11-6-25 - 7am - Mamdani Speech

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Like all that.

Speaker 2 (00:00):
Mo'm donna, guys kind of a it's kind of an
interesting speaker.

Speaker 3 (00:05):
And the only problem is he just keeps quoting talking
about all these foreigners.

Speaker 1 (00:10):
I mean, I guess there's nothing.

Speaker 3 (00:11):
Problem with that, but yeah, what about America?

Speaker 4 (00:15):
And I wasn't quite as enthralled in by guiled and
he said a good socialist.

Speaker 1 (00:22):
Okay, neat, Well, we're gonna do a.

Speaker 4 (00:28):
Little history on this, at least in this segment and
and then we'll move on. But when I listened to
the speech, it's he's really angry. He's shouting the speech.
He's not speaking in a normal, you know, like empathetic
or kind of embracing tone. He's yelling at the crowd. Uh,

(00:51):
yells at Trump. If he thinks he's taking on Trump,
then you know, have that. It is kind of like
Gavin Newsome have about it. And later in the program,
we're going to talk about Trump de arrangement syndrome because
it's very real. And I think that's what we witnessed
this past Tuesday was a lot of Trump de arrangement
syndrome exposing itself in blue states where you would expect

(01:11):
it to be exposed. But I kept hearing throughout the
day yesterday about this acceptance speech, and quite honestly, I
had not listened to it. So I decided to listen
to it. And these fifty seconds are what caught my attention.

Speaker 5 (01:29):
Standing before you, I think of the words of Juan
la Neu and I thought.

Speaker 1 (01:35):
To myself, wait a minute, you just got elected to
you know, the.

Speaker 4 (01:42):
One of the original capitals of the country of the
United States of America. You know, you got George Washington
facing the bridge the red Coat at a pivotal moment
in New York. It's the financial capital of the world.
It's the place so nice they named it twice. It's

(02:04):
it's the center of the universe. Now, if you're a
New Yorker, you actually believe that. I don't, but they
think it's the center of the universe. But it's also
the place where America was in terms of other than
Pearl Harbor, where we were attacked on American soil and

(02:28):
lost at that location down on ground zero, more than
twenty seven hundred souls, all to Gi Haughtie Terriss. And
rather than being grateful for having won an election, he's
such an ideologue, he's such a fanatic that he can't

(02:50):
quote Jefferson, Lincoln, Washington.

Speaker 1 (02:53):
He could't.

Speaker 4 (02:53):
He could even quote Oh I don't know, hey, Benjamin
Harrison Harrison Ford about Harrison Ford. Did you know he
was a president? You didn't know that?

Speaker 1 (03:06):
Get off my plane? No, that was Clint Eastwood. Oh
that was Ford.

Speaker 4 (03:12):
We'll get off my plane. That's right, that's right on
Air Force one. Yes, get off my plane. He didn't
quote anybody. He quoted Nehru.

Speaker 5 (03:23):
Standing before you. I think of the words of Juan
La Nehru. A moment everybody just cheers.

Speaker 4 (03:32):
I know, I find that first if if my theory
about the highly educated but the mostly not well educated people,
do you really think they knew who who Nehru is?
Or you know, do they just think nerey jackets? You know,
I just I'm gonna wear a Nerew jacket, not even Nerw.

Speaker 2 (03:54):
But do they think that I didn't even know there
was such a thing called Nerew jacket.

Speaker 4 (03:58):
Yeah, I mean, it's like, come on, that's just cheering
because well he smiles, he has a well trimmed beard.

Speaker 2 (04:07):
You know, you know what happens he said a name
and he paused for a moment, start cheering.

Speaker 5 (04:15):
Standing before you. I think of the words of Juan
Lal Nehru. A moment comes but rarely in history, when
we step out from the old to the new, when
an age ends, and when the soul of a nation
long suppressed finds utterance.

Speaker 1 (04:34):
A nation long oppressed. Yeah, he's quitting Nehrew.

Speaker 5 (04:40):
All right, tonight, we have stepped out from the old
into the new. So let us speak now with clarity
and conviction that cannot be misunderstood about what this new
age will deliver and for whom This will be an
age where New Yorkers expect from their leaders a bold

(05:03):
vision of what we will achieve, rather than a list
of excuses for what we are too timid to attempt.

Speaker 4 (05:12):
And it's like watching a version of the view.

Speaker 1 (05:17):
That's what it is.

Speaker 4 (05:20):
Nehru embedded a state led socialists oriented, I would say,
to be try to be objective a mixed economy in India.
But he did so through centralized planning, dominant public ownership

(05:40):
in all of the major industries and those that weren't.
You had extensive industrial licensing, and you had some allowance
or permitting of a small private sector, although it was
highly regulated. And then he would frame reforms like the

(06:01):
Zamindari abolition and selecting nationalization such as life insurance nationalizing
life insurance just as particular random example, all back in
nineteen fifty six.

Speaker 1 (06:16):
Now, I claim that.

Speaker 4 (06:19):
Because of some of these policies he empowered jihatas, although
many histories will claim that's not supported by the historical record.
His Kashmir policy, preferring or referencing Pakistan's nineteen forty seven
nineteen forty eight aggression to the United Nations and is
accepting Article three seventies autonomy to most historians, was truly

(06:44):
secular and pragmatic, but nonetheless it was controversial and subsequent
Jihati militancy across all those decades since then, mainly through
Pakistan's sponsorship and all the dynamics of that period during
the nineteen eighties, the historians will argue that it was

(07:05):
not Nehru's era's decisions, though other critics another historians will
argue that his un cease fire and his special status
approach had the unintended long term costs of empowering and
giving them the Jihatis that foothold in Pakistan and gave

(07:29):
birth to this Islamist movement. But let's focus on the
socialist architecture, because that the whole Jihati thing is controversy,
and you can argue both sides, but you can't argue
the socialist architecture of his policies. Nehru created the Planning
Commission in nineteen fifty. In nineteen fifty, this Planning Commission,

(07:51):
excuse no, I changed my glasses. I have our time
reading my notes. The nineteen fifty Planning Commission created what
was called fire five year Plans, and at the center
of those five year plans was the state, the government
doing resource allocation and all the development strategy for a

(08:13):
welfare state vision under his chairmanship as Prime minister.

Speaker 1 (08:17):
That was his goal.

Speaker 4 (08:18):
Now, I just want you to see that he quotes,
not Washington, not Jefferson, not Lincoln. He quotes Nehru. All
I could think about was those Planning Commissions of nineteen
fifty creating the five year plans, which is state resource allocation,
state strategies, creating a welfare state vision under his chairmanship.

Speaker 1 (08:43):
That was it.

Speaker 4 (08:44):
The five year plans started in nineteen fifty one and
they continued for decades. The Second Plan nineteen fifty six
nineteen sixty one prioritized heavy industry and capital of goods,
and that was supposed to be the pathway to self
reliance and growth. Came along with the Industrial Policy Resolution.
Just listen to the language Industrial Policy Resolutions, both in

(09:08):
nineteen forty eight and then again in nineteen fifty six
that those two resolutions, those two policies under Nehru's Prime Minister,
codified a socialist pattern of society. It reserved strategic industries
to the public sector. It expanded state primacy over every

(09:29):
aspect of life. It formalized a somewhat mixed economy because
you had to keep some little private sector of things
here and there, but they were heavily regulated and their
participation was based upon permission from the state. So this
Malahanabis model underpinned the second plan that emphasized rapid industrialization

(09:56):
via basic and heavy industries, but only through state leadership
in the so called commanding heights, meaning that whatever the
strategy or the business plan that they these private sector
companies would follow, would be developed by the government. You
might say that, well, Michael, what you really describe me

(10:18):
is fascism, not socialism. I would not disagree with you.
So we're going to tell all the heavy industries that
here's here's your business plan, and that business plan is
developed through all the bureaucrats, all the unelected bureaucrats serving
Nehru as the Prime minister. This is what you're going

(10:38):
to do and this is how you're going to do it. Yeah,
pretty much fascism.

Speaker 1 (10:47):
Those are the industrial policy Revolution Revolution.

Speaker 4 (10:50):
That was revolution Resolutions of nineteen forty eight nineteen fifty six.

Speaker 1 (10:54):
Then you get to the Second Plan.

Speaker 4 (10:56):
Second Plan included industrial licensing, import controls, price and distribution
regulation collectively they dubbed it, called it the license Raj
Raj and that grew from the early nineteen fifties statutes,
from the earlier plans, the nineteen fifty six Industrial Policy Framework,

(11:19):
and then the effect of that was to constrain private
sector entry, which then shaped India's post independence industrial regime.
Then you had all the selective nationalizations that began under
Neyrout And interestingly, it's always whenever you go back in
the history books, notably the Life Insurance Corporation back in

(11:41):
nineteen fifty six. So what they did is they consolidated
over two hundred insurers into a state monopoly and the
objective was to channel savings into development and expand coverage
as social justice. Yeah, so they took insurance, consolidated all

(12:06):
the two hundred private insurance companies into a state monopoly,
all with the hopes of channeling any savings they might give,
which they did not get. They didn't get these savings,
and then expand the coverage as a social service, and
of course it utterly failed. That's what that's that's what
he's advocating. That's that's who he's quoting. And I guarantemn

(12:29):
to you most Americans have no clue about this history.
Then there was all the land in an industrial buildout
that Nehru did post independence from the Brits. Post independence
land reforms targeted all the intermediaries, the Zamnadars, the Jagadars,

(12:51):
the Inundars, and that transferred rights to cultivators and started
restructuring all the agre in relations. And Nehru endorsed intermediary
abolition tenant protections as part of his social democratic reforms.
Does hey, that sound familiar. So you're going to impose

(13:17):
tenant protections, oh, like abolishing evictions, rent controls, all of
that he's following in the footsteps of NEHRU and then
large public sector steel plants. I don't remember that there,
I don't. I don't remember these names, but I looked

(13:38):
them up. Roquella Bali and dgar Park. They were launched
as temples of modern India. The objective was to advance
heavy industry, but they couldn't do so on their own,
so they had to reach out to foreign countries create
technical partnerships. But everything was managed under state enterprise management.

(14:05):
That's what he's quoting. That's what he's advocating. Now, before
I get to the economy itself, I don't think that mom,
Donnie's going to be able to do half of what
he thinks. That's not the issue. The issue is, this
is what he stands for. These are his internal inherent beliefs.

(14:30):
Why what else would you pick out of all the
people you could have quoted in an acceptance speech, having
been freely elected in a republican form of government, you
cite a socialist fascist that has industrial policies, that has
rent controls, tendant controls, all these social justice programs. You're

(14:53):
going to do by monopolizing things under state control. That's
what you're going to do. That's what he wants to do,
it's not necessarily what he can do. Again, just trying
to be objective. Most of what Nehru did was socialism
and fascism. If you read most history books, they'll describe

(15:15):
it as a mixed economy because once again, government schools
want to make certain that when I say government schools here,
i'm also talking about higher education, because not anybody in
government schools at a secondary level is going to learn
any of this. But once you get into higher education
mostly still run government schools. They don't want you to

(15:38):
know that this is really just another version of fascism
or socialism. So they refer to it as a mixed
economy because they will claim that the private sector retains
sort of a fairly wide field under state regulation, even
as the state dominated all the strategic sectors of the economy. Now,

(16:01):
in fairness, that does distinguish India's path on socialism from
full Soviet style nationalization. During that era, the communists just
took over everything. Neru just selected I think i'll take this,
I'll take that, and i'll take that. And mostly it
was all the heavy industries because why well, that allows

(16:22):
allows you to build up your military. So you use
social controls and you use socialism to build up your military. Now,
while the framework claims to have pursued self reliance, that
framework also pursued one other thing, one other item, one
other word that you got to recognize.

Speaker 1 (16:46):
He was trying.

Speaker 4 (16:47):
Nehru was trying to pursue and obtain equity for all
of the Hindus, the Indians, Indians, everyone in India.

Speaker 1 (16:59):
Equity.

Speaker 4 (17:01):
You you read the scholarship and study about that. It
faults the dense licensees and all the state controls for inefficiency,
rent seeking in slow growth.

Speaker 3 (17:13):
Michael and Redbeard, we couldn't have wrote a book that
would have been believable that said twenty five years after
nine to eleven they would elect a Democrat, communist, Muslim, Islamic.
I mean, this is out of this is crazy, and

(17:33):
you know, the biggest city in the US and this
is what we've got to work with.

Speaker 1 (17:38):
Now, this is ridiculous.

Speaker 2 (17:41):
Cannot go to a seven to eleven or donuts unless
you have a slight Indian accent.

Speaker 4 (17:51):
You can't go to a bodega in New York City
now without it being a rent controlled, price controlled bodega
run by Indian with you know, slightly Indian accent. So
there you go. Biden will be happy. It's the Bidenization
of New York City.

Speaker 2 (18:06):
And he's not joking.

Speaker 4 (18:07):
He's not joking at all. He's not joking. I am
not I'm not joking man, I'm serious.

Speaker 1 (18:12):
Man. By the way, before I get into a little
more about Zoe fram.

Speaker 4 (18:20):
If you're looking to make your life more pleasurable or
the future more optimistic, do you want to listen to
cal Pin on his podcast interview bill Ny the Pseudo
Science Guy and Pete Boodajig. That's that's going to make
your that's what we're promoting.

Speaker 2 (18:38):
I don't know about the booty jig part, but the
Bill Ny the Science Guy, there's always a warm place
in my heart for him because he had that science
show as a kid for me, so that that's kind
of like mister Wizard. You gotta look at that and
you're like, oh, oh, so there's that soft spot, but
oh he crazy.

Speaker 4 (18:57):
Joe, which pretty much makes up every part of your heart.
It's you got soft spots, but it's all surrounded by crazy.

Speaker 1 (19:07):
Yeah. Yeah, okay, yeah, I don't know.

Speaker 4 (19:09):
I was listening to that promo when I was just
thinking you know, I've heard it like incessantly all week long,
and I'm thinking that's the last thing I'm gonna unless
maybe I should listen to it, because I bet I
can get some good soundbites out of it.

Speaker 2 (19:19):
And we have some breaking news though. Oh it is
Nancy Pelosi won't seek re election. Why she's one hundred
and thirteen years Oh okay, all right, all right about it?

Speaker 1 (19:35):
Right?

Speaker 4 (19:35):
Well, I just thought, maybe you canna tell me that
she was incapacitated or something, or she was mantally deranged, like,
you know, if she had done something like say that,
you know, Donald Trump was the worst thing ever in
the history of human race, then I would have said, yeah,
maybe she shouldn't run for reelection. But so she didn't
say anything like that. Then I was just curious why

(19:55):
she might not be running. Well, the dinosaurs are starting
to go extinct, is what you're.

Speaker 1 (20:03):
Telling me about.

Speaker 4 (20:04):
Time.

Speaker 1 (20:06):
William F.

Speaker 4 (20:06):
Buckley once famously equipped something to the effect that he
would rather be governed by the first two thousand name
and names. I think it was the Boston phone Book
than he would buy the Harvard Faculty. Well, New York
City is about to be governed by the Columbia student body,
the Columbia University student body. So a city that used
to think of itself as grown up has just elected

(20:29):
a mayor that seems to be the very embodiment of
the modern American college student, uninformed, entitled, self important, and
enjoying a regal quality of life that depends parasitically upon
a nation about which he knows nothing yet for which

(20:54):
he has nothing but scorn, and in giving his acceptance
speech can only refer to Nehru, who absolutely just just
slightly worse than the old Soviet Union just socialized and
communized India. Now, I know that American college students, particularly

(21:15):
from Columbia regular or CU Boulder, doesn't mean the different,
regularly act out these little psychodramas of oppression, and everything's
about oppression, right, And it's always in front of an
audience of you know, their their their provost, their associate deans,
their professors, everybody who just is gleefully collapsed. Oh yes,

(21:38):
I thought you so well about oppression and so wonderful. Well,
guess guess what, Zoe fram is the quintessential product of
government run schools like that, although Columbia's not government run,
but nonetheless from from from the education system in this country.
And now he's going to take all this performative art

(21:58):
to the biggest stage in the world.

Speaker 1 (22:00):
The city so nice they named it twice. Now.

Speaker 4 (22:04):
His governing agenda, as he admits, is you know, he
quotes Nehru, not Washington, Jefferson. But it also reflects his background,
his family background, his education, and his I would say
post college career, but I'm not quite sure what that is.

(22:26):
He was born in nineteen ninety one to a professor
of post colonial studies and a filmmaker.

Speaker 1 (22:36):
Post colonial studies.

Speaker 4 (22:40):
I bet the word imperialism, and I bet the word tyranny,
and I bet the word white nationalists. I bet all
of those things were all a part of that curriculum.
Then they moved to New York City from Uganda nineteen
ninety nine so his father, mack Mood, could teach in
Columbia Universities Middle Eastern, Southern, Asian and African Department. You

(23:01):
know where you go to study so you don't end
up having a job. He also directed to the university's
Institute of African Studies, so he gets.

Speaker 1 (23:10):
He gets just absolutely nourished.

Speaker 4 (23:14):
On academic anti westernism, every time they sat down at dinner.
You can can you imagine the conversations, you know, the
imperial president did this, and this oppressive country does this
while they're making a bowload of money as professors at Columbian,
as a filmmaker, and you know, living living the high life,
you know, eating with their fingers whatever were great food

(23:35):
they've got, and then they his father hosts people like
rash Rashi Khaladi. Edward said, self avowed communists at Columbia University.
So now he's out there trying to chant, you know,
position himself as a champion of the working class. He

(23:58):
didn't go to New York's most storied working class college,
the public City College of New York. He didn't go there.
It costs about six thousand dollars a year. Instead, he
went to the favor of the private Boden College, which
is in a secluded retreat up in Maine, which at
the time he went was about sixty thousand dollars a year, so.

Speaker 1 (24:22):
He could have you know, it weren't. No, they weren't.

Speaker 4 (24:25):
They may have klaidly been working class, but they weren't.
Because he didn't go to City College in New York,
he went to Boden. You know, I hadn't thought about
Boden College in a long time, so I quickly went
to the National Association of Scholars just to see how
they described it.

Speaker 1 (24:46):
Listen to this.

Speaker 4 (24:48):
Boden shifted from a core curriculum focused on Western civilization
to a focus on race, class, gender, and the environment,
aiming instead for a curriculum based on social justice. If

(25:09):
you ever doubt that what your kid is learning in
college is going to affect their worldview, then you're being
a really lousy parent, and we are to have your
parental rights taken away, because if you're not paying attention
to what your kid is learning in college, you're probably

(25:29):
raising a socialist or a communist. You're certainly raising an
anti Western individual, and shame on you. So your project
today is start finding out what your rug rat in
college is learning. So that's Boden. That's where he went
to school. Now, as I say today, that curriculum is

(25:53):
embodied with victim ideology, as documented by that National Association
of Scholars in twenty thirteen, the year before he graduated,
and then as an African Studies major, he would have
taken courses like this, Race Land and disrepossession, critical topics,

(26:15):
and environmental injustice and subaltern geography, all of which does
what it examines race, gender, and class and how that
operates under racial capitalism. We got a new word, racial
capitalism and settler colonialism, both in the path and in
contemporary life. Wow, when I criticize government run schools or

(26:43):
higher education, do you think I'm just bull crapping you?

Speaker 2 (26:47):
Do you know?

Speaker 4 (26:48):
I'm telling you the truth about what's going on out there.
And if we ever want to stop this stupid trip
that we're on to absolute anarchy and true democracy, then
you pay attention to secondary education. Actually, I guess we
have to start now, since we have free childcare and

(27:09):
for a.

Speaker 1 (27:09):
Free preschool for everybody.

Speaker 4 (27:11):
Government is indoctrinating your child from the first time you
let them go to a government run facility.

Speaker 1 (27:18):
I know, don't give me. I know. I can hear
a few teachers out there going, I don't teach that, Michael,
I don't do that.

Speaker 4 (27:23):
I know you don't. And guess what, You're in the minority. Yes,
you're in the minority. And I bet even if you
remember the teacher union, you're still in the minority. Teacher
unions run everything now. If he had gone to college
ten years later, he probably would have been out there
leading those global chants or the chance of global into Fada,

(27:48):
and obviously from an anti Zionis encampment on this campus.

Speaker 1 (27:51):
Quadsa likely what he'd been doing.

Speaker 4 (27:53):
Now he did an arguably even more important thing for
the pro Palestinian cause. He founded Bowden's inaug year old
chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine. I I I'm befuddled,

(28:15):
and I know what. The easy answer is, the cabal.
But where was even the idiot Andrew Cuomo? Where was
Curtis all of this time? Where was Oh?

Speaker 1 (28:28):
I'm you know, I don't even know that.

Speaker 4 (28:30):
I've heard some of this stuff on Fox News and
it's I get that. It's he's just a mayor. He
didn't run for president, and not many former mayors of
New York City have become president.

Speaker 1 (28:43):
Think about that. Go through the list.

Speaker 4 (28:47):
The closest you get might it's not even was he mayor,
but would be Theodore Roosevelt in New Yorker or FDR,
but again not mayor.

Speaker 1 (28:59):
From that leadership position, Students for Justice in.

Speaker 4 (29:01):
Palestine, the cafe wearing undergraduate, tried to jump start a
Bowden boy called it Israeli universities because he wrote regarding
Israeli higher education both actively and passively complicit in the
crimes of both the Israeli military and the Israeli government
in all its settler colonial forms. Jews ought to be

(29:26):
scared to death.

Speaker 1 (29:30):
Mike.

Speaker 6 (29:31):
There are days when I feel like stupid is winning, Mike,
there are days when I feel like stupid is winning.

Speaker 1 (29:55):
Is that it?

Speaker 2 (29:57):
Yeah?

Speaker 1 (29:57):
Okay, I agree?

Speaker 2 (30:03):
And might I add you must be new here.

Speaker 4 (30:10):
And he gets an a for wanting to get it
just right, just right? Yeah, so good for you. Why
am I spending this inordinate amount of time on zofram
One is a member of the Democrat Socialists of America.
That's the ticket that he ran on. There are lots

(30:31):
of other people that come out of the Democrat Socialists
of America. We've already got all the members of the squad.
They're everywhere. One was running of Minneapolis. Fortunately, I don't
think he won. We need to understand that the enemy
within is peaking its head outside the foxhole and is winning.

(30:56):
Now what I haven't gotten to and I can't decide
whether to go ahead and do it or not. But
the costs that are. If you think the cost of
living is high, now you wait until he starts to
implement some of these policies. Now, I think these man
have a hard time doing it. Free you know, freeze rents,
free city buses, free universal childcare, government operated grocery stores,

(31:20):
and each of the five boroughs. I mean, I think
that's all unrealistic. But it's now on the table. Five
years ago, ten years ago, we would have laughed at this.
It's no longer a laughing matter. When you want to
decommodify housing, housing is just a commodity that rent freeze

(31:42):
would apply to nearly half of all the rentals in
New York City, and those rents are set by an appointed.

Speaker 1 (31:47):
Rent guidelines board, not by the housing market.

Speaker 4 (31:52):
Those million or so rent stabilized apartments make up a
third of New York's homes, including owner occupied homes, and
even left wing economists have concluded that rent controls only
produce what shortages. So no wonder it's so expensive to
live in New York. Yeah, for those with an undergraduate mindset,

(32:16):
landlords are just greedy bastards that just want to earn
a market rent, whereas tenants enjoying below market rent are
merely receiving what's their fair share because those greedy landlords
are making too much money. A four year freeze, if
he got it through, would decimate the housing stock in
New York. The small landlords, they're already at death's door.

(32:40):
Maintenance costs of twenty eight percent over the last five years.
Regulated rents will not cover repairs, property taxes, or the
cost of a deadbee tenant just simply doesn't pay. And
because the advocacy industry and how long it takes to
evict a nonpayer about two years, during which time the
landlords wants to provide for all the same services