in the past. The question
is what is the answer, what's the solution? And I
do believe that there are people who may have benevited
from DEI programs or let's say, affirmative action to take
it back to something that has real teeth, who did
have the merit and got in with those programs. The
question becomes, and this is what really opened my eyes
(19:23):
when George Floyd died. I was as a palled and
shocked as anybody. And now I do think that Derek
Chalvin's prosecution was political. Okay, they prosecuted him because they
wanted the riots to stop in the streets. They didn't
want to have to have any more conversations or riots
or right, so that the prosecution was political. But I'm
(19:46):
always I am not quote unquote loyal to a thin
blue line in police backing at any and all or
any and all circumstances.
Speaker 2 (19:55):
Not my deal. My deal is.
Speaker 4 (19:57):
Something more biblical, like when Paul said to the centurion guard,
I'm a Roman citizen. Do you have the right to bind?
And be a Roman citizen who has not yet seen?
And I think Donald Trump in the MAGA movement is
now more privy to the dangers of a police state,
in a security state and letting the courts have more
(20:18):
power or let's say, the justice system for lack of
a better to be more all encompassing, the justice system
to have more power than they're supposed to.
Speaker 2 (20:26):
And so we're still working out that. Gordian.
Speaker 4 (20:28):
Now, now to back up to what you said about
the border and the immigrants, here's the thing. The courts
have long been politicized. They've long been politically weaponized. And
we got into that when we started letting presidents who
(20:48):
are party loyal appoint judges, and it happened on both sides,
and there started to be this game of who has
the political power in the judiciary with judge appointments. I'll
say this, when a country is in the place that
our country was at, it is very difficult for me
to continue to believe in the rule of law, even
(21:08):
though my Republican counterparts have such a dying loyalty to
the concept.
Speaker 2 (21:13):
They all say, rule of law, rule of law. Democracy.
Speaker 4 (21:16):
Listen, your rule of law is only as good as
the lawmakers who uphold it as your lawmakers. If your
lawmakers aren't righteous, then there is no rule of law.
And what we saw the Democrat establishment that also include
some very rhino we call them or rats. I call
them Republicans against Trump, Republicans that have more loyalty to
the liberal order than they do to the Republican ideas
(21:38):
or the Republican party. We have seen some very dangerous
things happen in this country in the legal system. Thee
banished prosecution was one of them. Obviously we don't have
to go into detail, but Merrick Garland and Eric Holder
and all these guys also denied being subpoena and speaking
before the Congress, and they didn't serve a day in jail.
Speaker 2 (21:56):
They give Steve Bannon four months.
Speaker 4 (21:58):
Why because he's powerful, because he speaks the truth, and
because he represents a change of the brand of the
Republican Party that neither the Republican Party or Democrat Party
want to see. So I have to support Donald Trump
in some sort and in some instance and playing hardball
and smash mouth with the courts and saying, wait a minute,
we're not going to play this game and pretend.
Speaker 2 (22:20):
Like the courts are level. And guess what.
Speaker 4 (22:23):
As a black man, and for many young black men
who are leaning towards the Republican Party and Donald Trump,
we know the courts to be unjust.
Speaker 2 (22:31):
We just didn't understand the depths of it.
Speaker 4 (22:33):
We didn't realize it could happen to the white Republicans
who we have as boogeymen in our heads. And that's
why when Donald Trump was arraigned and they booked him,
it was a brilliant move by him. As soon as
they booked him, there were blacks and Hispanics and Asians
and all kinds of minorities across this country that said.
Speaker 2 (22:50):
Damn, damn that corrupt system.
Speaker 4 (22:52):
When George Floyd died, they chanted, the whole system is guilty. Damn,
that system is really guilty. And guess what now some
white folks are starting to fill it too. And praise
be to God for that, because now we're starting to
cross the rubicon where we see the real danger and
threat to freedom.
Speaker 1 (23:07):
Getting back to George Floyd, and I know you keep
bringing up Steve Banning and how and how he was
wrong and how you know how you feel about him,
I have to confess to you, I'm not comfortable with
a lot of things that Steve Benning said. But that brother,
that man is smart as hell. He knows what he's
talking about, and you better bring the rain information.
Speaker 3 (23:27):
Wise if you're gonna deal with him.
Speaker 1 (23:29):
Because I say this, he means what he says, all right,
and he has information to back it up. So I
had to go back and watch a show like two
or three times and listen to everyway.
Speaker 3 (23:40):
I'm like, Damn, I try.
Speaker 1 (23:42):
I gotta watch this guy right here because he's not
a joke and he's not playing around. But I'll get
back to you Royce with George Floyd, because when he
was killed by police officer Derek Chauvin, you led what
you called a peaceful protest, but said the mainstream media
misrepresented those efforts.
Speaker 3 (23:58):
How did they do that?
Speaker 4 (24:01):
I mean, this is a very important node in my
own journey, both as a young man in general, but
certainly politically.
Speaker 2 (24:08):
You gotta remember I fought against the NBA. I got
black ball.
Speaker 4 (24:11):
Later on I would go to live in Canada for
two years and play in Canada. This was twenty fifteen,
sixteen and seventeen. I was living in London, Ontario, and
it was around the time that Jordan Peterson encountered his
troubles with the government there around Bill C sixteen, which
was an argument about gender identity in legislation essentially, And
(24:33):
I remember watching Look. I grew up in Minneapolis, Minnesota.
It's one of the more gay communities in the country.
My mom was an esthetician my whole life. She worked
to pay bills, our rent with her tips. Okay, So
I grew up in the hair salon and in the
spa world and in the beauty business, and I knew
and grew up knowing gay men, and it was very
different back in the nineties than it is today, I'll
say that, but I wasn't unfamiliar with the gay community. Also,
(24:58):
playing basketball, you meet a lot of female basketball players
who are lesbian, and that's fine, that's their choice.
Speaker 2 (25:03):
All good point I'm making.
Speaker 4 (25:04):
Is I wasn't familiar with this transgender pronoun thing. And
I was in Canada, and I remember watching the news like, man,
this guy Jordan Peterson sounds logical, saying reasonable, actually really smart,
to be honest, and I don't understand why they're attacking them.
But I was playing basketball and we won two national
championships in Canada back to back. So you know how
you watch things you know kind of but you're it's
(25:27):
in passing, Okay. I come back to the States in
twenty eighteen nineteen, I joined the Big Three, and I'm
talking about all these political issues in the Big Three,
Edward Snowden and Julian Assange and the Federal Reserve and
so on and so forth. And the Wigers, okay, the
Wigers in China that their persecution. And so when twenty
twenty hit and George Floyd died, I was like, I
(25:52):
know what's gonna happen here? This is gonna be one
of the biggest I could just feel it. It's gonna
be one of the biggest things in American history. And
it's right here in my backyard where I grew up,
I mean thirty six thirty eighth in Chicago, on the
south side of Minneapolis. I used to run the streets
and play at the parks and you know, my whole life.
So it's home home. So I went to the front
(26:12):
line because there were all of these people organizing these
protests who I didn't know from being from the city.
I didn't know them from any wakes. I didn't know
them from any weddings. I didn't know them from any barbecues.
I didn't know them from any of the grade schools
or the after school programs or the basketball team. I
didn't know them, and so it was odd to me.
And then when I researched them, I realized a lot
(26:33):
of these community activists were imports from colleges, you know,
in California or somewhere else that were given a position
by politicians who had been elected. Okay, so I'm out
on the streets and I'm saying, listen, we're going to
go to the front door of the Federal Reserve. You
all believe that the problem in this country is policing.
(26:53):
The problem is not policing. The problem is how the
money works. And if we want to talk about follow
the money or the whole system being guilty, I can.
Speaker 2 (27:02):
Show you just how guilty it is.
Speaker 4 (27:04):
The Federal Reserve is the epitome of corruption in America,
and it has a downstream effect on every working class citizen,
including Black's, Latinos and everybody else up and down in between.
Speaker 2 (27:20):
So when I.
Speaker 4 (27:21):
Did that, naturally people were excited to see me leading.
They're like, oh shit, Royce White's out here, and look
at there's ten thousand people with him.
Speaker 2 (27:29):
How did he do that?
Speaker 4 (27:30):
And they even wrote stories about me in Washington Posts
and whatnot, and they were like, hey, there's a rising
young activist. When I was out there, I heard something
that just blew my mind. Black trans lives Matter. I
didn't even know what trans meant at the time, to
be honest, even they I had no clue, and I
didn't push back on it right away.
Speaker 2 (27:51):
Because I didn't know what it meant to push back.
Speaker 4 (27:53):
But when they explained to me that I needed to
organize these demonstrations and who spoke at these demonstrations based
on people's sexual identity and sexual preference.
Speaker 2 (28:04):
Boom Me and the local community.
Speaker 4 (28:07):
Activists in Minnesota were at odds, and I didn't back
down because you know, there's no back down in me,
right And.
Speaker 2 (28:14):
I said, that's the story.
Speaker 4 (28:16):
So when George Floyd died, I led these protests, and
the local activists who had already been here as an
extension of BLM, they didn't want to have anything to
do with me because I wasn't pro LGBTQ pronoun.
Speaker 2 (28:27):
And so there was another instance.
Speaker 4 (28:30):
Where the bubbling up of the black men in this
country who have come to reject the lunacy on the
far left happened right there at twenty twenty in the
streets of Minneapolis, and the mainstream media.
Speaker 2 (28:42):
Never covered it that way.
Speaker 4 (28:43):
They don't want you to know that a young black
man who didn't graduate college, came from a single mother
household in a blue collar community, can tell you how
global finance works.
Speaker 1 (28:53):
As a member of the media for decades, I can't
even disagree with you. There is no doubt that there
was stuff that folks did not want to discuss. I
was covering sports, so it was different for me. But
I'm just saying there was no doubt that you're absolutely right,
that there was so much stuff being comfortable, and I
(29:14):
got to get a little bit uncomfortable with you for
a second here. During the twenty twenty four campaign, you
raised controversy with what they labeled as anti Semitic remarks.
Speaker 3 (29:22):
I don't know what you said.
Speaker 1 (29:23):
I didn't know anything about that, civil judgments for unpaid
child support, and a finance report that showed more than
one million of donor money went to credit card fees,
which was nearly seventy percent of your one point forty
three million in operating expenses.
Speaker 3 (29:37):
First of all, is that stuff true. If it's false,
say so.
Speaker 1 (29:42):
And Number two, to Minnesotans out there who would use
that information obviously emanating from the left about you to
decide how they're going to.
Speaker 3 (29:53):
Vote, why should they vote for.
Speaker 1 (29:55):
You at this moment in times.
Speaker 4 (29:58):
Well, Number one, I hope I get a little bit
the time to explain the three of those early, because
they're very important.
Speaker 2 (30:04):
Please, But I will I.
Speaker 4 (30:05):
Will say that it's not the left, it's not emanating
from the left. Those stories, those lives of rumors are
emanating from the establishment.
Speaker 2 (30:12):
GOP, who's more afraid.
Speaker 4 (30:14):
Of a young black man talking about the Federal Reserve
than they are in AOC or ilhan Omar. In fact,
a lot of the establishment GOP loves ilhan Omar because
they raise a lot of money off of her. They're
more afraid of me being in office than they are
keeping ilhan Omar in And they're afraid of me saying
that they're afraid of me being on your show and
saying it to your audience, because this is this is
the real politic of America. Okay, okay, let me go back.
(30:36):
Number one. You asked me about the the the credit
card processing. That's from this campaign, not to twenty twenty four, King,
and that's from twenty twenty six. And how that works,
in short, is the establishment Republicans like Tom emer or
Mitch McConnell or used to be Kevin McCarthy now probably
(30:57):
Mike Johnson and many of the others who have a
lot of power there in DC. When you go to
run and you run under a certain political party affiliation,
they have access to the Republican party donor data, and
they are usually unwilling to give that data, give open
access to that data to candidates who they think are
a threat to their established power base. That would be me.
(31:19):
Me and Tom Emmer. We don't get along. We're adversaries.
We're both Republicans, but we don't like each other. And
I don't make any qualms about it. I think he's
a globalist, just like Hakim Jeffries. And that's why if
you go to APAX landing page, I'll get you your
anti semitic question in a moment. If you go to
APAX landing page, you'll find there are six politicians represented
on that landing page. Mike Johnson, Scalise, Tom Emmer, Hakim Jeffries,
(31:44):
Catherine Clark, and Aguilar. There's no better example of what
we call the uniparty than those six politicians. One of
them happens to be here in Minnesota. So they don't
give you access to those lists. So we as candidates,
to are kind of role, kind of you know, out
there in the wilderness on our own, have to do
third party deals with bundlers. And these bundlers charge a
(32:07):
high commission. Now, they charge a high commission on the
first donation. So let's say Steven A. Smith supports Royce White.
You get an email from these bundlers. You send me
one hundred dollars, they'll take eighty five the first time.
Now your name is on my list. When I send
you the next email, I get one hundred percent or
ninety five percent of the donation.
Speaker 2 (32:25):
Okay, So the credit.
Speaker 4 (32:27):
Card processing fees are because on first pass, I was
able to raise that much money with the people we
came into contact with, but they took a big piece
of it.
Speaker 2 (32:38):
Okay. Now to go back to your.
Speaker 4 (32:40):
Question about anti Semitism, because I think it might be
the most important one. When I announced my campaign at
twenty twenty two, I did it in front of the
Federal Reserve. I was trying to run against Ilhan Omar
for CD five, Congressional District five, basically Greater Minneapolis, and
that's actually where the FED is located, downtown Minneapolis on Hinnepen.
So when I announced my campaign, my run for Congress,
(33:04):
I did it in from the FED. And the Star Tribune,
which is the local newspaper record here in Minneapolis, asked
me about globalism, and you can go look this up
for anybody who wants to fact check me. The articles
still up. They asked me what I meant by globalism,
and I said it's an economic attack on the nation
state and its citizens, mostly the working class. They wrote
(33:27):
that globalism to even say globalism is a dog whistle
for anti Semitism, and that just blew my I mean
it just it blew my mind. And it's something that's
carried on alongside of me because the Republican Party has
this strange obsession with Israel in which they are unable
to see the very obvious contradiction in how they talk
(33:51):
about all other issues except this one.
Speaker 2 (33:54):
And I just won't do that with them. Now. Do
I recognize the biblical significant of Israel? Absolutely? Do I
have Jewish friends. Yes.
Speaker 4 (34:03):
One of my business partners and my co hosts on
Police Call Me Crazy sometimes is David Penn. Professor Penny
has a great podcast too. He's a Ukrainian Jew. He's
like family to me. So I have a bunch of
people in my life who are Jewish who are like
family to me. Really, So I'm not anti Semitic at all.
But it is an example of how they and I
don't mean they as in the liberal left media.
Speaker 2 (34:23):
They'll they'll piggyback off of it.
Speaker 4 (34:25):
But that was more intended to disenfranchise me to the
Republican evangelical voter out there who hears anything anti semitic
and they automatically turn the channel.
Speaker 1 (34:37):
So essentially because I got to get ready to get
on out of here.
Speaker 3 (34:40):
But that's the bad news.
Speaker 1 (34:41):
The good news is that, my brother, this will not
be the last time you will be on this show.
I don't play that mess. I'm fair minded. What I
don't understand, I don't I don't understand. I'm open about it,
I admit it, and I'm open to learning from both
sides of the aisle.
Speaker 3 (34:56):
That's me.
Speaker 1 (34:56):
And by the way, and nobody goes silence your voice
on this show. Everything you said is gonna go, is
gonna be over the airways, trust me on that right.
Let me end this by asking you this question, though
you just talked about the GOP establishment essentially and to
some degree that's against you. You know how to left
would feel about you, because you're in the opposite aisle
(35:17):
all right, where you consider the climate that we're living in.
How are you gonna get it done? How you gonna
win this election in Minnesota?
Speaker 4 (35:27):
Well, brother, I appreciate you having me on, and I'll
come back on anytime.
Speaker 2 (35:31):
I love what you're doing.
Speaker 4 (35:32):
I love that you're starting to have uh, you know,
descending voices on the on the platform and show. I
can't tell you how important it is, and I can't
tell you how grateful I really am, because it's not
about me. It's about the entire conversation being opened up
to some things that people need to hear. Uh And
and this is probably most important, Russ.
Speaker 1 (35:50):
I never had this platform before when I was.
Speaker 3 (35:52):
Doing sports, you know.
Speaker 1 (35:53):
I mean, if you look at if you look at
the diversity that comes on the ESPN, I got a
lot to do with that. I have this platform that
I own and operate, and I'm getting in the polities.
I never had to do it before. So this I've
always been this guy. I've always been willing to listen
to both sides.
Speaker 4 (36:08):
And I appreciate it great. And look, this GOP thing
is probably the most important. The mainstream media for so
long has created a WWE politics narrative where you have
Republicans and Democrats and they hate each other. They fight
mostly the uniparty of Republicans and Democrats who protect the
post World War two Democrat liberal order, or what they
(36:29):
call the international.
Speaker 2 (36:31):
Rules based order.
Speaker 4 (36:32):
Work together behind the scenes to create legislation that destroyed
the value of American citizenship. I stand against that uniparty.
And so what the GOP has functioned as is a
and Donald Trump has changed this.
Speaker 2 (36:46):
He took it over.
Speaker 4 (36:47):
He punched them in the gut, and now they have
to eat kro and bend the knee. And I kind
of enjoy watching it because they all tried to take
him out. And this was Christy and Romney and Cheney.
I mean, how did the Democrats ever side with Dick
cha any of the guys that convicted he should be
a convicted war criminal and he's definitely a warmonger. But anyway,
(37:07):
the point is that what they functioned as is a
vanguard to keep minorities out of the Republican Party. They
are the outer bastion of New World Order, the Minnesota GOP.
This is what they tell you. We got to get
new voters, We got to get new Republicans. But they
(37:29):
don't want to go down into the Twin cities. And
then they'll say, well, Royce has too many Twin Cities roots,
we can't trust that he's actually Republican. And then the
white rural Republicans who are Christian or whatever else the
case may be libertarian, whatever. When they try and come
into the party after being motivated by Donald Trump's movement,
they try and keep them out. So what are they
(37:50):
actually function as. They are functioning as the controlled opposition
and tended to make sure black people, young black men specifically,
never find their way into the party. They should have
rightfully always been in and had a very very important
influence in. And guess what, I'm not here to fight
(38:11):
that battle with the entirety of American politics. All I
can do in Minnesota and on your show and anywhere else,
tell people the truth, give you the facts, the history
post World War two Democrat liberal order. This was the
restructuring of the global finance system, Brententwood's conference, the World Bank,
the dollar, and all of the other stuff in between,
(38:32):
mostly predicated on national security and foreign policy. And this
was when you said allies early. I don't want to
go back to that. We'll talk about another time. But
when you said our allies, I'm not so sure there
are allies, Okay. The European Union has to decide the
fate of the European Union, and it can't be on
the backs of the American working class, because the Europeans
(38:54):
have a working class that need to pay up as well.
So that's what we're fighting against. That's what I'm fighting against.
I appreciate the time. I don't know if I can
win in Minnesota, but I'm thirty four years old. I
started early for a reason. I'm gonna keep going until
my heart stops beating and I tell the truth and
guess what.
Speaker 2 (39:09):
The people get to decide.
Speaker 4 (39:10):
If you want to vote for another Amy Klobashar, then
I tell people, hey, you get the government you deserve.
Speaker 2 (39:17):
I guarantee you this.
Speaker 4 (39:18):
I would represent people in a much more honest way
than maybe any politician that I could that I could name.
Speaker 1 (39:24):
I can respect that. I have to listen to that.
I can't ignore that last question, very last question. I
need a quick answer here, Royce. I'm gonna put you
on the spot. There is no MAGA movement, there is
no Donald Trump.
Speaker 3 (39:36):
Which side would you fall on?
Speaker 1 (39:38):
Considering what you said about the left and what you
said about the GOP. If there were no Donald Trump,
Steve Bannon, MAGA movement, which side would you for which
you favor?
Speaker 2 (39:51):
I mean, I'm so close to Steve Bannon It's hard
for me to say that. Now.
Speaker 1 (39:54):
What I'm saying, I say, if you take I say,
if you take him away, take him out of the mix,
take Trump out of the mix, take MAGA.
Speaker 3 (40:00):
Out of mix.
Speaker 1 (40:00):
It's just a conventional GOP that you decried and the left.
Speaker 3 (40:04):
Who you're rolling with.
Speaker 4 (40:06):
Well, without Donald Trump, I'd have to say I'd run independent,
or I would have tried to fight my way up
to the top of the Democrat Party and been smacked
down the way I think you may run into actually
the fact that you run on the Democrats side. But
I'd have to say independent, and I probably would have
had a very tough time winning as an independent in
any office all across the country because the party or
(40:27):
the independent just doesn't have that political power and machine
and sort of tribal tribaliness to it. So, but without
a Donald Trump, the Republican Party is the Republican Party
of George Bush. And there is no greater threat to
freedom and American stability than the neo Khan war mongering
of the George Bush types and the Republican Party.
Speaker 1 (40:48):
Wow Royce White, candidate for Senator for the state of Minnesota.
Man Listen, I didn't expect this kind of conversation. I
wanted to introduce you to my audience as a potential
senator in twenty twenty six. I can't tell you how
much I enjoy talking to you. We'll get in and
what you've been critical about me with next time. It
all when we got more time. But I'm all good
(41:10):
with you. I mean, I think that what you're saying
is you've given us a lot of food for thought, man,
and I sincerely thank you for that. And this will
not be the last time I will have you on
because I think America needs to hear more of what
you have to say, especially before the election. As we
look forward to picking our politicians, electing them, holding them accountable,
et cetera, we need to hear from people like you
(41:32):
more so you always have a home on this show.
Speaker 3 (41:35):
My brother.
Speaker 1 (41:36):
Thank you so much for being on the show, and
I talked you soon.
Speaker 2 (41:38):
Thank you, brother, God speed to you. I appreciate it.
Speaker 1 (41:41):
Talk to you soon well. Only Royce White right here
with Steven A.
Speaker 2 (41:43):
Smith
Host
Stephen A. Smith
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