Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Morning, Michael and Dragon.
Speaker 2 (00:02):
I woke up this morning in our nation's capital, and
I'm standing at the corner of North Capital in Louisiana.
Speaker 1 (00:10):
And this is the only place I.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
Know that everybody can live together in harmony, because I'm
standing right in front of the news building where you
have Fox News, MSNBC, NBC, C SPAN, everybody. It's a
crazy world.
Speaker 1 (00:29):
They all live in peace and harmony because they're all
puddly cabal. I woke up this morning and I used
to subscribe to Andrew Sullivan's weekly dish column. Andrew Sullivan
is a dual citizen from the UK, and he was
(00:51):
born in the UK, but he also has US citizenship
and he let's see, was this Daily Beast the New
Yorker a bunch of left wing rags? H and I
always read Sullivan because he was a very articulate writer.
(01:13):
He was really good at explaining from the left's perspective
what was going on in the world. And it wasn't
always domestic politics. It was primary I shouldn't say primarily,
but I found most interesting his international comments about politics. Well,
(01:34):
loan but hold. He's on the front page of the
Drudge Report, and I read through it, and I thought,
here's the title, Requiem for the West. Subtitle is Trump
and Vance have put a stake in the heart of
the free world. He starts out quoting Ronald Reagan.
Speaker 3 (01:57):
We look at you, and somehow we know the answer.
It was faith and belief. It was loyalty and love
the men of Normandy at faith that what they were
doing was right. Faith that they fought for all humanity,
Faith that a just God would grant them mercy on
this beachhead or on the next. It was the deep knowledge,
(02:21):
and pray God, we have not lost it that there
is a profound moral difference between the use of force
for liberation and the use of force for conquest. You
were here to liberate, not to conquer, And so you
and those others did not doubt your cause, and you
will write not to doubt. You all knew that some
(02:44):
things are worth dying for. One's country is worth dying for,
and democracy is worth dying for, because it's the most
deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man. All
of you loved liberty, all of you were willing to
fight tyranny, and you knew the people of your countries
(03:05):
were behind you. The Americans who fought here that morning,
new word of the invasion was spreading through the darkness.
Back home, they fought or felt in their hearts, though
they couldn't know in fact, that in Georgia they were filling.
Speaker 4 (03:22):
The churches at four a m.
Speaker 3 (03:24):
In Kansas they were kneeling on their porches and praying,
and in Philadelphia they were ringing the Liberty bell. Something
else helped the men of d Day, the rock hard
belief that Providence would have a great hand in the
events that would unfold here, that God was.
Speaker 4 (03:43):
An ally in this great cause.
Speaker 3 (03:46):
And so the night before the invasion, when Colonel Wolverton
asked his parachute troops to kneel with him in prayer,
he told them, do not bow your heads, but look
up so you can see God and ask his blessing
in what we were about to do. Also that night,
(04:07):
General Matthew Richway on his cot, listening in the darkness
for the promise God made to Joshua, I will not
fail THEE nor forsake THEE.
Speaker 4 (04:17):
These are the.
Speaker 3 (04:18):
Things that impelled them, These are the things that shaped.
Speaker 4 (04:21):
The unity of the Allies.
Speaker 3 (04:24):
When the war was over, there were lives to be rebuilt,
and governments to be returned to the people. There were
nations to be reborn. Above all, there was a new
peace to be assured.
Speaker 1 (04:38):
As you listened to Reagan, think about what's going on
in the world today. The men of Normandy had faith
that what they were doing was right, faith if they
fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would
grant them mercy on this beachhead were on the next.
It was the deep knowledge and pray God, we have
(04:59):
not lost it that there is a profound moral difference
between the use of force for liberation and the use
of force for conquest. Reagan continues.
Speaker 3 (05:11):
These were huge and daunting tasks that the Allies summoned
strength from the faith, belief, loyalty, and love of those
who fell here.
Speaker 4 (05:23):
They rebuilt a new Europe together.
Speaker 1 (05:27):
They rebuilt a new Europe together. This speech was delivered
on June sixth, nineteen eighty four, in obvious reference to Normandy,
and I want you to think, is what we rebuilt
(05:48):
still in existence today in Europe?
Speaker 4 (05:53):
Is it?
Speaker 1 (05:54):
Or have they gone off the deep end?
Speaker 3 (05:56):
There was first a great reconciliation among those who had
been enemies, all of whom had suffered so greatly. The
United States did its part, creating the Marshall Plan to
help rebuild our allies and our former enemies.
Speaker 1 (06:13):
Have they shown any appreciation for that? Have they done
their part? Have they held up their end of the bargain?
Have they? I mean, it's a very uncomfortable question to
ask when you think about the men of Normandy. Has
the continent lived up to what we helped them accomplish?
(06:40):
Have the countries of Europe squandered what they inherited with
our help?
Speaker 3 (06:50):
The Marshall Plan led to the Atlantic Alliance, a great
alliance that serves to this day as our shield for freedom,
for prosperity, and for peace.
Speaker 1 (07:01):
Does it does it today? Does the NATO Alliance do that?
Who's carrying most of the burden for NATO? Who's carrying
most of the burden for the defense of Europe? Has
Europe upheld its bargain?
Speaker 3 (07:20):
In spite of our great efforts and the successes, not
all that followed the end of the war was happier planned.
Some liberated countries were lost. The great sadness of this
loss echoes down to our own time. In the streets
of Warsaw, Prague and East Berlin, the Soviet troops that
came to the center of this continent did.
Speaker 4 (07:40):
Not leave when peace came.
Speaker 3 (07:42):
They're still there, uninvited, unwanted, unyielding, almost forty years after
the war. Because of this, Allied forces still stand on
this continent.
Speaker 4 (07:55):
Today, as forty years ago.
Speaker 3 (07:57):
Our armies are here for only one purpose, to protect
and defend democracy. The only territories we hold our memorials
like this one, and graveyards where our heroes rest. We
in America have learned bitter lessons from two World wars.
(08:17):
It is better to be here, ready to protect the
peace than to take blind shelter across the sea, rushing
to respond only after freedom is lost.
Speaker 1 (08:27):
Now, I don't disagree with that at all, because I'm
certainly not advocating that we ought to abandon NATO. I'm
not advocating isolationism at all, and I don't think that
we should. But wasn't this a two way street. Didn't
we go to the didn't we go to the Eastern Front?
(08:50):
Didn't we go to Europe? Because we were there to
help the Allies who were already themselves fighting to defend
their own countries. That why we went, and we knew
that we needed to preserve democracy. For lack of a
better term, to deserve, to preserve I think a better
term would be to preserve freedom on the continent. Have
(09:15):
they lived up to that same standard?
Speaker 3 (09:21):
We've learned that isolationism never was and never will be
an acceptable response to tyrannical governments for the expansionist intent.
Speaker 1 (09:30):
And it isn't today either. But isn't it also the
responsibility of those were those expansionist governments, i e. Russia.
Isn't it also the responsibility of those who would be
harmed by an expansionist Russia to do their To quote
(09:53):
the left, they're so called fair share.
Speaker 3 (09:56):
But we try always to be prepared for peace, Yes,
prepared to deter aggression, prepared to negotiate the reduction of arms,
and yes, prepare to reach out again in the spirit
of reconciliation.
Speaker 1 (10:13):
Which we should always do. We should always do that.
Speaker 3 (10:19):
But truth there is no reconciliation. We would welcome more
than a reconciliation with the Soviet Union, so together we
can listen lessen the risk of war now and forever.
Speaker 4 (10:32):
Hmm.
Speaker 1 (10:33):
Sounds kind of Trumpian, doesn't it? That we should also
welcome reconciliation with the Soviet Union so that we can
lessen the chances of war. Now obviously slightly different today
because of what they've done in Ukraine. But there's something
behind this speech that Andrew Sullivan quotes in his article
(10:57):
When was this published? This was published the twenty first,
three days ago. There's something behind his words that he's
written and Reagan's speech that Reagan even at the time,
(11:18):
and I would say that none of us at the
time recognize as probably a greater threat to the entire
world than the old Soviet Union or currently Russia. And
that's the Chinese Communist Party.
Speaker 3 (11:35):
It's fitty to remember here the great loss is also
suffered by the Russian people during World War II. Twenty
million perished, a terrible price that testifies to all.
Speaker 4 (11:46):
The world the necessity of ending war.
Speaker 3 (11:50):
I tell you from my heart that we in the
United States do not want war.
Speaker 4 (11:55):
We want to wipe from.
Speaker 3 (11:56):
The face of the earth the terrible weapons that man
now has in his hands. And I tell you we're
ready to seize that beachhead. We look for some sign
from the Soviet Union that they are willing to move forward,
that they share our desire and love for peace, and
that they will give up the ways of conquest.
Speaker 1 (12:17):
Also sounds a little trump you.
Speaker 3 (12:20):
There must be a changing there that will allow us
to turn our hope into action. We will pray forever
that someday that changing will come. But for now, particularly today,
it is good and fitting to renew our commitment to
each other, to our freedom, and to the alliance that
(12:42):
protects it. We're bound today by what bound us forty
years ago, the same loyalties, traditions.
Speaker 4 (12:49):
And beliefs. We're bound by reality, the strength of America.
Speaker 1 (12:54):
Now. I want you to listen closely to this, because
I don't think there's anything more important to consider in
light of what's going on in Ukraine than this.
Speaker 3 (13:05):
We're bound us forty years ago, the same loyalties, traditions,
and beliefs.
Speaker 4 (13:11):
We're bound by reality.
Speaker 3 (13:13):
The strength of America's allies is vital to the United States.
Speaker 1 (13:17):
The strength of America's allies is vital to the United States, and.
Speaker 3 (13:25):
The American Security Guarantee is essential to the continued freedom
of Europe's democracies.
Speaker 1 (13:32):
It's a two way street. The strength of America's allies
is vital to the United States, and the American Security
Guarantee is essential to the continued freedom of Europe's democracies.
So we understand that, yes, we're vital to their protection,
but their strength also is vital to us, because the
(13:55):
stronger they are, the less of a burden there is
on American taxpayers to protect that freedom in Europe. I
would pause it that Europe has squandered that, absolutely squandered it.
Speaker 4 (14:13):
We were with you then, we're with you now.
Speaker 3 (14:17):
Your hopes are our hopes, and your destiny is our destiny.
Speaker 1 (14:21):
Don't disagree with that. In fact, I think it's true.
But Andrew Sullivan is on to say that it is
a fascinating moment, isn't it when Reagan's vision of the
West is finally swept into the dust bend of history
by a Republican president meaning Trump. I don't think Trump's
(14:42):
doing that at all. I think Trump recognizes that when
it comes to remember Reagan said the strength of America's
allies is vital to us. What has Europe done since
this speech was delivered on June sixth, nineteen four. What
have they done? They have squandered their strength, they have
(15:07):
you know, somebody I made the comment that it's come
to my attention that the United Kingdom has seventy tanks
left in their arsenal. And someone responded and they missed
my point. They said, well, you know, England probably doesn't
need more than seventy tanks to protect itself. Well, they
(15:29):
probably don't, but they certainly need more than seventy tanks
if they want to a be a part of NATO.
So that if Article five is invoked and an attack
on one of the members is an attack on all
of the members, the UK doesn't have the military strength
(15:51):
to do anything. They don't have enough soldiers. So if
there is an invocation of Article five, they're they're useless,
little dribs and drabs here. The same is true for Germany,
the same is true for France. They have squandered, the
(16:11):
strength of the our allies has been squandered. Their industrial
base has been decimated, their manufacturing capacity has been decimated.
So when Russia invades Ukraine, set aside all the historical reasons,
set outside all of the all the all the reasons
(16:34):
that Putin might have in his stupid brain about why
he thinks he's justified in doing so. What Trump recognizes
today is that one, this is an unwinnable war Ukraine
cannot win it. Russia probably came. This is my opinion.
Russia probably can win this. But why do I think
(16:58):
that the Ukraine government cannot win the war Because they're
already totally dependent upon us. They're already totally dependent upon NATO,
and NATO is squandering everything they want to put. They
want to put boots on the ground. I would say,
I would say to Emmanuel Macrone, who is coming to
(17:18):
this country I think today, I would say to him,
what troops? But I would say to the United Kingdom,
what troops? What troops can you what boots can you
put on the ground in Ukraine to help them win
at the same time that you're prepared and have a
national defense that if Article five was invoked in behalf
of Finland or Poland or any of the other member country, Spain,
(17:41):
any of them, he can't do it. So what's Trump doing?
He's trying to deal with the hand that he has.
Speaker 3 (17:51):
Good morning from South Dakota, Bongino and Cash.
Speaker 1 (17:55):
Sounds like an eighties movie. Everyone have a great day. Yeah,
we'll get to bon Gin in a minute. So back
to Andrew Sullivan's piece that he wrote a couple of
days ago. He writes this on this much, Trump is right.
The Ukraine conflict is at a stalemate. The human toll
(18:17):
is vast, unimaginable, and mounting every day. There's no chance
of repelling Russia from its current occupation, but there is
some chance of driving a hard bargain to ensure a
stable new border and an independent Ukraine with security guarantees
against any future invasion from Russia. There's where Andrew Sullivan
(18:37):
and I agree. I think it is. I think it's
at a true stalemate trench war fighting. Look, I know
that North Korean troops were sent over to Russia to
file on the front lines. What do they do with
those troops? They were unskilled, they were untrained, they were
(18:58):
in app they were in comp then they were in
unable to do anything, and they were just they were
they were just front men to be slaughtered on the
front lines, so that Putin can preserve his men, so
that you know, maybe they can inch forward. I mean,
because it is trench warfare at this point. Trench warfare
and drone warfare. That's what we've got going on. So
(19:22):
everybody is apoplectic about Trump's and treaties to Putin. But
here's my theory Trump is playing to Putin's ego and
it's all part of a negotiation strategy. Two, because he's
eventually going to ask for some major concessions. I don't think.
(19:43):
I don't think there's any way, As I said, I
think over the weekend, there's no way that we're going
to get Crimea back or Ukraine's gonna get Crimea back.
That ship sailed a long time ago. I don't think
there's anything short of a world war of actually ever
getting Crimea back, And I'm not even sure of then
we could do it, but it's not going to happen.
So we're at a stalemate. Putin thought he would have
(20:07):
he would overrun Kiev in three or four days, maybe
three or four weeks at the most, and he would
be able to install a public government. Government that has
not happened. Putin is now in a position where he is, uh,
what's he going to do? If he starts conscripting young
men out of Russia, then he's going to create a
(20:28):
domestic problem for himself. So he's got to sit down too.
He knows he's got to sit down. And on the
domestic front, we hear that you know, Trump's saying all
these outrageous things, and I agree they are outrageous, you know,
not being he's being equivocal about who started the war.
(20:50):
He's being equivocal about you know, well, you know putting
somebody I can deal with. I know Putin, I know
Vladimir Putin, I know Jigen Ping, I know it. Which
brings up what I think is the greater, the great
thing going on here. But before we get to the
greater thing going on here, let's go back to Reagan's
point about our allies, because this is the world we
(21:11):
now live in. He says, the strength of America's allies
is vital to the United States. And this is where
I say, pretty much fu Europe, because you have completely
failed in your obligation to maintain your industrial base, to
maintain your military strength, all the all for what. Because
(21:32):
you sought the Green New Deal, you sought all these renewables,
you soak this sought, this wokeness. The United Kingdom is
absolutely becoming so horrible in terms of free speech and
liberty that it's barely a country I recognize, having been
to a bazillion times in my life. Really, And the French,
(21:53):
or course of the French as they always will be
the fact that McCrone at one time suggested putting troops,
French troops on the ground. I think he's now getting
the blowback from that and that and that is seen
in his polling numbers, which is barely at twenty percent.
(22:13):
So now you have all these, you have this utter
turmoil on the continent itself. I actually feel sorry for Finland.
Finland's like, you know what, we're worried about Russia, So
let's let's join NATO. And now Finland's looking at it,
going Jimney Christmas, we go. We joined a bunch of
weaklings over here. I find Europe, whether it's the EU,
(22:36):
or it's the individual countries, or it's NATO itself, to
have become a a bunch of whims, absolute whims, because
they have bought totally into the socialist, woke agenda of
their domestic politics, all to the domestic, to the detriment
(22:57):
of their national security, assuming that we would come to
their defense at any time. Now this layer, on top
of that something else, and that is what I believe
to be the greater threat. And I do believe that
Trump gets this, and that is China. China is a
greater threat to the sovereignty of this nation, is a
(23:20):
greater threat to the American world order, is a greater
threat to world peace than anything that Russia's doing. Do
you know there was a time when Russia wanted to
join NATO. Yes, I was a part of those discussions.
I was a part of those negotiations. I remember sitting
(23:42):
in Brussels battling with the French over whether or not
we should allow Russia into NATO, because my argument was
we should. It was our opportunity to bring and put
in want of it, to bring Russia into the fold.
Now would it work out, No, not necessarily. But I'd
rather have him in our tent than outside the tent
(24:04):
pissed off at us. All you have to do now
is just look at Turkey, look at Arta one and
what earth one's doing in Turkey and they're a member
of NATO and they're causing us all sorts of problems. Russia,
I freely admit Russia could have been the same way,
But at least we could have dealt with him instead
of an adversary outside the tent, We could have dealt
(24:27):
with him as a troublemaker inside the tent. Now, The
other thing I would point out is that, yes, I'm
quoting the words of Ronald Reagan here to point out
not that Trump is Reagan, but that two things about
Reagan's speech. One, at that time, China was not the
(24:53):
threat that it is today. But two, the strength of
America's allies is vital to the United States. Damn right
it is. That is still true. And to demand of NATO,
in fact, forget NATO for a mimute, to demand of
each of these countries. Look, I think this week Trump
meets with both the Crone and Stammer or whatever the
(25:17):
name is from the UK. I think he needs to
read them the Riot Act. They need to increase. I
haven't looked to see what happened in Germany over the weekend.
I do think some conservative groups won, but I think
the AfD also won much more than people expected. So
(25:37):
in Germany, Schultz is probably out, so they're gonna Germany's
gonna have to step up to the plate too. The
Poles are more than willing to do so. The Poles
understand what this threat is. Now we're just playing the
card that we've been dealt, and we can lay blame
wherever you want away lay blame. But now we have
(25:59):
to deal with the reality of where we are right now.
And this gets us back to Sullivan Sullivan rights, and
so I've always been in support of a tough peace
negotiation that would have to reflect the facts on the ground.
I was prepared for concessions from the West in the end,
(26:20):
alongside some guarantees against future aggression. I think that's what
we're really negotiating right now, facts on the ground, some
concessions from the West, in other words, maybe some territory
alongside some guarantees against future aggression, and some guarantees against
(26:42):
that future aggression. May be that we have an interest
in the rare earth minerals that are in Ukraine because
that puts American business. I don't think it'll put American troops.
I don't think it'll put boots on the ground, but
it will give us a vested interest in Ukraine. As
opposed to this, what's the bright, agitive, ephemeral interest that
(27:09):
we have in Ukraine on behalf of NATO prevent to
prevent further aggression, to prevent Russia from having its borders
bump up against Poland and some of the Eastern Bloc countries.
I don't want that any more than the Poles do
or the other Eastern Bloc countries do. I don't want that.
So Ukraine's going to have to recognize that, Yeah, you're
(27:32):
going to have to forget this idea of ever getting
Crimea back, and you may have to see some of
this territory that they've taken. But in exchange for that,
now you have to give us something, because it's no lie.
We can no longer go down this path of We'll
just give you whatever it takes for as long as
(27:55):
it takes, because NATO cannot sustain that. Let me be
more precise, the European members of NATO cannot sustain that.
It's questionable whether we can or want to sustain that
on our own. So at the same time that we're
(28:16):
having these negotiations between ourselves and Russia, we have to
have the same kind of hard talk with NATO and
those European countries about what they're going to have to
do too. You see, we've allowed this again. Everything's kind
of coming to a head, all of this progressive bull
(28:38):
crap that we've allowed to go on in this country,
misspending priorities upside down priorities forgetting national defense and national security,
whether it's illegal aliens coming across the border, or the
Chinese Communist Party operating in this country on our universities,
or whatever it might be, all of that's been coming
(28:58):
to a head. We're finally someone has stepped up. And
it took one extreme, Joe Biden, of allowing it to
go much further than it ever should have. And now
it's going to take another extremist to get us back
to some sort of happy medium somewhere. And I think
that's what Trump's trying to do. Is he artful? No?
(29:21):
Is he Reagan? No? But I think he's trying to
deal with the hand that he's been dealt. So ye, let
me take a break. I'll finished, sul when when we
get back. God bless Orange, man Bad and Elon Musk
Go get them tigers, But they're in your pants. They're
(29:43):
looking at everything. Steve white Witchkoff, who is one of
the negotiators involved in this whole everything going on in
terms of Eastern Europe right now, was unfaced the nation yesterday.
Speaker 5 (30:02):
If the head of Russia's sovereign wealth fund, I know
you know him, Carol Dimitriyev told Reuters that afterward they
expect a number of American companies to return to Russia
this year. Is he right to expect that? Did you
discuss lifting US sanctions off of Russia?
Speaker 6 (30:23):
And we did not have that specific discussion at the
meeting you're referring to. But I think that obviously there
would be an expectation that if we get to a
piece deal, that you would be able to have American
companies come back and do business there. And I think
that everybody would believe that that would be a positive,
(30:45):
good thing to.
Speaker 5 (30:46):
Happen after the end to the war and concessions were
made by Russia.
Speaker 6 (30:52):
Well, that's what everybody wants and what everybody wants. The
beginning of that, Margaret, would be a temporary ceasefire, but
but the long term goal would be an end to
this that we've had a you know, close to a
million and a half deaths, and so you know, President Trump,
the uh, his his agenda.
Speaker 4 (31:13):
Is to end this carnage.
Speaker 6 (31:14):
It just didn't belong to It didn't need to happen,
and it doesn't need to continue, not you know, another day.
So we're honored at his direction, and I think there
is you're going to see some UH some real positive
developments in the near term future.
Speaker 1 (31:31):
I don't think he's telling you everything, and obviously I
wouldn't expect him to tell you everything. But the other,
the other aspect that you cannot ignore that's going on
during all of these negotiations is China. Because well, first
of all, North North Korea sending troops into UH, to Russia,
(31:55):
into Ukraine. That's not done without the TACIT approval of
Xi jing Ping. Fact, I shouldn't see even TACIT approval
without the direct approval of Xi jing Ping, who controls
everything going on in North Korea. So at the same
time that he's trying to that, Trump is trying to
bring an end to the carnage and seek out some
(32:19):
sort of deal because it is it is going to
require a deal Russia is I mean, if I were
in the middle of these negotiations, I would make the
following assumption. And the following assumption is here's where the
loggerhead is that Zelenski is not willing to concede any
territory and that Putin is not willing to concede any territory.
(32:43):
So you've got to first broker that and once you
broke her that you've got to broke her it because
sitting back over here in the back over your left
shoulder is Chijing, Ping, Taiwan, the South Pacific, the Philippines, Australia, Japan,
South Korea, all just waiting to see what we do
(33:04):
over here. And the last thing we need is some
sort of an alliance between Russia and China, which is
kind of existing right now. But if at best, you've
got to break those bonds. This is why I think
the Bush administration makes such a well, not just the
(33:26):
Bush administration, but the Bush administration and NATO made such
a huge mistake in not negotiating because we had some
pretty good damn terms to bring Russia into NATO, to
bring them in, to bring them back into the G seven,
so that then there is an economic might of Yeah,
I know they're communists, I know he's a dictator. What
(33:48):
do you think Ertawan is, he's a member of NATO?
What do you think Turkey's turned out to be? But
we're still able to deal with them. I just want
to break that whole m pass that exists in Eastern
Europe right now, because the greater threat to this country
(34:10):
directly is our obligation to Japan, South Korea, the Philippines,
and tat well, and frankly, our obligation to Taiwan.
Speaker 4 (34:25):
Quote.
Speaker 1 (34:25):
I think that the left and Andrew Sullivan is a
good example of Trump derangement syndrome. At the same time
failing to recognize the larger picture. We can't ignore the
larger picture except for our own except for our own peril,
Morning, Michael and Dragon.
Speaker 2 (00:02):
I woke up this morning in our nation's capital, and
I'm standing at the corner of North Capital in Louisiana.
Speaker 1 (00:10):
And this is the only place I.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
Know that everybody can live together in harmony, because I'm
standing right in front of the news building where you
have Fox News, MSNBC, NBC, C SPAN, everybody. It's a
crazy world.
Speaker 1 (00:29):
They all live in peace and harmony because they're all
puddly cabal. I woke up this morning and I used
to subscribe to Andrew Sullivan's weekly dish column. Andrew Sullivan
is a dual citizen from the UK, and he was
(00:51):
born in the UK, but he also has US citizenship
and he let's see, was this Daily Beast the New
Yorker a bunch of left wing rags? H and I
always read Sullivan because he was a very articulate writer.
(01:13):
He was really good at explaining from the left's perspective
what was going on in the world. And it wasn't
always domestic politics. It was primary I shouldn't say primarily,
but I found most interesting his international comments about politics. Well,
(01:34):
loan but hold. He's on the front page of the
Drudge Report, and I read through it, and I thought,
here's the title, Requiem for the West. Subtitle is Trump
and Vance have put a stake in the heart of
the free world. He starts out quoting Ronald Reagan.
Speaker 3 (01:57):
We look at you, and somehow we know the answer.
It was faith and belief. It was loyalty and love
the men of Normandy at faith that what they were
doing was right. Faith that they fought for all humanity,
Faith that a just God would grant them mercy on
this beachhead or on the next. It was the deep knowledge,
(02:21):
and pray God, we have not lost it that there
is a profound moral difference between the use of force
for liberation and the use of force for conquest. You
were here to liberate, not to conquer, And so you
and those others did not doubt your cause, and you
will write not to doubt. You all knew that some
(02:44):
things are worth dying for. One's country is worth dying for,
and democracy is worth dying for, because it's the most
deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man. All
of you loved liberty, all of you were willing to
fight tyranny, and you knew the people of your countries
(03:05):
were behind you. The Americans who fought here that morning,
new word of the invasion was spreading through the darkness.
Back home, they fought or felt in their hearts, though
they couldn't know in fact, that in Georgia they were filling.
Speaker 4 (03:22):
The churches at four a m.
Speaker 3 (03:24):
In Kansas they were kneeling on their porches and praying,
and in Philadelphia they were ringing the Liberty bell. Something
else helped the men of d Day, the rock hard
belief that Providence would have a great hand in the
events that would unfold here, that God was.
Speaker 4 (03:43):
An ally in this great cause.
Speaker 3 (03:46):
And so the night before the invasion, when Colonel Wolverton
asked his parachute troops to kneel with him in prayer,
he told them, do not bow your heads, but look
up so you can see God and ask his blessing
in what we were about to do. Also that night,
(04:07):
General Matthew Richway on his cot, listening in the darkness
for the promise God made to Joshua, I will not
fail THEE nor forsake THEE.
Speaker 4 (04:17):
These are the.
Speaker 3 (04:18):
Things that impelled them, These are the things that shaped.
Speaker 4 (04:21):
The unity of the Allies.
Speaker 3 (04:24):
When the war was over, there were lives to be rebuilt,
and governments to be returned to the people. There were
nations to be reborn. Above all, there was a new
peace to be assured.
Speaker 1 (04:38):
As you listened to Reagan, think about what's going on
in the world today. The men of Normandy had faith
that what they were doing was right, faith if they
fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would
grant them mercy on this beachhead were on the next.
It was the deep knowledge and pray God, we have
(04:59):
not lost it that there is a profound moral difference
between the use of force for liberation and the use
of force for conquest. Reagan continues.
Speaker 3 (05:11):
These were huge and daunting tasks that the Allies summoned
strength from the faith, belief, loyalty, and love of those
who fell here.
Speaker 4 (05:23):
They rebuilt a new Europe together.
Speaker 1 (05:27):
They rebuilt a new Europe together. This speech was delivered
on June sixth, nineteen eighty four, in obvious reference to Normandy,
and I want you to think, is what we rebuilt
(05:48):
still in existence today in Europe?
Speaker 4 (05:53):
Is it?
Speaker 1 (05:54):
Or have they gone off the deep end?
Speaker 3 (05:56):
There was first a great reconciliation among those who had
been enemies, all of whom had suffered so greatly. The
United States did its part, creating the Marshall Plan to
help rebuild our allies and our former enemies.
Speaker 1 (06:13):
Have they shown any appreciation for that? Have they done
their part? Have they held up their end of the bargain?
Have they? I mean, it's a very uncomfortable question to
ask when you think about the men of Normandy. Has
the continent lived up to what we helped them accomplish?
(06:40):
Have the countries of Europe squandered what they inherited with
our help?
Speaker 3 (06:50):
The Marshall Plan led to the Atlantic Alliance, a great
alliance that serves to this day as our shield for freedom,
for prosperity, and for peace.
Speaker 1 (07:01):
Does it does it today? Does the NATO Alliance do that?
Who's carrying most of the burden for NATO? Who's carrying
most of the burden for the defense of Europe? Has
Europe upheld its bargain?
Speaker 3 (07:20):
In spite of our great efforts and the successes, not
all that followed the end of the war was happier planned.
Some liberated countries were lost. The great sadness of this
loss echoes down to our own time. In the streets
of Warsaw, Prague and East Berlin, the Soviet troops that
came to the center of this continent did.
Speaker 4 (07:40):
Not leave when peace came.
Speaker 3 (07:42):
They're still there, uninvited, unwanted, unyielding, almost forty years after
the war. Because of this, Allied forces still stand on
this continent.
Speaker 4 (07:55):
Today, as forty years ago.
Speaker 3 (07:57):
Our armies are here for only one purpose, to protect
and defend democracy. The only territories we hold our memorials
like this one, and graveyards where our heroes rest. We
in America have learned bitter lessons from two World wars.
(08:17):
It is better to be here, ready to protect the
peace than to take blind shelter across the sea, rushing
to respond only after freedom is lost.
Speaker 1 (08:27):
Now, I don't disagree with that at all, because I'm
certainly not advocating that we ought to abandon NATO. I'm
not advocating isolationism at all, and I don't think that
we should. But wasn't this a two way street. Didn't
we go to the didn't we go to the Eastern Front?
(08:50):
Didn't we go to Europe? Because we were there to
help the Allies who were already themselves fighting to defend
their own countries. That why we went, and we knew
that we needed to preserve democracy. For lack of a
better term, to deserve, to preserve I think a better
term would be to preserve freedom on the continent. Have
(09:15):
they lived up to that same standard?
Speaker 3 (09:21):
We've learned that isolationism never was and never will be
an acceptable response to tyrannical governments for the expansionist intent.
Speaker 1 (09:30):
And it isn't today either. But isn't it also the
responsibility of those were those expansionist governments, i e. Russia.
Isn't it also the responsibility of those who would be
harmed by an expansionist Russia to do their To quote
(09:53):
the left, they're so called fair share.
Speaker 3 (09:56):
But we try always to be prepared for peace, Yes,
prepared to deter aggression, prepared to negotiate the reduction of arms,
and yes, prepare to reach out again in the spirit
of reconciliation.
Speaker 1 (10:13):
Which we should always do. We should always do that.
Speaker 3 (10:19):
But truth there is no reconciliation. We would welcome more
than a reconciliation with the Soviet Union, so together we
can listen lessen the risk of war now and forever.
Speaker 4 (10:32):
Hmm.
Speaker 1 (10:33):
Sounds kind of Trumpian, doesn't it? That we should also
welcome reconciliation with the Soviet Union so that we can
lessen the chances of war. Now obviously slightly different today
because of what they've done in Ukraine. But there's something
behind this speech that Andrew Sullivan quotes in his article
(10:57):
When was this published? This was published the twenty first,
three days ago. There's something behind his words that he's
written and Reagan's speech that Reagan even at the time,
(11:18):
and I would say that none of us at the
time recognize as probably a greater threat to the entire
world than the old Soviet Union or currently Russia. And
that's the Chinese Communist Party.
Speaker 3 (11:35):
It's fitty to remember here the great loss is also
suffered by the Russian people during World War II. Twenty
million perished, a terrible price that testifies to all.
Speaker 4 (11:46):
The world the necessity of ending war.
Speaker 3 (11:50):
I tell you from my heart that we in the
United States do not want war.
Speaker 4 (11:55):
We want to wipe from.
Speaker 3 (11:56):
The face of the earth the terrible weapons that man
now has in his hands. And I tell you we're
ready to seize that beachhead. We look for some sign
from the Soviet Union that they are willing to move forward,
that they share our desire and love for peace, and
that they will give up the ways of conquest.
Speaker 1 (12:17):
Also sounds a little trump you.
Speaker 3 (12:20):
There must be a changing there that will allow us
to turn our hope into action. We will pray forever
that someday that changing will come. But for now, particularly today,
it is good and fitting to renew our commitment to
each other, to our freedom, and to the alliance that
(12:42):
protects it. We're bound today by what bound us forty
years ago, the same loyalties, traditions.
Speaker 4 (12:49):
And beliefs. We're bound by reality, the strength of America.
Speaker 1 (12:54):
Now. I want you to listen closely to this, because
I don't think there's anything more important to consider in
light of what's going on in Ukraine than this.
Speaker 3 (13:05):
We're bound us forty years ago, the same loyalties, traditions,
and beliefs.
Speaker 4 (13:11):
We're bound by reality.
Speaker 3 (13:13):
The strength of America's allies is vital to the United States.
Speaker 1 (13:17):
The strength of America's allies is vital to the United States, and.
Speaker 3 (13:25):
The American Security Guarantee is essential to the continued freedom
of Europe's democracies.
Speaker 1 (13:32):
It's a two way street. The strength of America's allies
is vital to the United States, and the American Security
Guarantee is essential to the continued freedom of Europe's democracies.
So we understand that, yes, we're vital to their protection,
but their strength also is vital to us, because the
(13:55):
stronger they are, the less of a burden there is
on American taxpayers to protect that freedom in Europe. I
would pause it that Europe has squandered that, absolutely squandered it.
Speaker 4 (14:13):
We were with you then, we're with you now.
Speaker 3 (14:17):
Your hopes are our hopes, and your destiny is our destiny.
Speaker 1 (14:21):
Don't disagree with that. In fact, I think it's true.
But Andrew Sullivan is on to say that it is
a fascinating moment, isn't it when Reagan's vision of the
West is finally swept into the dust bend of history
by a Republican president meaning Trump. I don't think Trump's
(14:42):
doing that at all. I think Trump recognizes that when
it comes to remember Reagan said the strength of America's
allies is vital to us. What has Europe done since
this speech was delivered on June sixth, nineteen four. What
have they done? They have squandered their strength, they have
(15:07):
you know, somebody I made the comment that it's come
to my attention that the United Kingdom has seventy tanks
left in their arsenal. And someone responded and they missed
my point. They said, well, you know, England probably doesn't
need more than seventy tanks to protect itself. Well, they
(15:29):
probably don't, but they certainly need more than seventy tanks
if they want to a be a part of NATO.
So that if Article five is invoked and an attack
on one of the members is an attack on all
of the members, the UK doesn't have the military strength
(15:51):
to do anything. They don't have enough soldiers. So if
there is an invocation of Article five, they're they're useless,
little dribs and drabs here. The same is true for Germany,
the same is true for France. They have squandered, the
(16:11):
strength of the our allies has been squandered. Their industrial
base has been decimated, their manufacturing capacity has been decimated.
So when Russia invades Ukraine, set aside all the historical reasons,
set outside all of the all the all the reasons
(16:34):
that Putin might have in his stupid brain about why
he thinks he's justified in doing so. What Trump recognizes
today is that one, this is an unwinnable war Ukraine
cannot win it. Russia probably came. This is my opinion.
Russia probably can win this. But why do I think
(16:58):
that the Ukraine government cannot win the war Because they're
already totally dependent upon us. They're already totally dependent upon NATO,
and NATO is squandering everything they want to put. They
want to put boots on the ground. I would say,
I would say to Emmanuel Macrone, who is coming to
(17:18):
this country I think today, I would say to him,
what troops? But I would say to the United Kingdom,
what troops? What troops can you what boots can you
put on the ground in Ukraine to help them win
at the same time that you're prepared and have a
national defense that if Article five was invoked in behalf
of Finland or Poland or any of the other member country, Spain,
(17:41):
any of them, he can't do it. So what's Trump doing?
He's trying to deal with the hand that he has.
Speaker 3 (17:51):
Good morning from South Dakota, Bongino and Cash.
Speaker 1 (17:55):
Sounds like an eighties movie. Everyone have a great day. Yeah,
we'll get to bon Gin in a minute. So back
to Andrew Sullivan's piece that he wrote a couple of
days ago. He writes this on this much, Trump is right.
The Ukraine conflict is at a stalemate. The human toll
(18:17):
is vast, unimaginable, and mounting every day. There's no chance
of repelling Russia from its current occupation, but there is
some chance of driving a hard bargain to ensure a
stable new border and an independent Ukraine with security guarantees
against any future invasion from Russia. There's where Andrew Sullivan
(18:37):
and I agree. I think it is. I think it's
at a true stalemate trench war fighting. Look, I know
that North Korean troops were sent over to Russia to
file on the front lines. What do they do with
those troops? They were unskilled, they were untrained, they were
(18:58):
in app they were in comp then they were in
unable to do anything, and they were just they were
they were just front men to be slaughtered on the
front lines, so that Putin can preserve his men, so
that you know, maybe they can inch forward. I mean,
because it is trench warfare at this point. Trench warfare
and drone warfare. That's what we've got going on. So
(19:22):
everybody is apoplectic about Trump's and treaties to Putin. But
here's my theory Trump is playing to Putin's ego and
it's all part of a negotiation strategy. Two, because he's
eventually going to ask for some major concessions. I don't think.
(19:43):
I don't think there's any way, As I said, I
think over the weekend, there's no way that we're going
to get Crimea back or Ukraine's gonna get Crimea back.
That ship sailed a long time ago. I don't think
there's anything short of a world war of actually ever
getting Crimea back, And I'm not even sure of then
we could do it, but it's not going to happen.
So we're at a stalemate. Putin thought he would have
(20:07):
he would overrun Kiev in three or four days, maybe
three or four weeks at the most, and he would
be able to install a public government. Government that has
not happened. Putin is now in a position where he is, uh,
what's he going to do? If he starts conscripting young
men out of Russia, then he's going to create a
(20:28):
domestic problem for himself. So he's got to sit down too.
He knows he's got to sit down. And on the
domestic front, we hear that you know, Trump's saying all
these outrageous things, and I agree they are outrageous, you know,
not being he's being equivocal about who started the war.
(20:50):
He's being equivocal about you know, well, you know putting
somebody I can deal with. I know Putin, I know
Vladimir Putin, I know Jigen Ping, I know it. Which
brings up what I think is the greater, the great
thing going on here. But before we get to the
greater thing going on here, let's go back to Reagan's
point about our allies, because this is the world we
(21:11):
now live in. He says, the strength of America's allies
is vital to the United States. And this is where
I say, pretty much fu Europe, because you have completely
failed in your obligation to maintain your industrial base, to
maintain your military strength, all the all for what. Because
(21:32):
you sought the Green New Deal, you sought all these renewables,
you soak this sought, this wokeness. The United Kingdom is
absolutely becoming so horrible in terms of free speech and
liberty that it's barely a country I recognize, having been
to a bazillion times in my life. Really, And the French,
(21:53):
or course of the French as they always will be
the fact that McCrone at one time suggested putting troops,
French troops on the ground. I think he's now getting
the blowback from that and that and that is seen
in his polling numbers, which is barely at twenty percent.
(22:13):
So now you have all these, you have this utter
turmoil on the continent itself. I actually feel sorry for Finland.
Finland's like, you know what, we're worried about Russia, So
let's let's join NATO. And now Finland's looking at it,
going Jimney Christmas, we go. We joined a bunch of
weaklings over here. I find Europe, whether it's the EU,
(22:36):
or it's the individual countries, or it's NATO itself, to
have become a a bunch of whims, absolute whims, because
they have bought totally into the socialist, woke agenda of
their domestic politics, all to the domestic, to the detriment
(22:57):
of their national security, assuming that we would come to
their defense at any time. Now this layer, on top
of that something else, and that is what I believe
to be the greater threat. And I do believe that
Trump gets this, and that is China. China is a
greater threat to the sovereignty of this nation, is a
(23:20):
greater threat to the American world order, is a greater
threat to world peace than anything that Russia's doing. Do
you know there was a time when Russia wanted to
join NATO. Yes, I was a part of those discussions.
I was a part of those negotiations. I remember sitting
(23:42):
in Brussels battling with the French over whether or not
we should allow Russia into NATO, because my argument was
we should. It was our opportunity to bring and put
in want of it, to bring Russia into the fold.
Now would it work out, No, not necessarily. But I'd
rather have him in our tent than outside the tent
(24:04):
pissed off at us. All you have to do now
is just look at Turkey, look at Arta one and
what earth one's doing in Turkey and they're a member
of NATO and they're causing us all sorts of problems. Russia,
I freely admit Russia could have been the same way,
But at least we could have dealt with him instead
of an adversary outside the tent, We could have dealt
(24:27):
with him as a troublemaker inside the tent. Now, The
other thing I would point out is that, yes, I'm
quoting the words of Ronald Reagan here to point out
not that Trump is Reagan, but that two things about
Reagan's speech. One, at that time, China was not the
(24:53):
threat that it is today. But two, the strength of
America's allies is vital to the United States. Damn right
it is. That is still true. And to demand of NATO,
in fact, forget NATO for a mimute, to demand of
each of these countries. Look, I think this week Trump
meets with both the Crone and Stammer or whatever the
(25:17):
name is from the UK. I think he needs to
read them the Riot Act. They need to increase. I
haven't looked to see what happened in Germany over the weekend.
I do think some conservative groups won, but I think
the AfD also won much more than people expected. So
(25:37):
in Germany, Schultz is probably out, so they're gonna Germany's
gonna have to step up to the plate too. The
Poles are more than willing to do so. The Poles
understand what this threat is. Now we're just playing the
card that we've been dealt, and we can lay blame
wherever you want away lay blame. But now we have
(25:59):
to deal with the reality of where we are right now.
And this gets us back to Sullivan Sullivan rights, and
so I've always been in support of a tough peace
negotiation that would have to reflect the facts on the ground.
I was prepared for concessions from the West in the end,
(26:20):
alongside some guarantees against future aggression. I think that's what
we're really negotiating right now, facts on the ground, some
concessions from the West, in other words, maybe some territory
alongside some guarantees against future aggression, and some guarantees against
(26:42):
that future aggression. May be that we have an interest
in the rare earth minerals that are in Ukraine because
that puts American business. I don't think it'll put American troops.
I don't think it'll put boots on the ground, but
it will give us a vested interest in Ukraine. As
opposed to this, what's the bright, agitive, ephemeral interest that
(27:09):
we have in Ukraine on behalf of NATO prevent to
prevent further aggression, to prevent Russia from having its borders
bump up against Poland and some of the Eastern Bloc countries.
I don't want that any more than the Poles do
or the other Eastern Bloc countries do. I don't want that.
So Ukraine's going to have to recognize that, Yeah, you're
(27:32):
going to have to forget this idea of ever getting
Crimea back, and you may have to see some of
this territory that they've taken. But in exchange for that,
now you have to give us something, because it's no lie.
We can no longer go down this path of We'll
just give you whatever it takes for as long as
(27:55):
it takes, because NATO cannot sustain that. Let me be
more precise, the European members of NATO cannot sustain that.
It's questionable whether we can or want to sustain that
on our own. So at the same time that we're
(28:16):
having these negotiations between ourselves and Russia, we have to
have the same kind of hard talk with NATO and
those European countries about what they're going to have to
do too. You see, we've allowed this again. Everything's kind
of coming to a head, all of this progressive bull
(28:38):
crap that we've allowed to go on in this country,
misspending priorities upside down priorities forgetting national defense and national security,
whether it's illegal aliens coming across the border, or the
Chinese Communist Party operating in this country on our universities,
or whatever it might be, all of that's been coming
(28:58):
to a head. We're finally someone has stepped up. And
it took one extreme, Joe Biden, of allowing it to
go much further than it ever should have. And now
it's going to take another extremist to get us back
to some sort of happy medium somewhere. And I think
that's what Trump's trying to do. Is he artful? No?
(29:21):
Is he Reagan? No? But I think he's trying to
deal with the hand that he's been dealt. So ye, let
me take a break. I'll finished, sul when when we
get back. God bless Orange, man Bad and Elon Musk
Go get them tigers, But they're in your pants. They're
(29:43):
looking at everything. Steve white Witchkoff, who is one of
the negotiators involved in this whole everything going on in
terms of Eastern Europe right now, was unfaced the nation yesterday.
Speaker 5 (30:02):
If the head of Russia's sovereign wealth fund, I know
you know him, Carol Dimitriyev told Reuters that afterward they
expect a number of American companies to return to Russia
this year. Is he right to expect that? Did you
discuss lifting US sanctions off of Russia?
Speaker 6 (30:23):
And we did not have that specific discussion at the
meeting you're referring to. But I think that obviously there
would be an expectation that if we get to a
piece deal, that you would be able to have American
companies come back and do business there. And I think
that everybody would believe that that would be a positive,
(30:45):
good thing to.
Speaker 5 (30:46):
Happen after the end to the war and concessions were
made by Russia.
Speaker 6 (30:52):
Well, that's what everybody wants and what everybody wants. The
beginning of that, Margaret, would be a temporary ceasefire, but
but the long term goal would be an end to
this that we've had a you know, close to a
million and a half deaths, and so you know, President Trump,
the uh, his his agenda.
Speaker 4 (31:13):
Is to end this carnage.
Speaker 6 (31:14):
It just didn't belong to It didn't need to happen,
and it doesn't need to continue, not you know, another day.
So we're honored at his direction, and I think there
is you're going to see some UH some real positive
developments in the near term future.
Speaker 1 (31:31):
I don't think he's telling you everything, and obviously I
wouldn't expect him to tell you everything. But the other,
the other aspect that you cannot ignore that's going on
during all of these negotiations is China. Because well, first
of all, North North Korea sending troops into UH, to Russia,
(31:55):
into Ukraine. That's not done without the TACIT approval of
Xi jing Ping. Fact, I shouldn't see even TACIT approval
without the direct approval of Xi jing Ping, who controls
everything going on in North Korea. So at the same
time that he's trying to that, Trump is trying to
bring an end to the carnage and seek out some
(32:19):
sort of deal because it is it is going to
require a deal Russia is I mean, if I were
in the middle of these negotiations, I would make the
following assumption. And the following assumption is here's where the
loggerhead is that Zelenski is not willing to concede any
territory and that Putin is not willing to concede any territory.
(32:43):
So you've got to first broker that and once you
broke her that you've got to broke her it because
sitting back over here in the back over your left
shoulder is Chijing, Ping, Taiwan, the South Pacific, the Philippines, Australia, Japan,
South Korea, all just waiting to see what we do
(33:04):
over here. And the last thing we need is some
sort of an alliance between Russia and China, which is
kind of existing right now. But if at best, you've
got to break those bonds. This is why I think
the Bush administration makes such a well, not just the
(33:26):
Bush administration, but the Bush administration and NATO made such
a huge mistake in not negotiating because we had some
pretty good damn terms to bring Russia into NATO, to
bring them in, to bring them back into the G seven,
so that then there is an economic might of Yeah,
I know they're communists, I know he's a dictator. What
(33:48):
do you think Ertawan is, he's a member of NATO?
What do you think Turkey's turned out to be? But
we're still able to deal with them. I just want
to break that whole m pass that exists in Eastern
Europe right now, because the greater threat to this country
(34:10):
directly is our obligation to Japan, South Korea, the Philippines,
and tat well, and frankly, our obligation to Taiwan.
Speaker 4 (34:25):
Quote.
Speaker 1 (34:25):
I think that the left and Andrew Sullivan is a
good example of Trump derangement syndrome. At the same time
failing to recognize the larger picture. We can't ignore the
larger picture except for our own except for our own peril,
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UConn basketball star Azzi Fudd brings her championship swag to iHeart Women’s Sports with Fudd Around and Find Out, a weekly podcast that takes fans along for the ride as Azzi spends her final year of college trying to reclaim the National Championship and prepare to be a first round WNBA draft pick. Ever wonder what it’s like to be a world-class athlete in the public spotlight while still managing schoolwork, friendships and family time? It’s time to Fudd Around and Find Out!