18 - John Hancock- The Picturesque Patriot by Lorenzo Sears

This captivating biography delves into the life of John Hancock, one of the most influential figures in American history. As a Founding Father, merchant, statesman, and a key Patriot of the American Revolution, Hancocks story is one of resilience and leadership. The author skillfully narrates Hancocks journey from his childhood and education to his significant political and military contributions, providing a comprehensive look at the man behind the iconic signature. - Summary by GoodReads

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:01):
Chapter sixteen of John Hancock, The Picturesque Patriot by Lorenzo Sears.
This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. Expedition to
Rhode Island. When Hancock's commission as Colonel of the Cadets
was revoked by General Gage soon after his arrival in Boston,
he said, I shall always prefer retirement in a private

(00:24):
station to being a tool in the hand of power
to impress my countrymen. He also declined to serve as
a governor's counselor and remained in the House of Representatives,
but an appreciative Commonwealth by way of compensation, on February eighth,
seventeen seventy six, made choice by ballot in the House
of the Honorable John Hancock esquire to be first Major

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General of the Militia in this colony. So far as
authority and official station go, he was now abundantly equipped
for distinguished achievement in the country service. All that was
lacking to test his ability was a favorable opportunity. Soon
this was also furnished. The only places of any importance

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held by the enemy at that time were New York
and Newport, Rhode Island. In December seventeen seventy six, the
island had been seized by Lord Percy, who left it
to General Richard Prescott when he went home the following spring.
This blustering hero ruled the town with a big, gnarled stick,
his constant companion, until that night, when a party of

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Yankee soldiers caught him at a house five miles out
of town, and, taking him out of bed, carried him
off in his nightgown, and sent him to General Washington
on the Hudson, by whom he was afterward exchanged for
General Lee, a poor bargain. In the summer of seventeen
seventy eight, Sir Robert Pigott was in command of the
troops on the island, numbering six thousand men, including a

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strong detachment from the garrison in Town, which had been
stationed at the northern end of the island. Capture of
this force had, for a year and a half seemed
like the prospect of bagging half the British invaders, for
which enterprise New England Yeomen began to muster when the
word was given. Nine thousand of them assembled, including fifteen

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hundred picked troops, which Washington sent under Green, who was
at home in Rhode Island. Thither came the aquatic glover
of Marblehead, invaluable where ferrying was to be done, and Lafayette,
where French was to be interpreted and spoken. As a
good deal of it was to be done before this
expedition should end. For Count de stant his Kinsman was

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on the way with a fleet and four thousand French regulars.
General John Hancock was also coming with about five thousand
militiamen from Massachusetts. Hopes were high that Piggott and his
six thousand would be entrapped, and in this way the
French were to cross over from Connecticut Island on the
west to meet the Americans coming from the mainland on

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the east. Together they would get between the two British
divisions and easily capture both. Three things happened to upset
this admirable arrangement. First, Piggott called in the Northern division
to the main garrison at Newport. Then Sullivan, who had
kept the British fleet in the offing for ten days

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while waiting for troops to arrive, threw some whim of
his own. Suddenly, and without notice to disdain, crossed over
from Tiverton. The French troops now being on Connecticut. At
this moment, Lord Howe appeared off Point Judith with thirteen
ships of the line, seven frigates, and several small vessels.
Instead of leaving his land force to assist the American Army,

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Destan took it aboard and sailed out to engage Howe.
For two days, the fleet circled around each other to
get the weather gage. On the third, a tempest set
in which was remembered for fifty years as the Great Storm.
Both squadrons were driven out to sea, and although a
few straggling ships exchanged rained shots, the British were glad

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to steer from New York and the French for Boston
to make repairs. It was three weeks before Dustan collected
his dispersed and damaged fleet. Overruled by his subordinate officers,
he did not leave his troops to cooperate with the
American Army at Newport, and in consequence great disappointment and
wrath followed with insubordination and desertion. Then Clinton landed four

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thousand British troops, and the expedition which had promised so much,
ended by withdrawal of the American forces from the island.
The ten days of delay in getting the militia together
before British reinforcements arrived upset the whole enterprise. It also
came near alienating the French allies through hasty words spoken
and written by American officers and the general outcry of

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soldiers against the false and fickle French. Four gentlemen prevented
a serious disruption, Washington and Dustan by their polite and
reassuring letters to each other, and Lafayette by his seven
hours ride to Boston in conference with Destant and the
General Court about the courts leading his regiments back to Newport.

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John Hancock, however, was the man who stood between an
angry populace and several shiploads of foreign soldiers, sailors and
supbordinate officers with leave to go ashore. A riot occurred
between them and American sailors the hour they stepped on
the wharves. The valuable French alliance was in danger of
a chill. It was then that Hancock showed himself a

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greater diplomat than soldier. According to some of his contemporaries,
he did not distinguish himself in the Newport campaign. For
that matter, no one achieved greater glory than a successful retreat.
Bestows special mention being made by Congress of Lafayette's gallantry
in bringing off sentries and pickets. But Hancock left the
field before the encounter which hastened the retreat, pretending his

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maligners said to be anxious about the French fleet on
its way to Boston. He knew the town well enough
to have reasonable apprehensions about the reception it might meet,
which were justified by the event. Eleven years afterward, a
political opponent in the campaign of seventeen eighty nine illustrated
the truism that any failings of a candidate in any

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age are capital for the opposition. He also threw a
sidelight on the expedition, and incidentally exhibited a personal prejudice
whose strength is its own antidote. But he cannot be
passed by. Mister h was major general of the militia
at the time that memorable expedition was set on foot.

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He ever, had a great fondness for parade of every kind,
having heard much of the pleasures of the camp, and
conceiving this a fine opportunity to pluck a military Laurel
without any danger to his person. He sought and obtained
the command of our militia. He appointed his aides, he
prepared his accouterments, and, with all the parade of a

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veteran conqueror, he issued his orders and made the necessary
arrangements to march to the field. When he got to
Rhode Island, he took an eligible situation for his quarters.
He appeared on the parade and militaire. He sally out
often for air and exercise, and he sometimes approached so
near to the enemy, under the idea of reconnoitering as

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to distinguish, by the aid of a good perspective, that
the British flag was still flying at some miles distance.
Martial music and military movements alone delighted and never was
the fire of military ambition so conspicuous in any man's
countenance and conduct. But this flame was of short duration.

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The severe cannonade at the arrival of the French fleet,
though several miles distance, disordered his nerves. The sound of
the drum disturbed his muscles by alarming his fears, and
his nightly slumbers were short and uncertain from lively scenes
of blood and carnage, which a heated imagine nation was
continually presenting to his view. This situation was too painful

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and humiliating for the Man of the People longed to endure.
He grew peevish and uneasy. He complained of the length
of the campaign, and he talked frequently of quitting the field.
This his aides, who were men of spirit, were fearful
would soon happen. They felt for his and their own honor.
They used every argument to allay his fears, to compose

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his nerves, and to awake his ambition, and were in
hopes to succeed. But the departure of the fleet, the
roar of the cannon, and the smell of powder was
too much for our hero to support. He resolved to
return home. He dreamed that his child was sick and dying.
He fancied that the fleet had gone to Boston and
could not refit in his absence. But more than this,

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he imagined that the British were roused, and he could
not believe it safer prudent for the Man of the
People to remain any longer on the island. His fears
were more powerful than all other passions altogether, and he
flattered himself that by urging his great anxiety for the
safety of the fleet as the cause of his flight,
he might save his reputation having good cattle. He reached

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home in a few hours, and the first question upon
entering the town was as to the safety of the fleet.
But after being at rest a little time and finding
himself safe in his own house, his fears subsided. His
solicitude for the fleet abated, and he enjoyed his pleasures
as well as ever. He recounted his exploits in the

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field and gave a lively description of the enemy's alarm
when he reconnoitered their posts. Thus ended mister H's memorable
campaign in Rhode Island. And these were the laurels gathered
in that famous expedition. If it be thought that they
are not of the best tint possible, it should be
remembered that he cropped them flying and had not time

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to select the best plants. But to treat this importance
subject with more seriousness, I would ask who that had
the feelings of a man, or more than that, the
feelings of a patriot, which he pretended to have, would
have left the camp at so critical a moment when
the British were expected to attack the American army, and
everyone was anxious for the safety of our country and

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its cause. A regard to his own honor and the
safety of his country should have raised him above all
concern for his personal safety or the enjoyment of his
friends and family at home. But instead of this, the
general was amongst the first, if not the very first,
to leave the island in a time of danger. He
deserted the post he sought after and most unworthily filled,

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and he left a gentleman who accompanied him and the
troops he commanded to shift for themselves or fall prey
to the British. Instead of persuading his officers and men
by his own example willingly to submit to soldiers fare
and to keep those quiet under the hardships of their station,
who had before been accustomed to elegance and luxury, he

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was always studying new means of dissipation, and kept carriages
constantly passing to supply him with luxuries. From Hence, I
would now ask, where was the merit of this unsoldierlike conduct,
How or at what time did he serve the public
by this expedition, or do honor to himself Did he, not,

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on the contrary, do as much injury to the country
and dishonor to himself as he could do by an
evil example? Was there anything in his conduct upon this
occasion that was not opposite to that of a hero
or the savior of his country? Did he not leave
those who followed him from personal attachment to the field

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in a very dangerous situation and in a most disgraceful manner?
And was the eventual escape of the troops which he
led from the hands of the British in any degree
owing to his attention, firmness, or prudence, There is no
possibility of misunderstanding the spirit which inspired these sentences, taken
from one of ten partisan articles in a Boston newspaper

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before the election of a governor in seventeen eighty nine.
They are in the style of Junius so far as
their acrimony and acerbity can make them, but there the
likeness ends. However, present concern is not so much about
the manner and method of a personal attack upon Governor
Hancock as to inquire what other explanation there may be

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for what must be accepted as facts. Since the bluntness
of their statement is in itself a challenge to their denial,
if it could have been made. Let it be admitted
that Hancock was not a military genius. That he ever
aspired to anything beyond the captaincy of his cadet company
must be taken as one of the instances of mistaking

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one's calling and the love of the pomp and circumstance
of war, apart from its inconveniences and hardships, suffering and peril.
On this particular campaign of delays in catastrophe, there seems
to have been the chance for but one man to
achieve success, namely the British commander, who missed his opportunity
when after the storm he might have swept his enemies

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from the island instead of leaving them to retreat. Hancock
could not be expected to outshine Sullivan and Green. The
retreat was determined upon, and it was only a question
as to whether he could be of more service in
the field or in Boston. It may be conceded that
he was of no great use in helping to break
camp and get the army off the island. He had

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not had an opportunity to show of what value he
would have been in an attack. There was something however,
that he could accomplish for the cause in his native
town that would reach far beyond its limits. As has
been noted, there was imminent danger of alienating the French
allies through the words and treatment they had not merited,

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since American delays and precipitate action at last, together with
a tempest, had brought about the disaster for which blame
must be thrown upon somebody. It fell upon the Allies,
and they resented it. Hancock saw, as Washington saw, that
something must be done to counteract the animosity that was
springing up on account of unwise words that some of

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the American officers had spoken and written, to be repeated
by soldiers and civilians, ending with a scrimmage on the docks.
It was not a reception to soothe the irritation of
the French. Hancock, who had reason to foresee trouble, hastened
home to do what he might to mend matters. Now
he was in his own sphere and unsurpassed in it,

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a cordial and hospitable welcome to the Allies might be
of as much value as a royal order to continue
to cooperate with the Americans. The town itself in a
time of scarcity. In general, poverty could not do much
toward entertaining, even if it had the disposition. But Hancock's
fortune was not wholly gone, and therefore he undertook to

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represent the community in hospitable ways, which were worth more
just than diplomacy or arms. Accordingly, invitations general in particular
were sent to the French officers, which brought some forty
of them to his house and table each day, once
they came uninvited to breakfast, driving cooks to despair, and
compelling Missus Hancock to send servants out to milk all

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the cows on the common without looking up their owners.
This raid of the lace Beadizend appears to have been
a gallic pleasantry, paralleled by another which was inflicted on
Bostonians when they accepted a return of hospitalities by the fleet,
which Madam Hancock used to describe with graphic force in
her old age. Delicacy was not a drug in society

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at that time, the straits to which the bounteous and
patriotic host was sometimes reduced. The following letter will show
it was written to Henry Quincy at that time in Providence,
Monday noon, thirty August dear sir, the Philistines are coming
upon me on Wednesday next at dinner. To be serious,

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the Ambassador et cetera, et cetera, et cetera, are to
dine with me on Wednesday. And I have nothing to
give them. Nor from the present prospect of our market,
do I see that I shall be able to get
anything in town. I must beg the favor of you
to recommend to my man Harry where he can get
some chickens, ducks, geese, hams, partridges, mutton, or anything that

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will save my reputation in a dinner, and by all
means some butter. Be so good as to help me,
and you will much oblige me. Is there any good
melons or peaches, or any good fruit near you? Your
advice to Harry will much oblige me. Excuse me, I
am very troublesome. Can I get a good turkey? I

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walked in town today. I dine on board the French
frigate tomorrow, so you see how I recovered. God bless you.
If you see anything good at Providence, do buy it
for me. I am your real friend, John Hancock to
Crown All Hancock in the name and to the credit

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of Boston gave a banquet and ball to about five
hundred of the French allies. It is reported that, by
reason of the troublesome gout, he was not able to
be present at the town meeting held next day. He
recovered sufficiently to be busy in the General court soon after,
and to preside in frequent town meetings. His diplomatic hospitality

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had served its purpose in helping to restore good feeling
between French and American leaders, ensuring a continuance of aid
from Louis the sixteenth. So far this cooperation had not
appeared to render much assistance in the field, but it
had diverted and crippled forces of England which would have
been turned against America. What Washington most desired was a

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detachment from the French army to cooperate with his own
raw levies. This Lafayette, seconded by Disdain, urged upon the
King and Virgins, and he was authorized to take the
promise of a reinforcement to Washington on his return to America.
Two months after his arrival, seven ships of the line
and three frigates brought six thousand troops to Newport under

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count Rochambeau and They were to be followed by a
second installment, which unfortunately never came, being blockaded at breast
by a British fleet. Meantime, a squadron from New York
kept the Alli's fleet and Army idol for a year
at Newport, unable to do anything for Washington. However, the
French government had not been idle, and in the spring

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of seventeen eighty one it sent twenty eight ships of
the line in six frigates carrying twenty thousand men under
Count de Grass to act in concert with Washington and Rochambeau.
The storm of war had been moving up from the south,
and Cornwallis had encamped on Yorktown Peninsula, where he could
be back to enable force that had thus far given

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the English their supremacy. Instead, it was a French fleet
that drew up behind him and kept the British ships
at bay, while Washington hastened to the front to keep
him in the pocket. The French troops an American together
stormed British redoubts, and on the third day Cornwallis surrendered.
The contest for liberty was practically over, and even the

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stubborn king was obliged to agree with his ministry that
he was beaten. So far as the final result was concerned,
no one at the time would have thought of giving
John Hancock any credit for a hand in it. The French, however,
were not insensible to the assistance which they gave in
the crucial battle which had put an end to British successes.

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Had it not been for Hancock's hospitable diplomacy, even Lafayette
might have found it impossible to restore a cordial understanding
between the two countries. If it had been broken off,
the war might have been prolonged so long as British
ships could bring troops to a country that had no
navy to protect its coasts and to supplement its army.

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The French always have and with reason, claimed a large
share of credit for the Yorktown surrender. Hancock would not
have distinguished himself there, but he deserves some recognition if
he helped to preserve an alliance which secured that victory.
The whole matter of the important part which France bore
in the War for Independence is apt to be overlooked

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after a century and a third. It is not necessary
here to inquire into the motives of those in high
places as their hopes of trade and their hatred of England.
The generous policy of Virgins, the sacrifices of beau Marchees,
and the devotion of Lafayette may stand for the sentiments
of the nation, whose practical expression was in millions of

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treasure and supplies in thousands of soldiers. When the American
cause was by Washington's own admission, on the brink of
Ruin eight months before the siege of Yorktown, he said,
if the French do not come to our assistance speedily,
it will be too late, for we are at the
end of our tether. They came, and by reason of

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their coming, the surrender at Yorktown turned the scale in
our favor, when without them, the other alternative was more
than probable. They might not have come if John Hancock
had not made reparation for the rebuff which the first
expedition received from his fellow citizens of Boston. There were
other and less conspicuous services which Hancock rendered the cause,

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as when he sent forward to General Washington that most
needed and efficient disciplinarian Baron Steuben and his aides, furnishing
him not only with vehicles from Boston, but also with
funds end of Chapter sixteen,