10-11-25 The Weekend Hour 2: No, Qatar Is Not Building An Air Force Base on American Soil

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
To night, Michael Brown joins me here the former FEMA
director talk.

Speaker 2 (00:03):
Show host Michael Brown.

Speaker 3 (00:04):
Brownie, no, Brownie, You're doing a heck of a job
the Weekend with Michael Brown.

Speaker 1 (00:09):
Hey, so Weekend with Michael Brown. I don't know why
you've tuned in, but I'm glad that you have. We're
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(00:29):
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(00:49):
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Mountain time. So a couple of things, one which occurred

(01:14):
yesterday and then an email that I got at just
after the program started at about ten oh six this morning,
and the first. Let me use these two as a setup.
I'm going to bury the lead just a little bit.
This comes to me from someone who signs his email
smug Alex Trebek. Isn't Alex Dad, It's not Alexan Dye.

(01:38):
I'm not sure, Michael Brown. It is wrong for foreign
governments to buy land in the United States, especially any
countries that undermine the United States with terrorism. President Trump
should have never accepted that seven forty seven plane from
Cutters signed smug Alex Trebek, because the subject matter is

(02:00):
the United States should not have a Katari base. So
you've probably heard the story that we're selling land for
Cutter to build an air Force base in Idaho. I'd
be peep. I too would be pretty pissed off if

(02:20):
that were true. Let's go as they say. Let's go
to the tape. This is from yesterday at about oh
I don't know maybe five o'clock in the afternoon Eastern time,
the Secretary of War, Pete Hegsath is signing a letter
of acceptance. Now, let me see what it says. The

(02:44):
headline on this SoundBite is Heegsath Today we're signing a
letter of acceptance to build a Katari Emery Air Force
facility at the Mountain Home Air Base in Idaho. Now,
if you're drive by listener, the news that sounds like, oh,
we're building an air that we gave land or somehow

(03:06):
the guitars are building an air force base in Idaho.
Here there are there signing the documents. Hey, we are.

Speaker 3 (03:16):
Honored and excited to be signing an additional agreement here
with Qatar. And it's been an interesting couple of weeks.

Speaker 2 (03:24):
I will say, yes, Stuart bark Shakes, We'll glad to
welcome you here. We're grateful for the strong partnership that
we have, the way you support our troops at all
you did, your excellency, the line of communication we've had together,
which has been robust ever since the beginning of this administration,
and then especially since since the events that have transpired

(03:44):
over the last month.

Speaker 1 (03:46):
We want to thank you.

Speaker 3 (03:47):
I also want to thank.

Speaker 2 (03:48):
You for the release of the Americans detained in Afghanistan.
The American Amir on September twenty eighth. Guitar mediated that
just like you have.

Speaker 3 (03:58):
Been a core part of what has unfolded in Gaza,
a historic moment. No one other than President Trump could
have achieved the piece that what we believe will be
a lasting piece in Gaza, and Qatar played a substantial
role from the beginning working with our folks to ensure
that came about.

Speaker 2 (04:16):
So I want to thank you for that historic piece.

Speaker 3 (04:19):
I look forward to joining the President as that gets
it's already been delivered, but as that's formally signed as well.
And I'm also proud that today we're announcing or signing
a letter of acceptance to build a Katari Emuri Air
Force Facility at the Mountain Home Air Base in Idaho.
Location will be host a contingent of Katari F fifteen's

(04:42):
and pilots to enhance our combined training, increase the lethality interoperability.
It's just another example.

Speaker 2 (04:48):
Of our partnership and I hope, hope you know, your
excellency that.

Speaker 3 (04:52):
You can count on us. We saw in Midnight Hammer
in those moments when we needed support of the region.

Speaker 2 (04:59):
That guitar was there out of doubt, without a blank
and that, by the.

Speaker 1 (05:02):
Way, Midnight Hammer is the operation to blow up, to
blow the crap out of the Iranians.

Speaker 3 (05:07):
As Metagrade Deal, I've had the opportunity to see that
firsthand operationally.

Speaker 2 (05:12):
I want to thank you. I want to thank your
country for that, for hosting our troops.

Speaker 1 (05:17):
Now, let's let's separate or sort claims from categories. You
want to do that, Let's let's let's start out that way.
A military base, whether it's well, obviously, if it's on
American soil, is a sovereign installation, owned, secured, and commanded

(05:38):
by a state, just as our embassies. The the Denver
Broncos are playing in London this weekend, and we have
a very elaborate, wonderful embassy in London. The grounds on
which that is located in central London is sovereign American

(06:02):
soil on British soil, and in fact the ambassador's house
is also sovereign British soil. If you've I've been to
many of our embassies around the world in my travels
as the Undersecretary, and they're all guarded by US Marines,
some in dress uniforms depending upon where they're positioned, many

(06:26):
in full combat gear, full body armor, automatic weapons, everything,
and then they're supplemented by the host countries military. The
same was true in Kabul in Afghanistan. The same was
true in the Green Zone in Iraq. That is sovereign
American soil. So just to reiterate, a military base is

(06:52):
a sovereign installation. It is owned, secured, and commanded by
the United States. If we're talking about US Air Force
bases or any military base Mountain Home that you heard
Secretary Exith refer to is a United States Air Force base,

(07:12):
it will remain a United States Air Force base. It
is sovereign American soil, and it will remain sovereign American soil.
Cutter happens to be funding a set of purpose built hangars,
squadron spaces, and housing on that base so their air

(07:33):
crews can complete a training syllabus on the advanced F
fifteen QA that they purchased from US. That's the entire story,
I mean, that's it. We own the buildings, we control
the gates, We supervise every single aspect of the operation

(07:54):
as it always does when our allies train here. To
say otherwise, or to believe otherwise, is to mislabel a
routine training detachment as some sort of transfer of American
soil when it is not. And on top of that,
we have sold now I'm not quite does Lockey build

(08:16):
the F fifteen. I don't remember whoever builds the F fifteen.
They built those for the Katari Air Force only with
the approval of the United States government. So when we
sell them that aircraft, we bring that aircraft onto American soil.
It's already it's built on American soil. And if we're

(08:37):
going to train their airmen in how to fly and
operate that so they have the full syllabus of the training,
they pay for it. We control it, they pay for it.
So Katar is going to pay for this. That shouldn't
surprise anybody. Four Military Sales framework pairs aircraft with specific training,

(09:06):
spare parts, and facilities, and the buyer of that aircraft
pays for that training, those spares, and the facilities. In
twenty seventeen, Cutter signed for thirty six F fifteen QA aircraft.
That deal was about I think twelve thirteen billion dollars.

(09:26):
The separate support package that estimated about one point one
billion dollars covers the design and construction services, cybersecurity and
force protection, and all the operations and maintenance backbone that
makes a fighter squadron work. I want to give you
some more details because this is another great example of

(09:48):
how the left or people that don't really pay attention
to the details about the news all get blown out
of proportion over something that's very routine. This is the
Weekend with Michael Brown. Text lines always open three three
wednes zero three. Go follow me on next. I'll be
right back. Welcome back to the Weekend with Michael Brown.

(10:13):
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(10:33):
Brown programming. So back to this story. And by the way,
for the person to send me to text message this said,
WTF why is Trump doing this? I want to know
what the objection is this is routine. We do this
with all of our allies. You would be amazed at
the number of different countries that come on to American

(10:55):
soil and we tell them, okay, we'll help train your
pilot and you bought our equipment. Will help you train
the pilots, but you have to build the facilities the
housier pilots, and then when they leave, that's what we got.
We've got additional buildings, We have all the additional infrastructure

(11:16):
that goes to improve that Air Force base. The purchaser
pays the bill and we get the new infrastructure on
a base that we already own. It's a win win. Okay, Well,
what about control? Control always lies squarely, legally, morally, ethically,
every way you can possibly imagine. Control lies with the

(11:38):
United States government. Entry to Mountain Home, like any Air
Force base, requires US issue credentials, inspections of vehicles, compliance
with based security procedures. The air Force is the one
that sets the flight schedules. They're the ones that set
range access. They're the the United States Air Force establishes

(12:02):
all the safety rules and all the Katari personnel. Like
every single Allied student before them, trains under American instructors
who are accountable to the American commanders. So if you
know anything of how multinational training actually works, this is
a familiar pattern. This is something that Republican Democrat presidents

(12:26):
have done for decades, literally decades. We don't create foreign
islands of sovereignty inside our installations. We host partners inside
our rules, so we can standardize procedures, we can evaluate skills,

(12:49):
we can raise the collective level of competence before these
pilots return home, so that when they end up in
a battle with us on our side, we know exactly
how to fight the battle together. Hmm. I don't I
honestly don't get with the media is going that the

(13:09):
cabal is going ballistical for this? Now? Is it just
because Donald Trump's doing it? I definitely think I can
figure out my old boss, George W. Bush did this,
Bill Clinton did this, Barack Obama did this, Hill's mails,
Lyndon Johnson did it, Jimmy Carter did it, Richard Nixon
did it, Ronald Reagan did it it. Just it really

(13:33):
does confound me that people are so wrapped around the
axle over this particular issue. Now you might ask why
Idaho Mike, Why Idaho. If you understand anything about fighter training,
it needs airspace ranges, it needs proximity to a like platform. Well,

(13:56):
Mountain Home Air Force Base checks all three of those.
It all already hosts F fifteen E Strike Eagle units.
That's the closest US analog to the F fifteen qas
that we build and sell to our allies so our
air crews, their air crews can learn alongside squadrons that

(14:17):
have decades of operational experience and southeastern Idaho here have
been to Idaho? Have you ever flown from Seattle to say, Minneapolis,
you would see the uncongested well, you wouldn't see it,
but Yetta, if you could listen to their air traffic control,
you would understand it offers uncongested supersonic corridors and bombing

(14:40):
ranges that permit advanced tactics, low altitude navigation, large force exercises.
I used to see because I don't drive this particular
direction anymore, but when I would drive when for example,
when I was going to law school and we would
drive to undisclosed location in New Mexico, there is an

(15:01):
area that for oh, I don't know, maybe one hundred
miles is just flat. It is open for as far
as the eye can see, and every once in a while,
I don't know, maybe five hundred feet above in altitude,
probably more like a thousand, but sometimes really really low

(15:25):
B one bombers would just go on a training mission
because it was wide open, vast spaces which they needed
for their training. In Southeastern Idaho offers all of that. Now.
It's also the home of a longstanding President Singapore Air

(15:46):
Forces four hundred and twenty eight Fighter Squadron, which has
operated F fifteen sgs from Mountain Home for almost twenty
years now. Now, if Singapore can successfully integrate Mountain Home
Air Force Base Cutter can too, the base the nearby
communities know how to welcome and supervise an Allied fighter

(16:08):
unit without compromising American control. Go back to Singapore for
a second. For more than fifteen years now, almost going
on almost twenty now, the Royal Singapore and Air Force
has maintained a permanent a permanent F fifteen SG detachment

(16:29):
at Mountain Home. It's called the Buccaneer Squadron. Trained side
by side with the three sixty sixth Fighter Wing, it
flies in gunfight exercises it participates in base life. The
aircraft carries Singapore markings. They're funded by Singapore's defense budget,
but they live within the US base, governed by the
United States, and they follow US orders. Why does this

(16:54):
arrangement work Because it's simple. We provide the schoolhouse and
the ranges, They bring the jets and students, and both
sides leave better at the end of each class. What's
just slightly different here is Cutter is going to build
the facilities. They're going to pay for the facilities. They'll

(17:17):
be built under our supervision, including all the cybersecurity requirements.
And then when they leave, they're hours, well they are
actually hours to beIN with and they'll stay hours. They
just won't be occupied by Katari fighters. What about Saudi Arabia, Well,

(17:39):
consider Saudi Arabia's IF fifteen SA program. When riodd Field
upgraded this strike EGO variant, the Air Force identified in
Mountain Home is the preferred site for a twelve jet
training unit of Saudi's. Everybody take a deep breath. There's
nothing new under the sun. There's nothing conspiratorial about this whatsoever.

(18:03):
I'll be right back to night. Michael Brown joins me here.
The former FEMA director of talk.

Speaker 2 (18:13):
Show host Michael Brown.

Speaker 1 (18:14):
Brownie, No, Brownie, You're doing a heck of a job.
The Weekend with Michael Brown broadcasting Life from Denver, Colorado. Hey,
so the Weekend with Michael Brown. Glad to have you
with me. Appreciate you tuning in. Let's get right to it.
Text lines open three to three, one zero three, keyword
Mike or Michael. So there's all this growing tension between

(18:36):
federal immigration authorities and local governments, particularly in left leaning cities,
Democrat run cities, Marxist cities, and you're now beginning to
hear discussions about whether the president could invoke the Insurrection Act.
It's a powerful statute, the grant's extraordinary executive authority to
deploy military forces domestically. Now, there are legal tools at

(18:59):
the resident's disposal to compel compliance with federal law, and
the Insurrection Act is the big gun among all of those.
It is designed, and it has for decades been designed
to give the president sweeping discretion in quelling internal resistance
or violation of federal law at the heart of the

(19:24):
insurrection And let me just can I give you my
bona fides. The reason I know about this is I
spent a considerable amount of time sitting on Air Force
one with White House Counsel, Deputy Attorney General, national Security Advisor,
and the Attorney General herself back in himself, back in

(19:47):
d C. During Hurricane Katrina. We were planning to invoke
the Insurrection Act because there was a rebellion, There was
an insurrection, there was there was low lawlessness going on
in New Orleans, and we could not get control of
the New Orleans Police Department because it had totally disintegrated.

(20:09):
So I kind of know what I'm talking about when
I talk about the Insurrection Act. In fact, we had
gotten all of the papers together and the documents were
ready for President Bush to sign when he decided to
mis grant to give Governor Blanco time to think about

(20:30):
it before he actually signed it, and everything went to
crap after that, Title ten, Section two, five to two.
Whenever the President considers that unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages,
or rebellion against the US make it him practical to
enforce the laws of the United States in any state
by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, he may call

(20:51):
into federal service such of the militia of any state
and use and use such of the armed forces as
he considers necessary to enforce those laws or to suppress
the rebellion. That language is plain, it is clear. It
places the threshold for action and the scope of military
deployment entirely at the president's discretion. Whenever the president considers

(21:18):
is not a phrase. It was written by accident. It
is intended to bypass judicial review. It makes the decision
about whether or not to do this a political question,
resolvable only by Congress and the voters if they don't
like what the president does. The Insurrection Act overrides the

(21:40):
restrictions of poss coomatatus. It allows the military to engage
in law enforcement roles that are normally prohibited under federal law.
But once you trigger the Insurrection Act, it enables the
president to mobilize state militias or federal troops to restore
order and enforce laws. In the fact, in the face

(22:01):
of active resistance, you know, kind of what you see
in Chicago or Portland or la or any other city
where they try to prevent immigrations and customs enforcement from
doing the most benign of all things, and that is
to arrest an illegal alien. Tape or to maintain control

(22:22):
over a federal facility. Do you know this has been
done over thirty times in over two centuries, about once
every eight years when you calculate it out. Deployments of
range from sending troops to break up violent labor strikes
in the late nineteenth century to enforcing civil rights rulings
in the South during the fifties and the sixties. Let's

(22:47):
just go. Let me jump ahead for just a moment.
In nineteen fifty seven, September fifty seven, Governor over Fabas
of Arkansas ordered the state National Guard to stop nine
black students known as the Little Rock Nine, from entering
Central High School in Little Rock, defying a federal court

(23:07):
order to desegregate in compliance with the Supreme Court's decision
in Brown versus Board of Education. So President Eisenhower, the
commander of the D day Forces, issued executive Order ten
to seven to three zero federalized the Arkansas National Guard,
took it away from the governor, took it under his control,

(23:30):
and deployed one thousand paratroopers from the one hundred and
first Airborne Division. To enforce the court's mandate and to
protect the students, he used the Insurrection Act it signaled
a clear federal commitment to uphold the Constitution. When the
local authorities refused, President Kennedy did it. He invoked the
Insurrection Act in September nineteen sixty two because Mississippi's Governor

(23:54):
Ross Barnett had defied a federal court order to allow
James Meredith, again, a Black Air Force veteran, to enroll
at the University of Mississippi. He also did it when
George Wallace refused to allow those kids to enter inner school.

(24:15):
Why is everybody so wrapped around the axle over this?
It is precisely what is intended to do. When local
authorities either obstruct, prohibit, or interfere with the operations of

(24:36):
federal law enforcement, the President has the right to do it.
And again, just to give you a perspective, it's been
invoked about thirty times over two hundred years, roughly about
once every eight years. The statute is elastic in the
definition of what would be a triggering event. Unlawful obstructions

(24:58):
a combination of the lawful obstruction or unlawful assemblages well
that could encompass open defines of federal immigration enforcement directores
by state and local officials as has been alleged, and
as we have seen in many sanctuary jurisdictions such as Portland, Chicago,
certain California counties, Trump simply doing what other presidents have done,

(25:26):
both Republican and Democrat. Now, while Trump has not formally
announced any intent to use the Insurrection Act, there's obviously speculation,
fueled by instances in which he has publicly threatened military
deployments to control unrest or to compel cooperation. When he
suggested sending the National Guard in Chicago, prompting an immediate

(25:50):
uptick and enforcement actions by the Illinois State Police that
accomplished what he wanted accomplished without a single troop being deployed.
Political strategists have noted that, you know, just the threat
itself might be as useful as the action itself. Clay Whitehead,
who's a reagant Air official, once observed the value of

(26:12):
the sword of Domocles is that it hangs, not that
it falls. So the Insurrection Act hangs as the sort
of Domocles over the heads of all of these state
and local officials, and Trump, finally, excuse me, it's threatening

(26:32):
to use it. Just the looming possibility of federal military
intervention might be just the kind of pressure that resistant states,
sanctuary states, and cities might push them into at least
grudging cooperation without the spectacle or the controversy of troops
on American soil, on American streets. But I just want

(26:55):
you to understand it's been done before, so the potential
use of the Insurrection Act. Of course, there's political risk.
Deploying US troops to disperse violent demonstrators in Portland or
to secure a federal facility might be seen as proportionate,

(27:18):
might be seen as necessary by many Americans, but oh,
it might be seen by other Americans. For example, think
about this, Remember all the uprisings on college campuses in
support of Hamas. Where are they today? Isn't it kind

(27:42):
of interesting that once a ceasefire has been entered into
you would think that they would be really upset. But huh.
I think the quiet absence of all of those Moss
supporters on college campuses once this agreement was reached and

(28:02):
Hammas signed off. Oh they went really quiet, didn't they.
That tells me that not only were they supporting Hamas
and now don't know what to do, but they were
clearly anti submitting. They were clearly anti Israeli. They were
clearly from the river to the sea just wanting to
wipe Israel from the face of the earth. Now, I

(28:26):
don't know whether Trump's going to go so far as
imp to apply the Insurrection Act or not. Now, if
he gets provoked by direct sustained defiance a federal immigration enforcement, yeah,
he probably would. Politically, he's actually benefiting from the optics
of the Democrats, who spent years castigating Trump over what,

(28:47):
oh he was an insurrectionist, all in the wake of
January sixth, appearing insurrectionary themselves. The Democrats are by defying
lawful federal orders. This might be the sort of domocles
that's hanging over sanctuary cities sanctuary states. It's amazing how

(29:12):
having a leader that simply says, I'm thinking about doing
this just causes the cabal's heads to explode, Democrats' heads
to explode, Oh, I'm just thinking about it. But also
it leads many Americans to think, oh, my gosh, he's

(29:32):
acting as a dictator. Was White Eisenhower acting as a dictator?
Was John F. Kennedy acting as a dictator? Because in
my study of history that word was never used, and
in fact, everyone apploted. I shouldn't say everyone, but most

(29:53):
Americans applauded. Of course, white supremacist Southerners, which is not
everybody in the South. White supremacist Southerners. Oh, they decried it.
It was a violation of state rights. It was horrible.
Oh my gosh, we're never going to integrate. We're never
going to do this. Yeah, well, guess what worked out,
didn't it. It's the Weekend of Michael Brown. Text lines

(30:16):
open three three one zero three, keyword Michael, Michael. I'll
be right back. Welcome back to the Weekend with Michael Brown.
Glad to have you with me. I want to swerve
into another topic for this last segment this hour based
on a text message that I got earlier in the program.

(30:36):
I was talking about government spending and how government spending
and fiscal policy, monetary policy adds to inflation and that's
why we see so many prices remaining remaining high, and
that I thought, what we ought to be doing is
during this shutdown, is eliminating programs, eliminating some of the workforce,
and reducing the size of government. And I get a

(30:56):
text message from actually somebody that listens to me regularly
and says Michael, you're mixing terms. I'm talking about spending
of the government. You mentioned cutting size. They aren't always
one and the same. And I replied, huh, because when
you cut size, you cut spending. If you don't do both,

(31:21):
you'll never reduce the size of government. They go hand
in hand. And I get this reply. So cutting the
spending on those USAID identified spending overseas isn't just cutting
off the money. Those NGOs and their related jobs overseas
aren't presumably government positions. I'm talking about cutting those oversea
programs and foreign workers first. Once those are done, then

(31:44):
domestic spending can be on the table. Domestic spending on
illegal alien health care comes to mind. Comes to mind. First,
Those government guaranteed health care programs that have everything in
the kitchen sinking them like what you spoke of yesterday,
come to mind. Neck come to mind. Next, getting out
of guaranteeing student loans or next, that's just the beginning
of pairing things down to manageable levels. And I said, no, no, no, no, no,

(32:08):
it's not just funding. Not to be rude, but this
is a basic misunderstanding of how the federal government works.
I'll explain to lifetime, which I do. So the idea
that this listener was suggesting was cut the NGOs and
cut overseas funding funding and then focus on the size

(32:28):
of the government on things spent on Americans. The reason
that's a basic misunderstanding of the government how it works
is this, Let's take an ng O, foreign or domestic.
It doesn't make any difference that non government organization is
getting funded through a federal program. That federal program, let's

(32:53):
just say it exists. Let's take it outside USAID, the
United States Agency for International Development. Let's say it's an
NGO that gets funded by the Department of Commerce or
Housing in Urban Development or Homeland Security. I don't care.
It can be anything other than a foreign program. It's

(33:17):
if it's a domestic NGO within Commerce, hud AG, DHS,
pick any of them. Dj DJ has them. Those NGOs
get funded by a program office. Now when I say
program office, I don't literally mean oh, that office that's

(33:40):
four doors down the hallway over there on the left,
and you walk in and there's an office with one
person in it. A program office can be as many
as a thousand people. I had program offices that literally
had anywhere from one hundred to five hundred to one

(34:00):
thousand people working in an air quote here program office.
What did they do? They manage the program They're the
ones that handled the grant applications. They're the one. Oh oh,
by the way, before I go even further, that program
office that might have a let's just say a thousand
employees in it, it might also have one thousand federal

(34:24):
contractors in it. So now you've got let's just let's
say it's not I'm just using as an example Booz Allen,
one of the huge government contractors, huge government consulting firms.
Within that government office. There might be five hundred contractors

(34:45):
that are paid by Booz Allen, but they're paid under
a contract that the federal government pays for. So let's
say it's a fifty million dollar contract. Of that fifty
million dollars, they provide personnel, they provide some infrastructure like
maybe computer programs or something. All of that then is

(35:08):
used to then fund an NGO, and it might be
a domestic NGO, because I did I had domestic NGOs
that we funded that helped us in disaster areas. So
stopping that funding is something that can be done during

(35:28):
the shutdown. It's not just foreign NGOs. Oh, I know
they exist, and I want to shut those down too,
But you would be astonished at the number of domestic
non government organizations that are funded, and they are funded
through program offices that might contain even within DD or

(35:52):
homeland security or commerce or EGG or housing in urban
development that might have literally thousands of federal workers on
US soil. They're doing nothing but all the paperwork, doing
all the programmatic things that it takes to fund that INNGO.
So when I talk about cutting domestic spending, that's what

(36:16):
I'm talking about. We fail to understand that federal offices,
federal programs literally take hundreds and thousands of employees to administer. Now,
in my opinion, many of those can be pared down,
and quite frankly, my libertarian side says, we ought to
just eliminate most of them because most of them are

(36:39):
just transfer payments. We're just giving an NGO money to
go do well, to go do their mission, as opposed
to a truly federal government operation. Cut it out, get
rid of it. So Weekend with Michael Brown text line
three to three one zero three keyword Mike ro Michael
hangtip I'll be right back where