September 3, 2025 • 53 mins
This captivating biography delves into the life of John Hancock, one of the most influential figures in American history. As a Founding Father, merchant, statesman, and a key Patriot of the American Revolution, Hancocks story is one of resilience and leadership. The author skillfully narrates Hancocks journey from his childhood and education to his significant political and military contributions, providing a comprehensive look at the man behind the iconic signature. - Summary by GoodReads
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Chapter seventeen of John Hancock, The Picturesque Patriot by Lorenzo Sears.
This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. First governor
under the Constitution, Massachusetts, in common with some other states,
turned to the framing of a constitution when it appeared
probable that the statehood which had been declared would become permanent.
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It has already been observed how much more important, in
its own opinion were the affairs of each state than
those of the nebulous union. This political system was in
a formative stage, but the centripetal forces were slow in
overcoming the centrifugal and in bringing repellent bodies around a
common center, which itself was vague and unformed. Hancock might
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have brought the federal idea into Massachusetts councils from what
he had heard of it in Congress, but it is
to be feared that he had heard there more about
states rights and their retention and maintenance, if he did
not personally favour them to the prejudice of federation. Eight
years were to pass before all the colonies should cease
to consider themselves distinct republics, raising troops, making war on
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their own responsibility and dealing with one another merely as
allies in a common cause, but not as parts of
an integral nation. On the first of September seventeen eighty,
three hundred delegates to a constitutional Convention met at Cambridge.
Hancock was among the number representing Boston. After a general
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discussion of a declaration of rights and the appointment of
a committee of thirty to prepare the declaration and a
constitution of government, and a subcommittee of three to make
drafts in report, the convention adjourned.
Speaker 2 (01:45):
For six weeks.
Speaker 1 (01:47):
When it met again on the twenty eighth of October,
two questions that elicited lively discussion indicate that the people
were looking both backward and forward, first in the debate
about the support of ministers by the town according to
the old Puritan practice, and second on the question of
emancipating slaves and forbidding slave trade to the incidental damage
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of the rum distilling industry. Adjourning often for lack of
a quorum and reassembling from time to time, the convention,
after six months evolved a constitution to be laid before
the people of the state for a two thirds vote
of approval. To help secure this, it was accompanied by
an explanatory address. By the first week in June, it
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had been accepted by the towns, and the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts was more of a republic than ever with the
experiment of entire and unshared self government before it. For
the ensuing eight years. The first officer to be chosen
was a governor to this office. John Hancock was elected
by an overwhelming majority of eleven thousand out of twelve thousand,
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two hundred and eighty one votes cast for seventeen candidates,
with some surprise that Samuel Adams was not chosen. In
consideration of his eminent services in the cause of independence,
and of his position in the Continental Congress, where he
was still occupied, it would be charitable to think that
his constituents were so sensible of his value to the
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federal cause that they would not tempt him to absence
by calling him Comb to occupy the gubernatorial chair.
Speaker 2 (03:23):
It is to be.
Speaker 1 (03:24):
Feared, however, that less worthy considerations made for the success
of his rival. Adams's friendly biographers have not hesitated to
perpetuate the story that in the estrangement between the two men,
the supporters of Hancock had worked against Adams, with the
former's consent. An additional explanation can be found in the
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fact that there was a reconstruction party which followed that
of demolition, to which Adams belonged, if he was not
its creator, less radical and more conservative and constructive than
his own. Politics, too, were succeeding to pure patriotism in
the new order, and builders followed the wreckers. To his
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sympathizing wife, Adams wrote a dignified letter with no note
of disappointment at what she had deemed republican ingratitude. A
few sentences will reveal the tone of it. Many circumstances
have combined to make this election appear to be politically necessary.
If the people will watch over men whom they exalt
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to places of power, I flatter myself that this will
prove a happy choice. I wish that he may have
the most faithful counselors to assist him in the administration
of affairs. What Adams lacked in resentment has been supplied
so long afterward that it is difficult to ascertain the
exact grounds for charges against Hancock. Insinuations and general remarks
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about his vanity, caprice, and similar failings with animosities for
which there was some excuse. Do not substantiate accusations of
malicious disparagement of Adams through the agency of friends. If true,
it was not the first instance, as it was not
the last, in which political prejudices have found expression in
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terms not advantageous to the opposition. But the proof in
this case is a matter of tradition rather than history,
and much more vague than the vilification of Hancock by
Lego in the campaign already mentioned, in which more definite
detraction was printed than can be laid to the charge
of Hancock or his friends with respect to Samuel Adams.
Speaker 2 (05:32):
Passing over this.
Speaker 1 (05:33):
Political aspersion as incident to a political campaign, it is
of more account to ask how Hancock entered upon the
duties and responsibilities of the first governorship of the Commonwealth
of Massachusetts. On October twenty fifth, seventeen eighty. His inaugural
address should be taken as outlining his disposition and policy
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in a new and trying condition of affairs. Previous to
taking the oath of office, he remarked to the assembly
of both Houses in the Council Chamber, honorable gentlemen, it
would have ill become me at so early a moment
after being notified of my appointment by the respectable Committee
of this honorable Assembly to appear here and to comply
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with the qualifying requisitions of the Constitution, had not the
circumstances of the returns made the choice a matter of
public notoriety some weeks past, and receiving it from such
authority as confirmed its reality, led me to contemplate the subject, and,
although fully sensible of my inability to the important purposes
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of the appointment, yet having in the early stage of
this contest, determined to devote my whole time and services
to be employed in my country's cause, to the utter
exclusion of all private business, even to the end of
the war, and being ever ready to obey the call
of my country, I venture to offer myself ready to
comply with the requisitions of the Constitution, and regularly and
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punctually attend to the duties of the department in which
my country has been pleased to place me. The oath taken,
he was declared governor from the balcony of the State House.
His first inaugural address then followed. A part of it
is given here, Gentlemen of the Senate and gentlemen of
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the House of representatives. With a sincere and warm heart,
I congratulate you in my country on the singular favor
of Heaven. In the peaceable and auspicious settlement of our
government upon a constitution formed by the wisdom and sanctified
by the solemn choice of the people who are to
live under it.
Speaker 2 (07:40):
May the supreme.
Speaker 1 (07:41):
Ruler of the world be pleased to establish and perpetuate
these new foundations of liberty and glory. Finding myself at
the head of this commonwealth by the free suffrages of
its citizens, while I most sensibly feel the distinction they
have conferred upon me in this election, I am at
a law to express sentiments of the gratitude with which
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it has impressed me. In addition to my natural affection
for them and the obligations they have before laid upon me,
I have now a new and irresistible motive ever to
consider their happiness as my greatest interest, and their freedom
my highest honor. All of the weighty business that lies
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before you, a point of the first importance and most
pressing necessity is the establishment of the army in such
consistency and force, and with such seasonable and competent supplies
as may render it in conjunction with the respectable forces
sent to our assistance by our powerful and generous ally
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an effectual defense to the free constitutions and independence of
the United States. You cannot give too early or too
serious attention to that proportion of this business that falls
to the share of this commonwealth. The Commander in Chief,
in whose amabilities and integrity we justly repose the highest confidence,
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has repeatedly stated to us the necessity of an army.
Speaker 2 (09:07):
Engaged for the whole war.
Speaker 1 (09:10):
Nor should a moment of time be lost in establishing
an object so essential to the preservation of our liberties.
Care at the same time ought to be taken that
the necessary supplies be committed to men on whose principles
and affection to our great cause, as well as capacity
for such service, we may safely depend. The support of
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the public faith stands in close connection with this measure
of defense, and indeed is absolutely necessary to it and
to the whole interest and honor of the state. No
expedient should be unexplored to maintain our credit and remove
all just ground of complaint from the army that protects us,
or from those who have relied on public engagements. What
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friend to his country, would not cheerfully bear his proportion
of the expense necessary for this purpose. I will answer
the present purpose to outline the substance of this address.
From this point he proceeds to emphasize the need of
attention to methods of intercourse with Great Britain, and of
care with regard to secret enemies at home and abroad,
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with the protection of sea coasts and commerce, as well
as the defense of the western frontier. Support of the
separation of legislative additional powers of the government is recommended.
Also an avoidance of any infringement of the rights of conscience,
which evidently suggests that a plea for the relief of
the teachers of religion and morality who had suffered by
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the deprecation of currency, also for distressed widows and orphans
of soldiers, a due observance of the Lord's Day, and
the support of religious institutions deserves the attention of civil government. Also,
provision for the education of youth established by the fathers
should be continued and increased in the care and patronage
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of public schools and the University at Cambridge. Early revision
of the Laws of the Commonwealth is recommended with special
reference to the militia, and for the suppression of idleness, dissipation, extravagance,
and the encouragement of their contrasting virtues. In all these
measures he promised cheerful concurrence in every dispatch in his power.
Speaker 2 (11:24):
He closed with these.
Speaker 1 (11:25):
Words, May the new Government diffuse a new animation through
the whole political body. The people expect much from it,
perhaps more in some points than circumstances will allow it
to perform. But standing as we do upon their choice
and affections, and strenuously exerting ourselves as we ought for
their interests, they may find it happily advanced. May Heaven
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assist us to set out well to brighten the auspices
of our Constitution, to render it still more beloved and
admired by the citizens of this Commonwealth, and to recommend
it to the whole world by a wise and impartial,
a firm and vigorous administration of it. Hancock's disposition led
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him to usher in the new government with a display
which many considered unbecoming in a time of general depression.
Others were glad of a few days festivity in the
prevailing want and financial distress. So long as it costs
them little or nothing beyond appropriate dress for the round
of balls and glittering entertainments with which the new government
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was inaugurated. The governor himself appeared in the elegant chariot
which caused so much comment in Philadelphia two years before,
when it was attended by four servants in livery, mounted
on fine horses, richly caparisoned, and escorted by fifty horsemen
with drawn sabers, half of whom preceded and the other
half followed his carriage. When Plain Sad Adams heard of
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the reproduction of what he had seen in the Quaker city,
he wrote, I am afraid there is more pomp and
parade than his Consistent with sober republican principle, why should
this new era be introduced with entertainments expensive intending to
dissipate the minds of the people. But this was Hancock's
supreme hour. He had attained the highest political eminence possible
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to a civilian. He was going to make the most
of it for his own gratification and for the entertainment
of his friends. His warehouse had been burned, but the
British had not greatly damaged his mansion, and his fortune
was not all gone. Moreover, there was no lack of
furnishings and table appointments suited to his lavish hospitality. The
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linen tablecloths and napkins in which the host took such pride,
he declared, were the most genteel in the country. Six
dozen pewter plates bearing his family crest, kept bright with
daily use of polishing, were more to his liking than
the India chest set, as it was softer and rattled less,
and food was less apt to fall off. Much of
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his silver boar the Tower of London stamp. There were
four dozen silver forks, the same number of spoons, several
tankards of different sizes, up to a gallon flagon, which
was devoted to hot punch and named for his friend
Solomon Townsend, probably in token of that worthy's capacity and valor.
At the festive board, a silver porter cup of half
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a gallon, whose two handles might have made it serve
as a loving cup, passing from hand to hand. Four
silver chafing dishes elaborately chased, as many butter boats asparagus tongs,
and half a dozen heavy silver candlesticks with snuffers and trays.
To match silver, finger bowls and salvers in their place
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and time, all together made table and sideboard resplendent. According
to the taste of the day. The fair matched to
table furnishings. The cowdfish, which he took pains to have
from the bay when he lived in Philadelphia and Balti,
was good enough for his spring fast Day dinner, and
the first salmon of the season, for which he paid
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a guinea, was a delicacy on any feast day, albeit
he by no means subsisted upon fish alone, as is
evident from his purchasing orders and complimentary remembrances to friends,
even as far away as London. People ate to live
in those days, even if some of them lived to
eat and to drink, thereby hastening their demise. Apparel matched
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other splendors in the Hancock House. A hint of this
can be seen in the scarlet velvet coat and white
silk embroidered waistcoat preserved in the old State House, supplemented
in their day by silk of many colors and lace
without end. The costliness of Missus Hancock's attire and its
variety do not so much amaze the present day woman,
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since between the adornment of colonial dames then and now,
there is less difference than between that of their respective consorts.
A wedding fan of white kid painted in Paris with
appropriate designs, and a piece of muslin costing in India six.
Speaker 2 (16:10):
Dollars a yard before it left the loom, will.
Speaker 1 (16:13):
Appear extravagant to some other women may think that Missus
Hancock was moderate in her expenditures. It is a matter
of comparative ability among contemporaries. At this time, Hancock kept
the reputation of being one of the wealthiest citizens in
a town where everybody had suffered losses and all values
had been depleted by the distresses of the war years,
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the first of them had interrupted business with London and
other foreign ports. Accounts could not be adjusted with agents
nor collections made abroad. While at home, great losses occurred
in the depreciation of paper currency, which the States found
it easier to print than to redeem. Hancock lost thousands
of pounds sterling, which should be placed to the credit
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of his patriotism in a time when, as in recent wars,
there were many who talked noisily for a cause which
made them rich through its necessities and their own greed.
History remembers its military heroes but forgets the men who
furnish arms and ammunition. After a decade, Hancock's public service
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occupied so much of his time and attention that he
turned his business affairs over to an agent, William Hoskins,
to act for him at home and abroad. His native
town and Senate had conferred their highest honors upon him,
and the return he made was such as he could
best render for values received. Even though it went further
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with the populace than its costs would have gone with
the needy army. If it also gratified his vanity and
contributed to his popularity and political success, that was his
partial compensation for what he lavished. Because he was vain
and sometimes capricious, it is not necessary to assert that
every generous act of his was to win applause, since
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until his governorship and even the later Treaty of Peace,
the outlook for any prominent patriot was far from assuring.
Nor did the governor of the new state find conditions
vastly improved over those of the old colony. The inhabitants
had not changed their nature with their political constitution, Depression
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and discontent prevailed in the land, privation and distress in
the army. In New England, courage and determinations slackened after
disasters in the south, and there was a growing desire
for peace in some sections which were getting ready to
accept liberal terms of settlement without express acknowledgment of independence,
which the British ministry offered. Although Massachusetts did not propose
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such abandoning of its steadfast purpose, it had troubles of
its own ambushed in the near future. The cessation of
hostilities soon after Cornwallis's surrender by no means ended embarrassments
for the governor of a state. War had brought new
evils which were to flourish after its close. Privateering and
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speculation and war contracts had made rich, daring and venturesome men,
creating distinctions of wealth, breeding discontent between classes and masses,
town and country people. Back in the Western counties, strife
was brewing over taxation and debt. Courts were menaced with violence.
In Springfield and Northampton. Armed malcontents assembled in the field
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against state forces, which they captured and released in Hadley
by the Riverside, to be themselves made captive in turn
by the militia and dispersed, but the mob spirit was
not annihilated. It would soon break out again. The causes
of discontent were increasing. The year seventeen eighty was one
of disasters in the South. Charleston had surrendered and the
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state government was overrun by the British. Gates had been
ignominiously defeated. It was the dark hour before daybreak, and
no one as yet saw a streak of dawn. Four
years had passed since independence was declared, but the states
were neither free nor united. Congress was deteriorating. There was
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no efficient administration, the conduct of the war languished. Resources
and energies were wasted. The symptom of general depression, which
was most evident, was the financial condition. It was easier
to issue paper currency than to give it much value,
so Congress printed more and more of it, until, as
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Washington said, it took a wagon load of money to
buy a wagon load of provisions. Not worth a continental
is a phrase which has come down from the month
of Hancock's first inauguration, when it took ten paper dollars
to make a cent. When Indian corn was sold at
wholesale in Boston for fifteen one thousand, dollars, a bushel
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butter at twelve thousand pound, tea nine thousand sugar, one
thousand beef eight hundred, and a barrel of flour at
one hundred and fifty seven thousand, five hundred dollars. If
the poor imprudence Samuel Adams paid two thousand dollars for
a hat and a suit of clothes, what might John
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Hancock's annual outfit have cost is a problem to be
computed by logarithmic calculation or by the cartload of paper money.
Of course, this variable and almost valueless currency was a
boon to impecunious debtors when no agreement had been made
with their creditors about standards in payment. He was poor, indeed,
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and honest who would not discharge a debt of one
thousand dollars with ten in gold. But many did this
to the ruin of friends who had trusted to their
honor and to their financial standing. Of a confederacy which
was not yet a nation among the nations of the earth.
It has been seen that the first governor urged making
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efforts to maintain the credit of the state. These were
not very successful. The General Court's appeal to the people
contained suggestive words about giving up every consideration of private
advantage and the inattention or avarice of any part of
the community. The nine hundred and fifty thousand pounds was
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the estimate of what would be required by the state
for the year seventeen eighty one. The means proposed to
meet this need were uncollected taxes, sales of loyalists estates,
a direct tax of three hundred and twenty thousand pounds, and.
Speaker 2 (22:40):
Borrowing the remainder.
Speaker 1 (22:42):
In addition, Congress called on Massachusetts for its proportion of
war assessment, amounting to almost two million dollars. Taken altogether,
it was a staggering burden for a poverty stricken state
whose industries had been crippled by British oppression and war.
In their despair, some attempted to interfere with the administration
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of justice and enforcement of the laws, but the intelligence
and fidelity of the better part prevailed. The next year,
the state was obliged to borrow, paying the troops what
it could, and hoping for a return from the United
States sometime in the future. When the war ended in
the spring of seventeen eighty three, there was great rejoicing,
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but financial troubles were not over. The public debt was
so large that many said it would be impossible to
pay it, and they saw no way out but by repudiation.
To the loss of creditors and the destitution of returned soldiers,
Governor Hancock urged the General Court to make immediate provision
for paying officers and soldiers at least a part of
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their dues, reminding legislators of the obligations of the country
for meritorious services which should.
Speaker 2 (23:55):
Never be forgotten.
Speaker 1 (23:57):
Upon his recommendation, an additional tax of four hundred seventy
thousand dollars was.
Speaker 2 (24:02):
Voted for this purpose.
Speaker 1 (24:04):
Soldier's certificates for wages were at this time bringing only
twelve and a half cents on the dollar, a mere
pittance for their services and sufferings. All these circumstances, severally
and together, caused a widespread discontent, which was not allayed
by the call in seventeen eighty four for one million,
eight hundred thousand dollars as the state's share of a
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congressional assessment upon the country for that year, with ninety
five thousand dollars more to satisfy immediate demands to pay
inter's due, and an installment on a debt.
Speaker 2 (24:38):
In Europe for funds borrowed by Franklin for the state.
Speaker 1 (24:41):
At this time, also, questions of state sovereignty and the
rights of refugees to their property abandoned in flight caused
discussions which added to the burdens of the executive office.
After five years in it, Hancock's health became seriously affected,
and in the winter of seventeen eighty five he deemed
it prudent to resign. No doubt his withdrawal, if not
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his malady, was hastened by complaints of the discontented that
stronger measures had not been employed and more promptly to
collect the public taxes. It was an instance of forbearance
and leniency against necessity and duty. Some were quick to
impute such clemency to a love of popularity or a
lack of firmness in his administration. It is more probable
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that he saw a storm gathering which he could not
avert and had not the physical strength to weather, and
so was willing to let a rival candidate in a
former election take his turn. In an ominous year, James
Bodwin was elected his successor in May seventeen eighty five.
At the same time, Hancock was chosen one of the
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representatives to the General Court, and afterward a delegate to
Congress again, where he was elected its president once more.
Speaker 2 (25:57):
For the short time that he remained, he had only to.
Speaker 1 (26:00):
Appear as a member of a deliberative body to be
chosen to preside over it. When it is remembered what
a test of fairness and good temper such a position is,
it is strong evidence of their possession.
Speaker 2 (26:13):
That he was repeatedly called to.
Speaker 1 (26:15):
The chairmanship of this and that assembly, from town meetings
to the Federal Congress. Governor Bodwin had been elected by
the legislature, as there was no choice by the people in.
Speaker 2 (26:26):
A divided ballot.
Speaker 1 (26:28):
He took the chair in a critical time, knowing the
difficulties that would beset him. A state debt of ten
million dollars with no system of credit, resources exhausted, and
discontent prevailing made the situation full of anxiety. His first
appeal was to maintain the credit of the state by
punctual payment of interest and the diminuation of public debt.
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Also for industry, retrenchment and economy, all of which the
legislature received with approbation and resolves of cooperation, but the
people were to be heard from the prospect of raising
three hundred and thirty thousand dollars annually for fifteen years
to clear off their debts was appalling, and the lawless
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element rose in arms against the authority of the state
and of the courts. In order to delay payment of
personal debts. The lower class of malcontents chose two captains
who had seen service and threatened courthouses, causing the justices
to adjourn trials. The militia was called out in the
eastern counties to disperse insurgents, but the courts deemed it
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prudent to discontinue business. A law was passed against riots
and the writ of Habyst Corpus was suspended, and the
governor was requested to hold the militia in readiness to
protect the courts. At the same time, pardon was offered
for past disorderly offenses on the premise of allegiance.
Speaker 2 (27:57):
To the Commonwealth.
Speaker 1 (27:59):
The lawless miss interpreted this forbearance, and the violent urged,
bringing the government to terms by marching to the capitol
and liberating friends who were held for trial. Instead, three
hundred marched to Springfield and took possession of the courthouse,
where their number was increased to two thousand. Then they
advanced toward the arsenal to find General Shepherd with a
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thousand militiamen in possession.
Speaker 2 (28:23):
After the first.
Speaker 1 (28:24):
Volley, the rioters fled to the next town with a
loss of three killed. On the arrival of militia reinforcements,
which under General Lincoln quelled another uprising in Berkshire, the
rebels were dispersed after one hundred and fifty had been captured,
the ring leaders leaving the state for their safety. By
the prudence and firmness of the governor, supported by the
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legislature and the militia, most of whom were more distressed
than the rebellious mob, the limits of personal freedom in
the state were defined and licensed rebute. Fourteen were sentenced
to die, of whom eight were aftas toward pardoned, and
the others reprieved. Thus ended Shay's rebellion, quelled by the
vigor of James Bodwin. As to what John Hancock would
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have done with it, there were diverse opinions. Generally, it
was conceded that, in his state of infirm health, and
with his lenient spirit joined to his regard for favor
among classes. It was worldly wisdom in him to be
free from official responsibility in this perilous juncture. But there
was no wind that did not blow some good to him.
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Governor Bodwin's decision and promptness, which saved the state, was
contrasted by the restless with the milder course which Hancock
might have pursued without considering its disastrous consequences to the
people at large. Accordingly, the disguntled were ready to avenge
themselves at the next election by throwing Bodwin over and
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choosing Hancock, who had now conveniently recovered so far that
he dared undertake a peaceful administration. It was also thought
that he would favor more indulgent measures towards the people
in deferring the collection of taxes and in the payment
of the public debt. He had by no means countenance disorder,
but was considered more compassionate or patient in the distressed
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condition of the people. The popular approval of his candidacy
was measured by the large majority of votes which he received.
Although Governor Bodwin had a generous support, probably from the
more respectable voters. Early in this administration, Governor Hancock won
praise by relinquishing a third of his salary at a
time when a committee was considering the expediency of reducing
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certain official stipends. It was a good example, which fortunately
he was able to set, but he wished that it
might not be considered as holding for over one year.
When in the following year he intimated his wish for
a return to the original amount, the legislator prolonged his
temporary benevolence by not granting him desire. Governor Bodwin did
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not listen to a similar suggestion in his administration, and
it was reported that his successor regretted that he had
not pursued the same course. The difference between voluntary generosity
and involuntary became inconveniently apparent the second year, with an
unusual application of the adage he gives twice who gives promptly.
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The Federal Constitution was laid before the States for approval
at this time, and was laid before the Massachusetts Legislature
by the governor with commentatory words on the result of
wise deliberation in Congress. In a conciliatory spirit by some
of the ablest men in the Union, and he suggested
calling a convention to consider its approval. Three hundred and
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sixty delegates assembled in January seventeen eighty eight and chose
Governor Hancock to preside. Opposition to the constitution appeared at
once as abridging the proroga of state legislatures and giving
too much power to Congress. State sovereignty and state separatism
were convictions not easily eradicated. Sectional antagonism came to the
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front over the provision to count five slaves as three
freemen in apportioning the number of representatives from the Southern states.
As the discussion went on, it came to be understood
that the government would be partly federal and partly national,
national in matters relating to the welfare of the Union,
federal in its powers for specific purposes to which no
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single state was competent. Opponents were at first in the
majority and might have succeeded in rejecting the Constitution if
Governor Hancock had not proposed that several articles embodying suggestions
that had been made during the debate of three weeks
should be recommended for incorporation in the Constitution. In the
hope that these definitive and restrictive amendments might be adopted.
(32:57):
Several were induced to vote for radiae vacation, and the
endorsement finally passed.
Speaker 2 (33:02):
By a small majority.
Speaker 1 (33:05):
The wisdom of Hancock's action was confirmed in the approval
of the suggested amendments by two thirds of the states
and the incorporation of these provisions into the Constitution. They
were not altogether of his devising. He did not pose
as a statesman, but he had the tact and influence
and wisdom to guide a many minded assembly into the
(33:26):
best way out of difficulty and to the saving of
the Confederacy from practical dissolution. At this point, it is
proper to notice a charge made against him at the
time by his political enemies, which has been perpetuated in
tradition and narrative. When the Convention assembled, the federalist friends
of the Constitution had extreme doubts about its acceptance. The
(33:50):
opposition were reasonably confident of its rejection. Not until the
scheme of amendments was devised, could much favorable progress be
made To give weight to the proposal. It was deemed
advisable to have it emanate from someone occupying a neutral position,
having the confidence of the people, and with great influence
(34:11):
over them. Hancock, president of the Convention, was selected as
such a man up to the amendment device. He had
not declared for the Constitution, nor had he appeared in
the chair. His detractors said that his convenient gout kept
him at home, and added that he was induced to
attend at last by promises of support at the next
(34:33):
gubernatorial election and of nomination to the vice presidency, which
had already been talked of, especially in the South. His
friends might have answered that he was suffering greatly in
these last years, but came in spite of his infirmities,
and that.
Speaker 2 (34:49):
If promises of preferment.
Speaker 1 (34:51):
Were made, it was not the first instance of political
methods of persuasion, as it was by no means to
be the last. The truth it is that in so
momentous a question Hancock was no more hesitant than the
Convention itself, a majority of which was at first Sam
Adams among the number opposed to the constitution. When the
(35:13):
prejudices of some were modified by qualifying amendments formulated by
Federals leaders, Hancock saw a possible settlement of the question.
Then he was encouraged to propose and defend the added provisions,
leaving the chair and taking the floor for this purpose,
with such success that even Samuel Adams was induced to
move their adoption. A sufficient number were also persuaded to
(35:37):
side with the Federalists to carry the ratification by nineteen
votes out of a total of three hundred and fifty five,
so narrow a majority as to indicate that there were
still many doubts as to the expediency of a constitutional government. When, however,
the measure was finally carried, the opposition gracefully and rapidly acquiesced,
(35:58):
and great was the rejoicing in Boston and throughout the Commonwealth.
A result of still greater consequence followed in the endorsement
of the Constitution by states which had waited to see
how Massachusetts would go, whose lead would have been followed
in rejecting as readily as an accepting a union. If
(36:19):
then the constitutional union of States depended upon the decision
of Massachusetts, as the record shows, and if this decision
was brought about by the instrumentality of John Hancock, what
measure of credit can fairly be accorded him for his
share in saving the republic and its infancy. Grant that
he was merely a hinge on which the stupendous issue
(36:42):
slowly turned, there was enough a force in it to
swing open the portal for a broadening future of liberty
and union under a constitution instead of disintegration under a
loose confederacy of petty principalities say that he was no
more than the pivot on which the scale bar trembles
in waivers. But when his words and influence were thrown
(37:04):
into the right scale, was he a mere spokesman of
the federalists, or once more a deliverer of discordant states
from eventual separation. He had helped to keep up the
French Alliance in the time when it might have been
dissolved to the loss of our independence. Now he more
than assisted in making liberty continuous in the United Nation.
Speaker 2 (37:27):
If he was not a.
Speaker 1 (37:28):
Great man, he was most fortunate in standing at the
parting of the ways and in pointing out the direction
in which victory and perpetuity.
Speaker 2 (37:36):
Were eventually found to lie.
Speaker 1 (37:39):
If his presence, his influence, his urbanity, his personality had
been absent on two critical occasions, at least, the fortunes
of the country might have been great misfortunes, let him
have the honor that is his due. The following extract
from his message to the Legislature of Massachusetts in seventy,
(38:00):
copied from the manuscript in the Greeno collection, is an
illustration of his attitude. I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the
accession of another state to our union.
Speaker 2 (38:12):
And I am happy to.
Speaker 1 (38:13):
Say that I am persuaded that the wisdom and tried
patriotism of the citizens of Rhode Island will very soon
complete the union of all the independent states of America
under the system of general national government, the administration of
which cannot fail to establish peace and harmony between them
at home. I congratulate you with great pleasure, gentlemen, upon
(38:36):
the happy situation of our country. But the pleasing prospects
afforded by Divine Providence ought not by any means to
be the occasion of our relaxing in our endeavors for
the public weal, as if in recompense, his own state
was almost the first to profit by the new order.
(38:57):
On the adjustment of claims for advances made to the
God Government, it was found that Massachusetts had already paid
a large proportion of her dues, leaving a small amount
to be met taxes being reduced. Prosperity followed a new
stability under the Union. Soldiers who had been able to
keep their certificates were having them paid principal and interest.
(39:19):
Good feeling was restored, and the governor's customary good fortune
returned with his reoccupation of the gubernatorial chair, to which
he was again elected the following year. Prosperity, however, has
its dangers, as when his arbitrary treatment of Lieutenant Governor
Lincoln recalled his occasional sobriquet of King Hancock. It might
(39:41):
have been a peak at the general's successful quelling of
Chat's rebellion, but whatever the cause, his conduct towards Lincoln
was ungenerous, to say the least. The Lieutenant Governor, as
such received no salary, but had usually been appointed commander
of the castle with a thousand dollars compensation for his services.
(40:01):
Governor Hancock did not appoint General Lincoln to the command.
When inquiry was made by the legislature, the governor replied
that he had the sole right to appoint, and that
it was for him to decide whether or not he
would have anyone to command the castle. He may have
had the legislative economy in mind by which his own
(40:21):
salary was cut down, but this was the arbitrary act
of one man in power, by which he deservedly lost
many friends. A committee was formed which reported in favor
of a salary of six hundred dollars that sum Hancock's
party in the House reduced to five hundred and thirty
three dollars. However, his arbitrary act was rebuked by this
(40:43):
vote of the General Court. With better grace, he endorsed
what may have been an overstatement of his real sentiments
in an address to President Washington at his inauguration in
April seventeen eighty one, in which gratitude was expressed for
his services, admiration of his character, confidence in his wisdom,
and the expectation of justice, fortitude, and patriotism in his administration,
(41:08):
to which were added congratulations and prayers for the divine
protection and blessing. In his first message to the Legislature
after the federal government was established, he spoke of the
benefits to be expected from it to the nation and
the state, and commended it to the confidence and support
of the people. Also, the practice of private and social virtues,
(41:30):
the encouragement of learning and education as necessary to a
free government. Our wise and magnominious ancestors were very careful
and liberal in the establishment of institutions for this purpose,
among which the University in Cambridge and grammar schools in
the several towns were believed highly important. Every necessary attention,
(41:51):
I trust will be paid to the former, and I
cannot but earnestly recommend to your inquiry this reason the
latter is so much neglected in the state. The last
part of this sentence is not so noticeable as his
commendation of Harvard College at a time when it was
weary with making requests to him as its treasurer for
a settlement of neglected accounts. Nevertheless, it returned his complement,
(42:15):
as will be noted later. His suggestion of provision for
common schools was followed by reviving an early statute by
which towns of two hundred families were required to employ
graduate teachers who could interest youth in the Latin and
Greek languages, and in smaller towns teachers were to have
a correct knowledge of English. So much he did toward
(42:38):
the revival of learning in New England at this session,
the legislator complimented the governor by naming one of the
two new counties in the main district for himself and
the other for Washington, with whom the governor was doubtless
pleased to be associated. Still, his notion of the respective
dignity of state and federal executives would make the honor
(43:01):
of this connection reciprocal. To what extent he held such
comfortable views was illustrated on the occasion of Washington's visit
to New England soon after his taking the presidential office.
After Hancock's return from the Presidency of Congress and his
election to the chief magistracy of his native state, his
(43:21):
opinion of his.
Speaker 2 (43:22):
Own position could not have been impaired.
Speaker 1 (43:25):
He had arrived at what, in those days was a
greater distinction than any except military chieftainship. He had attained
to civic eminence, since there was no greater political honor
than to be governor of Massachusetts. In the years before
the war closed, the Confederation completed, and a president of
the United States elected, Even then, there was a general
(43:47):
disposition to magnify the relative importance of a sovereign state
in comparison with that of the new nation. For it
will be remembered that the untried Federation was regarded with
doubt and suspicion by many beside Samuel Adams. It was
therefore a debatable question whether the president of an assemblage
of naturally repellent principalities had as yet the definite authority
(44:11):
and prestige with which nearly two centuries of custom had
clothed the August person of the Chief Magistrate of Massachusetts,
Hancock had now for nine years been the successor to
a long and distinguished line of governors, and was the
first in the new state as the successor to the
province with little change in externals. When the newly elected
(44:33):
President of the recently and loosely United States was approaching
Boston with a retinue which nowadays would not be considered
as republican in simplicity. In addition to two secretaries and
six servants, deputations military and civil had furnished escort from
the state border at Springfield, through Worcester to Cambridge, where
(44:55):
he was met by Samuel Adams and the Governor's Council
at ten o'clock on Sunday in October twenty fourth, with
an invitation to dine with Governor Hancock when he should
reach Boston on Washington's arriving at the neck, he was
met by the selectman, but at the town line, where
he expected to meet the Governor, his excellency did not appear.
(45:16):
There was an embarrassing delay for his possible arrival. The
day was cold and raw, his suite mounted and waiting
to enter the town at length. When it was reported
that the Governor was not likely to show himself. The
President inquired if there was no other road to the town,
and was about to turn back when he was informed
(45:36):
that the municipal authorities were awaiting him. Out of respect
to them, he passed on between lines of citizens classed
in their different professions and under their own banners, amidst
acclamations of the people, to the State House. There he
asked if the Governor was in his room above, because
if he were, he should not ascend the stairs. Being
(45:59):
assured that he was not, he went up to the
balcony conducted by the Lieutenant Governor and council, saw the
long procession pass, and then went to the lodgings secured
for him at Widow Ingersoll's, which is a very decent
and good house. Thither a messenger came from the government
to say that dinner was waiting. He returned with a
(46:20):
reply that the President would dine at his lodgings. Washington
wrote in his diary, having engaged today to take an
informal dinner with the Governor today, but under full persuasion
that he should have waited upon me as soon as
I should have arrived. I excused myself upon his not
doing it, and informing me through his secretary that he
(46:41):
was too much indisposed to do it. Being resolved to
receive the visit, dined at my lodgings, where the Vice
President favored me with his company. When the populace understood
the situation, they voiced their resentment of this indignity towards
the nation's head. For the town was strongly federal and
its sentiments, and moreover it had not forgotten its deliverance
(47:04):
from the British thirteen years before. As a paneled arch
and canopy by the State House signified bearing the inscription
Boston relieved March seventeenth, seventeen seventy six. The town would
have been glad to entertain the president if it had
not understood that the governor claimed the honor to have
Washington dine at his lodgings, mortified municipal pride as reflecting
(47:27):
upon its sense of honor and gratitude due to the
beloved head.
Speaker 2 (47:31):
Of the nation.
Speaker 1 (47:33):
Hancock's popularity was in peril. By evening, he knew that
he must make amends.
Speaker 2 (47:38):
To recover lost favor.
Speaker 1 (47:40):
Accordingly, two members of his council were sent with explanations
and apologies, saying in the governor's behalf that he was
not well, to which the President replied, gentlemen, I am
a frank man, and I will be frank on this
occasion for myself. You will believe me. I do not
regard ceremony, but there is an etiquette do my office
(48:01):
which I am not at liberty to waive. My claim
to The attention that has been omitted rests upon the
question whether the whole is greater than a part. I
am told that the course taken has been designed, and
that the subject was considered in council. This was denied,
but it was admitted that it had been observed that
(48:21):
the President of the United States was one person, and
the ambassador of the French Republic another, why that remark, sir,
if the subject was not before the Council. This circumstance
has been so disagreeable and mortifying that I must say,
notwithstanding all the marks of respect and affection received from
the inhabitants of Boston, had I anticipated it, I would
(48:44):
have avoided the place. Governor Hancock was then advised by
his friends, after consultation on the matter by them, to
reconsider his action and waive his view of etiquette, whereupon
he wrote, Sunday twenty six October, half past twelve o'clock,
the Governor's best respects to the President. If at home
and at leisure, the Governor will do himself the honor
(49:07):
to pay his respects in half an hour. This would
have been done much sooner had his health in any
degree permitted. He now hazards everything as it respects his health,
for the desirable purpose. To this, Washington replied, Sunday twenty
six October one o'clock, the President of the United States
(49:28):
presents his best respects to the Governor, and has the
honor to inform him that he shall be at home
till two o'clock. The President needs not express the pleasure
will give him to see the governor, but at the
same time he most earnestly begs that the governor will
not hazard his health. On the occasion, swathed in red bays,
Hancock rode in his coach to Washington's lodging house at
(49:51):
the corner of Tremont and Court Streets, where he was born.
In the arms of attendance to the president's apartments. Washington
accepted he Hancock's invitation to dine with him, also another
from the state authorities to a public dinner at which
Hancock was not present, as he could not be consistently
with his severe and dramatic attack of the gout. It
(50:13):
had served him a good turn in covering his retreat
from high official ground, which Washington had held on his
part with equal tenacity on this and other occasions, as
was his well known custom. But having yielded to the
clamor of the town at the hazard of everything as
it respects his health, Hancock evidently considered that he had
(50:34):
discharged all official obligation. The entire episode would be amusing
if it were merely a matter of personal etiquette between
two gentlemen of the old school. Added to this, however,
was the underlying sense of each as to what he represented.
From Washington's viewpoint, the aggregation of states was greater than
(50:57):
one of them. Hancock regarded the age and stability and
prestige of Massachusetts as superior to the rope of sand
which held the new Federation together, or the untested chain
whose weak links might soon be discovered. Or if he
agreed with Washington that the whole is greater than a part,
(51:18):
he had some reason to think that he had been
overlooked a second time when the chief magistracy of the
country had been given to eminence in arms rather than
in civil affairs, as has happened after wars since the Revolution.
In the instance of the first presidential election, Washington's qualifications
were so supreme that competition with the commander in chief
(51:41):
would not have been thought of by any man of
just self estimation, or by anyone who could rightly weigh
the nation's general sentiments of gratitude and esteem.
Speaker 2 (51:52):
The verdict of time.
Speaker 1 (51:53):
Endorses the judgment of contemporaries that Washington was both a
great general and a wise president, which can not be
said of some of his successors. The ceremonial episode does
not appear to have permanently injured Governor Hancock's popularity. The
Sentinel of that week coupled his name with Washington's in verse,
(52:15):
which ran, thou too illustrious Hancock by his side, in
every lowering hour of danger, triede with him conspicuous o'er
the beamy page descend the theme of every future age.
When first the sword of early war we drew, the
king presaging fixed his eye on you, twas your dread
(52:39):
finger pressed the sacred seal, whence rose to sovereign power,
the public weal. Poetry, truth, and praise are not without
their drawbacks here, but doubtless they had their customary worth
in a time when printed matter was accepted at its
face value. Besides, the descendants of Puritans, like their forefathers,
(53:02):
had a shamefaced fondness for poor verse. If of dogmatic
manufacture for the standard foreign brands, they had neither appreciation
nor toleration. End of Chapter seventeen
Chapter seventeen of John Hancock, The Picturesque Patriot by Lorenzo Sears.
This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. First governor
under the Constitution, Massachusetts, in common with some other states,
turned to the framing of a constitution when it appeared
probable that the statehood which had been declared would become permanent.
(00:25):
It has already been observed how much more important, in
its own opinion were the affairs of each state than
those of the nebulous union. This political system was in
a formative stage, but the centripetal forces were slow in
overcoming the centrifugal and in bringing repellent bodies around a
common center, which itself was vague and unformed. Hancock might
(00:47):
have brought the federal idea into Massachusetts councils from what
he had heard of it in Congress, but it is
to be feared that he had heard there more about
states rights and their retention and maintenance, if he did
not personally favour them to the prejudice of federation. Eight
years were to pass before all the colonies should cease
to consider themselves distinct republics, raising troops, making war on
(01:12):
their own responsibility and dealing with one another merely as
allies in a common cause, but not as parts of
an integral nation. On the first of September seventeen eighty,
three hundred delegates to a constitutional Convention met at Cambridge.
Hancock was among the number representing Boston. After a general
(01:32):
discussion of a declaration of rights and the appointment of
a committee of thirty to prepare the declaration and a
constitution of government, and a subcommittee of three to make
drafts in report, the convention adjourned.
Speaker 2 (01:45):
For six weeks.
Speaker 1 (01:47):
When it met again on the twenty eighth of October,
two questions that elicited lively discussion indicate that the people
were looking both backward and forward, first in the debate
about the support of ministers by the town according to
the old Puritan practice, and second on the question of
emancipating slaves and forbidding slave trade to the incidental damage
(02:09):
of the rum distilling industry. Adjourning often for lack of
a quorum and reassembling from time to time, the convention,
after six months evolved a constitution to be laid before
the people of the state for a two thirds vote
of approval. To help secure this, it was accompanied by
an explanatory address. By the first week in June, it
(02:32):
had been accepted by the towns, and the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts was more of a republic than ever with the
experiment of entire and unshared self government before it. For
the ensuing eight years. The first officer to be chosen
was a governor to this office. John Hancock was elected
by an overwhelming majority of eleven thousand out of twelve thousand,
(02:55):
two hundred and eighty one votes cast for seventeen candidates,
with some surprise that Samuel Adams was not chosen. In
consideration of his eminent services in the cause of independence,
and of his position in the Continental Congress, where he
was still occupied, it would be charitable to think that
his constituents were so sensible of his value to the
(03:16):
federal cause that they would not tempt him to absence
by calling him Comb to occupy the gubernatorial chair.
Speaker 2 (03:23):
It is to be.
Speaker 1 (03:24):
Feared, however, that less worthy considerations made for the success
of his rival. Adams's friendly biographers have not hesitated to
perpetuate the story that in the estrangement between the two men,
the supporters of Hancock had worked against Adams, with the
former's consent. An additional explanation can be found in the
(03:44):
fact that there was a reconstruction party which followed that
of demolition, to which Adams belonged, if he was not
its creator, less radical and more conservative and constructive than
his own. Politics, too, were succeeding to pure patriotism in
the new order, and builders followed the wreckers. To his
(04:05):
sympathizing wife, Adams wrote a dignified letter with no note
of disappointment at what she had deemed republican ingratitude. A
few sentences will reveal the tone of it. Many circumstances
have combined to make this election appear to be politically necessary.
If the people will watch over men whom they exalt
(04:25):
to places of power, I flatter myself that this will
prove a happy choice. I wish that he may have
the most faithful counselors to assist him in the administration
of affairs. What Adams lacked in resentment has been supplied
so long afterward that it is difficult to ascertain the
exact grounds for charges against Hancock. Insinuations and general remarks
(04:49):
about his vanity, caprice, and similar failings with animosities for
which there was some excuse. Do not substantiate accusations of
malicious disparagement of Adams through the agency of friends. If true,
it was not the first instance, as it was not
the last, in which political prejudices have found expression in
(05:11):
terms not advantageous to the opposition. But the proof in
this case is a matter of tradition rather than history,
and much more vague than the vilification of Hancock by
Lego in the campaign already mentioned, in which more definite
detraction was printed than can be laid to the charge
of Hancock or his friends with respect to Samuel Adams.
Speaker 2 (05:32):
Passing over this.
Speaker 1 (05:33):
Political aspersion as incident to a political campaign, it is
of more account to ask how Hancock entered upon the
duties and responsibilities of the first governorship of the Commonwealth
of Massachusetts. On October twenty fifth, seventeen eighty. His inaugural
address should be taken as outlining his disposition and policy
(05:53):
in a new and trying condition of affairs. Previous to
taking the oath of office, he remarked to the assembly
of both Houses in the Council Chamber, honorable gentlemen, it
would have ill become me at so early a moment
after being notified of my appointment by the respectable Committee
of this honorable Assembly to appear here and to comply
(06:16):
with the qualifying requisitions of the Constitution, had not the
circumstances of the returns made the choice a matter of
public notoriety some weeks past, and receiving it from such
authority as confirmed its reality, led me to contemplate the subject, and,
although fully sensible of my inability to the important purposes
(06:37):
of the appointment, yet having in the early stage of
this contest, determined to devote my whole time and services
to be employed in my country's cause, to the utter
exclusion of all private business, even to the end of
the war, and being ever ready to obey the call
of my country, I venture to offer myself ready to
comply with the requisitions of the Constitution, and regularly and
(07:01):
punctually attend to the duties of the department in which
my country has been pleased to place me. The oath taken,
he was declared governor from the balcony of the State House.
His first inaugural address then followed. A part of it
is given here, Gentlemen of the Senate and gentlemen of
(07:22):
the House of representatives. With a sincere and warm heart,
I congratulate you in my country on the singular favor
of Heaven. In the peaceable and auspicious settlement of our
government upon a constitution formed by the wisdom and sanctified
by the solemn choice of the people who are to
live under it.
Speaker 2 (07:40):
May the supreme.
Speaker 1 (07:41):
Ruler of the world be pleased to establish and perpetuate
these new foundations of liberty and glory. Finding myself at
the head of this commonwealth by the free suffrages of
its citizens, while I most sensibly feel the distinction they
have conferred upon me in this election, I am at
a law to express sentiments of the gratitude with which
(08:03):
it has impressed me. In addition to my natural affection
for them and the obligations they have before laid upon me,
I have now a new and irresistible motive ever to
consider their happiness as my greatest interest, and their freedom
my highest honor. All of the weighty business that lies
(08:23):
before you, a point of the first importance and most
pressing necessity is the establishment of the army in such
consistency and force, and with such seasonable and competent supplies
as may render it in conjunction with the respectable forces
sent to our assistance by our powerful and generous ally
(08:43):
an effectual defense to the free constitutions and independence of
the United States. You cannot give too early or too
serious attention to that proportion of this business that falls
to the share of this commonwealth. The Commander in Chief,
in whose amabilities and integrity we justly repose the highest confidence,
(09:04):
has repeatedly stated to us the necessity of an army.
Speaker 2 (09:07):
Engaged for the whole war.
Speaker 1 (09:10):
Nor should a moment of time be lost in establishing
an object so essential to the preservation of our liberties.
Care at the same time ought to be taken that
the necessary supplies be committed to men on whose principles
and affection to our great cause, as well as capacity
for such service, we may safely depend. The support of
(09:31):
the public faith stands in close connection with this measure
of defense, and indeed is absolutely necessary to it and
to the whole interest and honor of the state. No
expedient should be unexplored to maintain our credit and remove
all just ground of complaint from the army that protects us,
or from those who have relied on public engagements. What
(09:55):
friend to his country, would not cheerfully bear his proportion
of the expense necessary for this purpose. I will answer
the present purpose to outline the substance of this address.
From this point he proceeds to emphasize the need of
attention to methods of intercourse with Great Britain, and of
care with regard to secret enemies at home and abroad,
(10:16):
with the protection of sea coasts and commerce, as well
as the defense of the western frontier. Support of the
separation of legislative additional powers of the government is recommended.
Also an avoidance of any infringement of the rights of conscience,
which evidently suggests that a plea for the relief of
the teachers of religion and morality who had suffered by
(10:39):
the deprecation of currency, also for distressed widows and orphans
of soldiers, a due observance of the Lord's Day, and
the support of religious institutions deserves the attention of civil government. Also,
provision for the education of youth established by the fathers
should be continued and increased in the care and patronage
(11:00):
of public schools and the University at Cambridge. Early revision
of the Laws of the Commonwealth is recommended with special
reference to the militia, and for the suppression of idleness, dissipation, extravagance,
and the encouragement of their contrasting virtues. In all these
measures he promised cheerful concurrence in every dispatch in his power.
Speaker 2 (11:24):
He closed with these.
Speaker 1 (11:25):
Words, May the new Government diffuse a new animation through
the whole political body. The people expect much from it,
perhaps more in some points than circumstances will allow it
to perform. But standing as we do upon their choice
and affections, and strenuously exerting ourselves as we ought for
their interests, they may find it happily advanced. May Heaven
(11:48):
assist us to set out well to brighten the auspices
of our Constitution, to render it still more beloved and
admired by the citizens of this Commonwealth, and to recommend
it to the whole world by a wise and impartial,
a firm and vigorous administration of it. Hancock's disposition led
(12:08):
him to usher in the new government with a display
which many considered unbecoming in a time of general depression.
Others were glad of a few days festivity in the
prevailing want and financial distress. So long as it costs
them little or nothing beyond appropriate dress for the round
of balls and glittering entertainments with which the new government
(12:30):
was inaugurated. The governor himself appeared in the elegant chariot
which caused so much comment in Philadelphia two years before,
when it was attended by four servants in livery, mounted
on fine horses, richly caparisoned, and escorted by fifty horsemen
with drawn sabers, half of whom preceded and the other
half followed his carriage. When Plain Sad Adams heard of
(12:53):
the reproduction of what he had seen in the Quaker city,
he wrote, I am afraid there is more pomp and
parade than his Consistent with sober republican principle, why should
this new era be introduced with entertainments expensive intending to
dissipate the minds of the people. But this was Hancock's
supreme hour. He had attained the highest political eminence possible
(13:16):
to a civilian. He was going to make the most
of it for his own gratification and for the entertainment
of his friends. His warehouse had been burned, but the
British had not greatly damaged his mansion, and his fortune
was not all gone. Moreover, there was no lack of
furnishings and table appointments suited to his lavish hospitality. The
(13:38):
linen tablecloths and napkins in which the host took such pride,
he declared, were the most genteel in the country. Six
dozen pewter plates bearing his family crest, kept bright with
daily use of polishing, were more to his liking than
the India chest set, as it was softer and rattled less,
and food was less apt to fall off. Much of
(14:01):
his silver boar the Tower of London stamp. There were
four dozen silver forks, the same number of spoons, several
tankards of different sizes, up to a gallon flagon, which
was devoted to hot punch and named for his friend
Solomon Townsend, probably in token of that worthy's capacity and valor.
At the festive board, a silver porter cup of half
(14:24):
a gallon, whose two handles might have made it serve
as a loving cup, passing from hand to hand. Four
silver chafing dishes elaborately chased, as many butter boats asparagus tongs,
and half a dozen heavy silver candlesticks with snuffers and trays.
To match silver, finger bowls and salvers in their place
(14:45):
and time, all together made table and sideboard resplendent. According
to the taste of the day. The fair matched to
table furnishings. The cowdfish, which he took pains to have
from the bay when he lived in Philadelphia and Balti,
was good enough for his spring fast Day dinner, and
the first salmon of the season, for which he paid
(15:07):
a guinea, was a delicacy on any feast day, albeit
he by no means subsisted upon fish alone, as is
evident from his purchasing orders and complimentary remembrances to friends,
even as far away as London. People ate to live
in those days, even if some of them lived to
eat and to drink, thereby hastening their demise. Apparel matched
(15:31):
other splendors in the Hancock House. A hint of this
can be seen in the scarlet velvet coat and white
silk embroidered waistcoat preserved in the old State House, supplemented
in their day by silk of many colors and lace
without end. The costliness of Missus Hancock's attire and its
variety do not so much amaze the present day woman,
(15:53):
since between the adornment of colonial dames then and now,
there is less difference than between that of their respective consorts.
A wedding fan of white kid painted in Paris with
appropriate designs, and a piece of muslin costing in India six.
Speaker 2 (16:10):
Dollars a yard before it left the loom, will.
Speaker 1 (16:13):
Appear extravagant to some other women may think that Missus
Hancock was moderate in her expenditures. It is a matter
of comparative ability among contemporaries. At this time, Hancock kept
the reputation of being one of the wealthiest citizens in
a town where everybody had suffered losses and all values
had been depleted by the distresses of the war years,
(16:36):
the first of them had interrupted business with London and
other foreign ports. Accounts could not be adjusted with agents
nor collections made abroad. While at home, great losses occurred
in the depreciation of paper currency, which the States found
it easier to print than to redeem. Hancock lost thousands
of pounds sterling, which should be placed to the credit
(16:59):
of his patriotism in a time when, as in recent wars,
there were many who talked noisily for a cause which
made them rich through its necessities and their own greed.
History remembers its military heroes but forgets the men who
furnish arms and ammunition. After a decade, Hancock's public service
(17:20):
occupied so much of his time and attention that he
turned his business affairs over to an agent, William Hoskins,
to act for him at home and abroad. His native
town and Senate had conferred their highest honors upon him,
and the return he made was such as he could
best render for values received. Even though it went further
(17:40):
with the populace than its costs would have gone with
the needy army. If it also gratified his vanity and
contributed to his popularity and political success, that was his
partial compensation for what he lavished. Because he was vain
and sometimes capricious, it is not necessary to assert that
every generous act of his was to win applause, since
(18:03):
until his governorship and even the later Treaty of Peace,
the outlook for any prominent patriot was far from assuring.
Nor did the governor of the new state find conditions
vastly improved over those of the old colony. The inhabitants
had not changed their nature with their political constitution, Depression
(18:24):
and discontent prevailed in the land, privation and distress in
the army. In New England, courage and determinations slackened after
disasters in the south, and there was a growing desire
for peace in some sections which were getting ready to
accept liberal terms of settlement without express acknowledgment of independence,
which the British ministry offered. Although Massachusetts did not propose
(18:48):
such abandoning of its steadfast purpose, it had troubles of
its own ambushed in the near future. The cessation of
hostilities soon after Cornwallis's surrender by no means ended embarrassments
for the governor of a state. War had brought new
evils which were to flourish after its close. Privateering and
(19:09):
speculation and war contracts had made rich, daring and venturesome men,
creating distinctions of wealth, breeding discontent between classes and masses,
town and country people. Back in the Western counties, strife
was brewing over taxation and debt. Courts were menaced with violence.
In Springfield and Northampton. Armed malcontents assembled in the field
(19:34):
against state forces, which they captured and released in Hadley
by the Riverside, to be themselves made captive in turn
by the militia and dispersed, but the mob spirit was
not annihilated. It would soon break out again. The causes
of discontent were increasing. The year seventeen eighty was one
of disasters in the South. Charleston had surrendered and the
(19:58):
state government was overrun by the British. Gates had been
ignominiously defeated. It was the dark hour before daybreak, and
no one as yet saw a streak of dawn. Four
years had passed since independence was declared, but the states
were neither free nor united. Congress was deteriorating. There was
(20:19):
no efficient administration, the conduct of the war languished. Resources
and energies were wasted. The symptom of general depression, which
was most evident, was the financial condition. It was easier
to issue paper currency than to give it much value,
so Congress printed more and more of it, until, as
(20:39):
Washington said, it took a wagon load of money to
buy a wagon load of provisions. Not worth a continental
is a phrase which has come down from the month
of Hancock's first inauguration, when it took ten paper dollars
to make a cent. When Indian corn was sold at
wholesale in Boston for fifteen one thousand, dollars, a bushel
(21:01):
butter at twelve thousand pound, tea nine thousand sugar, one
thousand beef eight hundred, and a barrel of flour at
one hundred and fifty seven thousand, five hundred dollars. If
the poor imprudence Samuel Adams paid two thousand dollars for
a hat and a suit of clothes, what might John
(21:23):
Hancock's annual outfit have cost is a problem to be
computed by logarithmic calculation or by the cartload of paper money.
Of course, this variable and almost valueless currency was a
boon to impecunious debtors when no agreement had been made
with their creditors about standards in payment. He was poor, indeed,
(21:44):
and honest who would not discharge a debt of one
thousand dollars with ten in gold. But many did this
to the ruin of friends who had trusted to their
honor and to their financial standing. Of a confederacy which
was not yet a nation among the nations of the earth.
It has been seen that the first governor urged making
(22:04):
efforts to maintain the credit of the state. These were
not very successful. The General Court's appeal to the people
contained suggestive words about giving up every consideration of private
advantage and the inattention or avarice of any part of
the community. The nine hundred and fifty thousand pounds was
(22:24):
the estimate of what would be required by the state
for the year seventeen eighty one. The means proposed to
meet this need were uncollected taxes, sales of loyalists estates,
a direct tax of three hundred and twenty thousand pounds, and.
Speaker 2 (22:40):
Borrowing the remainder.
Speaker 1 (22:42):
In addition, Congress called on Massachusetts for its proportion of
war assessment, amounting to almost two million dollars. Taken altogether,
it was a staggering burden for a poverty stricken state
whose industries had been crippled by British oppression and war.
In their despair, some attempted to interfere with the administration
(23:04):
of justice and enforcement of the laws, but the intelligence
and fidelity of the better part prevailed. The next year,
the state was obliged to borrow, paying the troops what
it could, and hoping for a return from the United
States sometime in the future. When the war ended in
the spring of seventeen eighty three, there was great rejoicing,
(23:26):
but financial troubles were not over. The public debt was
so large that many said it would be impossible to
pay it, and they saw no way out but by repudiation.
To the loss of creditors and the destitution of returned soldiers,
Governor Hancock urged the General Court to make immediate provision
for paying officers and soldiers at least a part of
(23:48):
their dues, reminding legislators of the obligations of the country
for meritorious services which should.
Speaker 2 (23:55):
Never be forgotten.
Speaker 1 (23:57):
Upon his recommendation, an additional tax of four hundred seventy
thousand dollars was.
Speaker 2 (24:02):
Voted for this purpose.
Speaker 1 (24:04):
Soldier's certificates for wages were at this time bringing only
twelve and a half cents on the dollar, a mere
pittance for their services and sufferings. All these circumstances, severally
and together, caused a widespread discontent, which was not allayed
by the call in seventeen eighty four for one million,
eight hundred thousand dollars as the state's share of a
(24:27):
congressional assessment upon the country for that year, with ninety
five thousand dollars more to satisfy immediate demands to pay
inter's due, and an installment on a debt.
Speaker 2 (24:38):
In Europe for funds borrowed by Franklin for the state.
Speaker 1 (24:41):
At this time, also, questions of state sovereignty and the
rights of refugees to their property abandoned in flight caused
discussions which added to the burdens of the executive office.
After five years in it, Hancock's health became seriously affected,
and in the winter of seventeen eighty five he deemed
it prudent to resign. No doubt his withdrawal, if not
(25:05):
his malady, was hastened by complaints of the discontented that
stronger measures had not been employed and more promptly to
collect the public taxes. It was an instance of forbearance
and leniency against necessity and duty. Some were quick to
impute such clemency to a love of popularity or a
lack of firmness in his administration. It is more probable
(25:29):
that he saw a storm gathering which he could not
avert and had not the physical strength to weather, and
so was willing to let a rival candidate in a
former election take his turn. In an ominous year, James
Bodwin was elected his successor in May seventeen eighty five.
At the same time, Hancock was chosen one of the
(25:49):
representatives to the General Court, and afterward a delegate to
Congress again, where he was elected its president once more.
Speaker 2 (25:57):
For the short time that he remained, he had only to.
Speaker 1 (26:00):
Appear as a member of a deliberative body to be
chosen to preside over it. When it is remembered what
a test of fairness and good temper such a position is,
it is strong evidence of their possession.
Speaker 2 (26:13):
That he was repeatedly called to.
Speaker 1 (26:15):
The chairmanship of this and that assembly, from town meetings
to the Federal Congress. Governor Bodwin had been elected by
the legislature, as there was no choice by the people in.
Speaker 2 (26:26):
A divided ballot.
Speaker 1 (26:28):
He took the chair in a critical time, knowing the
difficulties that would beset him. A state debt of ten
million dollars with no system of credit, resources exhausted, and
discontent prevailing made the situation full of anxiety. His first
appeal was to maintain the credit of the state by
punctual payment of interest and the diminuation of public debt.
(26:52):
Also for industry, retrenchment and economy, all of which the
legislature received with approbation and resolves of cooperation, but the
people were to be heard from the prospect of raising
three hundred and thirty thousand dollars annually for fifteen years
to clear off their debts was appalling, and the lawless
(27:14):
element rose in arms against the authority of the state
and of the courts. In order to delay payment of
personal debts. The lower class of malcontents chose two captains
who had seen service and threatened courthouses, causing the justices
to adjourn trials. The militia was called out in the
eastern counties to disperse insurgents, but the courts deemed it
(27:38):
prudent to discontinue business. A law was passed against riots
and the writ of Habyst Corpus was suspended, and the
governor was requested to hold the militia in readiness to
protect the courts. At the same time, pardon was offered
for past disorderly offenses on the premise of allegiance.
Speaker 2 (27:57):
To the Commonwealth.
Speaker 1 (27:59):
The lawless miss interpreted this forbearance, and the violent urged,
bringing the government to terms by marching to the capitol
and liberating friends who were held for trial. Instead, three
hundred marched to Springfield and took possession of the courthouse,
where their number was increased to two thousand. Then they
advanced toward the arsenal to find General Shepherd with a
(28:20):
thousand militiamen in possession.
Speaker 2 (28:23):
After the first.
Speaker 1 (28:24):
Volley, the rioters fled to the next town with a
loss of three killed. On the arrival of militia reinforcements,
which under General Lincoln quelled another uprising in Berkshire, the
rebels were dispersed after one hundred and fifty had been captured,
the ring leaders leaving the state for their safety. By
the prudence and firmness of the governor, supported by the
(28:46):
legislature and the militia, most of whom were more distressed
than the rebellious mob, the limits of personal freedom in
the state were defined and licensed rebute. Fourteen were sentenced
to die, of whom eight were aftas toward pardoned, and
the others reprieved. Thus ended Shay's rebellion, quelled by the
vigor of James Bodwin. As to what John Hancock would
(29:10):
have done with it, there were diverse opinions. Generally, it
was conceded that, in his state of infirm health, and
with his lenient spirit joined to his regard for favor
among classes. It was worldly wisdom in him to be
free from official responsibility in this perilous juncture. But there
was no wind that did not blow some good to him.
(29:32):
Governor Bodwin's decision and promptness, which saved the state, was
contrasted by the restless with the milder course which Hancock
might have pursued without considering its disastrous consequences to the
people at large. Accordingly, the disguntled were ready to avenge
themselves at the next election by throwing Bodwin over and
(29:52):
choosing Hancock, who had now conveniently recovered so far that
he dared undertake a peaceful administration. It was also thought
that he would favor more indulgent measures towards the people
in deferring the collection of taxes and in the payment
of the public debt. He had by no means countenance disorder,
but was considered more compassionate or patient in the distressed
(30:15):
condition of the people. The popular approval of his candidacy
was measured by the large majority of votes which he received.
Although Governor Bodwin had a generous support, probably from the
more respectable voters. Early in this administration, Governor Hancock won
praise by relinquishing a third of his salary at a
time when a committee was considering the expediency of reducing
(30:39):
certain official stipends. It was a good example, which fortunately
he was able to set, but he wished that it
might not be considered as holding for over one year.
When in the following year he intimated his wish for
a return to the original amount, the legislator prolonged his
temporary benevolence by not granting him desire. Governor Bodwin did
(31:02):
not listen to a similar suggestion in his administration, and
it was reported that his successor regretted that he had
not pursued the same course. The difference between voluntary generosity
and involuntary became inconveniently apparent the second year, with an
unusual application of the adage he gives twice who gives promptly.
(31:26):
The Federal Constitution was laid before the States for approval
at this time, and was laid before the Massachusetts Legislature
by the governor with commentatory words on the result of
wise deliberation in Congress. In a conciliatory spirit by some
of the ablest men in the Union, and he suggested
calling a convention to consider its approval. Three hundred and
(31:49):
sixty delegates assembled in January seventeen eighty eight and chose
Governor Hancock to preside. Opposition to the constitution appeared at
once as abridging the proroga of state legislatures and giving
too much power to Congress. State sovereignty and state separatism
were convictions not easily eradicated. Sectional antagonism came to the
(32:12):
front over the provision to count five slaves as three
freemen in apportioning the number of representatives from the Southern states.
As the discussion went on, it came to be understood
that the government would be partly federal and partly national,
national in matters relating to the welfare of the Union,
federal in its powers for specific purposes to which no
(32:34):
single state was competent. Opponents were at first in the
majority and might have succeeded in rejecting the Constitution if
Governor Hancock had not proposed that several articles embodying suggestions
that had been made during the debate of three weeks
should be recommended for incorporation in the Constitution. In the
hope that these definitive and restrictive amendments might be adopted.
(32:57):
Several were induced to vote for radiae vacation, and the
endorsement finally passed.
Speaker 2 (33:02):
By a small majority.
Speaker 1 (33:05):
The wisdom of Hancock's action was confirmed in the approval
of the suggested amendments by two thirds of the states
and the incorporation of these provisions into the Constitution. They
were not altogether of his devising. He did not pose
as a statesman, but he had the tact and influence
and wisdom to guide a many minded assembly into the
(33:26):
best way out of difficulty and to the saving of
the Confederacy from practical dissolution. At this point, it is
proper to notice a charge made against him at the
time by his political enemies, which has been perpetuated in
tradition and narrative. When the Convention assembled, the federalist friends
of the Constitution had extreme doubts about its acceptance. The
(33:50):
opposition were reasonably confident of its rejection. Not until the
scheme of amendments was devised, could much favorable progress be
made To give weight to the proposal. It was deemed
advisable to have it emanate from someone occupying a neutral position,
having the confidence of the people, and with great influence
(34:11):
over them. Hancock, president of the Convention, was selected as
such a man up to the amendment device. He had
not declared for the Constitution, nor had he appeared in
the chair. His detractors said that his convenient gout kept
him at home, and added that he was induced to
attend at last by promises of support at the next
(34:33):
gubernatorial election and of nomination to the vice presidency, which
had already been talked of, especially in the South. His
friends might have answered that he was suffering greatly in
these last years, but came in spite of his infirmities,
and that.
Speaker 2 (34:49):
If promises of preferment.
Speaker 1 (34:51):
Were made, it was not the first instance of political
methods of persuasion, as it was by no means to
be the last. The truth it is that in so
momentous a question Hancock was no more hesitant than the
Convention itself, a majority of which was at first Sam
Adams among the number opposed to the constitution. When the
(35:13):
prejudices of some were modified by qualifying amendments formulated by
Federals leaders, Hancock saw a possible settlement of the question.
Then he was encouraged to propose and defend the added provisions,
leaving the chair and taking the floor for this purpose,
with such success that even Samuel Adams was induced to
move their adoption. A sufficient number were also persuaded to
(35:37):
side with the Federalists to carry the ratification by nineteen
votes out of a total of three hundred and fifty five,
so narrow a majority as to indicate that there were
still many doubts as to the expediency of a constitutional government. When, however,
the measure was finally carried, the opposition gracefully and rapidly acquiesced,
(35:58):
and great was the rejoicing in Boston and throughout the Commonwealth.
A result of still greater consequence followed in the endorsement
of the Constitution by states which had waited to see
how Massachusetts would go, whose lead would have been followed
in rejecting as readily as an accepting a union. If
(36:19):
then the constitutional union of States depended upon the decision
of Massachusetts, as the record shows, and if this decision
was brought about by the instrumentality of John Hancock, what
measure of credit can fairly be accorded him for his
share in saving the republic and its infancy. Grant that
he was merely a hinge on which the stupendous issue
(36:42):
slowly turned, there was enough a force in it to
swing open the portal for a broadening future of liberty
and union under a constitution instead of disintegration under a
loose confederacy of petty principalities say that he was no
more than the pivot on which the scale bar trembles
in waivers. But when his words and influence were thrown
(37:04):
into the right scale, was he a mere spokesman of
the federalists, or once more a deliverer of discordant states
from eventual separation. He had helped to keep up the
French Alliance in the time when it might have been
dissolved to the loss of our independence. Now he more
than assisted in making liberty continuous in the United Nation.
Speaker 2 (37:27):
If he was not a.
Speaker 1 (37:28):
Great man, he was most fortunate in standing at the
parting of the ways and in pointing out the direction
in which victory and perpetuity.
Speaker 2 (37:36):
Were eventually found to lie.
Speaker 1 (37:39):
If his presence, his influence, his urbanity, his personality had
been absent on two critical occasions, at least, the fortunes
of the country might have been great misfortunes, let him
have the honor that is his due. The following extract
from his message to the Legislature of Massachusetts in seventy,
(38:00):
copied from the manuscript in the Greeno collection, is an
illustration of his attitude. I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the
accession of another state to our union.
Speaker 2 (38:12):
And I am happy to.
Speaker 1 (38:13):
Say that I am persuaded that the wisdom and tried
patriotism of the citizens of Rhode Island will very soon
complete the union of all the independent states of America
under the system of general national government, the administration of
which cannot fail to establish peace and harmony between them
at home. I congratulate you with great pleasure, gentlemen, upon
(38:36):
the happy situation of our country. But the pleasing prospects
afforded by Divine Providence ought not by any means to
be the occasion of our relaxing in our endeavors for
the public weal, as if in recompense, his own state
was almost the first to profit by the new order.
(38:57):
On the adjustment of claims for advances made to the
God Government, it was found that Massachusetts had already paid
a large proportion of her dues, leaving a small amount
to be met taxes being reduced. Prosperity followed a new
stability under the Union. Soldiers who had been able to
keep their certificates were having them paid principal and interest.
(39:19):
Good feeling was restored, and the governor's customary good fortune
returned with his reoccupation of the gubernatorial chair, to which
he was again elected the following year. Prosperity, however, has
its dangers, as when his arbitrary treatment of Lieutenant Governor
Lincoln recalled his occasional sobriquet of King Hancock. It might
(39:41):
have been a peak at the general's successful quelling of
Chat's rebellion, but whatever the cause, his conduct towards Lincoln
was ungenerous, to say the least. The Lieutenant Governor, as
such received no salary, but had usually been appointed commander
of the castle with a thousand dollars compensation for his services.
(40:01):
Governor Hancock did not appoint General Lincoln to the command.
When inquiry was made by the legislature, the governor replied
that he had the sole right to appoint, and that
it was for him to decide whether or not he
would have anyone to command the castle. He may have
had the legislative economy in mind by which his own
(40:21):
salary was cut down, but this was the arbitrary act
of one man in power, by which he deservedly lost
many friends. A committee was formed which reported in favor
of a salary of six hundred dollars that sum Hancock's
party in the House reduced to five hundred and thirty
three dollars. However, his arbitrary act was rebuked by this
(40:43):
vote of the General Court. With better grace, he endorsed
what may have been an overstatement of his real sentiments
in an address to President Washington at his inauguration in
April seventeen eighty one, in which gratitude was expressed for
his services, admiration of his character, confidence in his wisdom,
and the expectation of justice, fortitude, and patriotism in his administration,
(41:08):
to which were added congratulations and prayers for the divine
protection and blessing. In his first message to the Legislature
after the federal government was established, he spoke of the
benefits to be expected from it to the nation and
the state, and commended it to the confidence and support
of the people. Also, the practice of private and social virtues,
(41:30):
the encouragement of learning and education as necessary to a
free government. Our wise and magnominious ancestors were very careful
and liberal in the establishment of institutions for this purpose,
among which the University in Cambridge and grammar schools in
the several towns were believed highly important. Every necessary attention,
(41:51):
I trust will be paid to the former, and I
cannot but earnestly recommend to your inquiry this reason the
latter is so much neglected in the state. The last
part of this sentence is not so noticeable as his
commendation of Harvard College at a time when it was
weary with making requests to him as its treasurer for
a settlement of neglected accounts. Nevertheless, it returned his complement,
(42:15):
as will be noted later. His suggestion of provision for
common schools was followed by reviving an early statute by
which towns of two hundred families were required to employ
graduate teachers who could interest youth in the Latin and
Greek languages, and in smaller towns teachers were to have
a correct knowledge of English. So much he did toward
(42:38):
the revival of learning in New England at this session,
the legislator complimented the governor by naming one of the
two new counties in the main district for himself and
the other for Washington, with whom the governor was doubtless
pleased to be associated. Still, his notion of the respective
dignity of state and federal executives would make the honor
(43:01):
of this connection reciprocal. To what extent he held such
comfortable views was illustrated on the occasion of Washington's visit
to New England soon after his taking the presidential office.
After Hancock's return from the Presidency of Congress and his
election to the chief magistracy of his native state, his
(43:21):
opinion of his.
Speaker 2 (43:22):
Own position could not have been impaired.
Speaker 1 (43:25):
He had arrived at what, in those days was a
greater distinction than any except military chieftainship. He had attained
to civic eminence, since there was no greater political honor
than to be governor of Massachusetts. In the years before
the war closed, the Confederation completed, and a president of
the United States elected, Even then, there was a general
(43:47):
disposition to magnify the relative importance of a sovereign state
in comparison with that of the new nation. For it
will be remembered that the untried Federation was regarded with
doubt and suspicion by many beside Samuel Adams. It was
therefore a debatable question whether the president of an assemblage
of naturally repellent principalities had as yet the definite authority
(44:11):
and prestige with which nearly two centuries of custom had
clothed the August person of the Chief Magistrate of Massachusetts,
Hancock had now for nine years been the successor to
a long and distinguished line of governors, and was the
first in the new state as the successor to the
province with little change in externals. When the newly elected
(44:33):
President of the recently and loosely United States was approaching
Boston with a retinue which nowadays would not be considered
as republican in simplicity. In addition to two secretaries and
six servants, deputations military and civil had furnished escort from
the state border at Springfield, through Worcester to Cambridge, where
(44:55):
he was met by Samuel Adams and the Governor's Council
at ten o'clock on Sunday in October twenty fourth, with
an invitation to dine with Governor Hancock when he should
reach Boston on Washington's arriving at the neck, he was
met by the selectman, but at the town line, where
he expected to meet the Governor, his excellency did not appear.
(45:16):
There was an embarrassing delay for his possible arrival. The
day was cold and raw, his suite mounted and waiting
to enter the town at length. When it was reported
that the Governor was not likely to show himself. The
President inquired if there was no other road to the town,
and was about to turn back when he was informed
(45:36):
that the municipal authorities were awaiting him. Out of respect
to them, he passed on between lines of citizens classed
in their different professions and under their own banners, amidst
acclamations of the people, to the State House. There he
asked if the Governor was in his room above, because
if he were, he should not ascend the stairs. Being
(45:59):
assured that he was not, he went up to the
balcony conducted by the Lieutenant Governor and council, saw the
long procession pass, and then went to the lodgings secured
for him at Widow Ingersoll's, which is a very decent
and good house. Thither a messenger came from the government
to say that dinner was waiting. He returned with a
(46:20):
reply that the President would dine at his lodgings. Washington
wrote in his diary, having engaged today to take an
informal dinner with the Governor today, but under full persuasion
that he should have waited upon me as soon as
I should have arrived. I excused myself upon his not
doing it, and informing me through his secretary that he
(46:41):
was too much indisposed to do it. Being resolved to
receive the visit, dined at my lodgings, where the Vice
President favored me with his company. When the populace understood
the situation, they voiced their resentment of this indignity towards
the nation's head. For the town was strongly federal and
its sentiments, and moreover it had not forgotten its deliverance
(47:04):
from the British thirteen years before. As a paneled arch
and canopy by the State House signified bearing the inscription
Boston relieved March seventeenth, seventeen seventy six. The town would
have been glad to entertain the president if it had
not understood that the governor claimed the honor to have
Washington dine at his lodgings, mortified municipal pride as reflecting
(47:27):
upon its sense of honor and gratitude due to the
beloved head.
Speaker 2 (47:31):
Of the nation.
Speaker 1 (47:33):
Hancock's popularity was in peril. By evening, he knew that
he must make amends.
Speaker 2 (47:38):
To recover lost favor.
Speaker 1 (47:40):
Accordingly, two members of his council were sent with explanations
and apologies, saying in the governor's behalf that he was
not well, to which the President replied, gentlemen, I am
a frank man, and I will be frank on this
occasion for myself. You will believe me. I do not
regard ceremony, but there is an etiquette do my office
(48:01):
which I am not at liberty to waive. My claim
to The attention that has been omitted rests upon the
question whether the whole is greater than a part. I
am told that the course taken has been designed, and
that the subject was considered in council. This was denied,
but it was admitted that it had been observed that
(48:21):
the President of the United States was one person, and
the ambassador of the French Republic another, why that remark, sir,
if the subject was not before the Council. This circumstance
has been so disagreeable and mortifying that I must say,
notwithstanding all the marks of respect and affection received from
the inhabitants of Boston, had I anticipated it, I would
(48:44):
have avoided the place. Governor Hancock was then advised by
his friends, after consultation on the matter by them, to
reconsider his action and waive his view of etiquette, whereupon
he wrote, Sunday twenty six October, half past twelve o'clock,
the Governor's best respects to the President. If at home
and at leisure, the Governor will do himself the honor
(49:07):
to pay his respects in half an hour. This would
have been done much sooner had his health in any
degree permitted. He now hazards everything as it respects his health,
for the desirable purpose. To this, Washington replied, Sunday twenty
six October one o'clock, the President of the United States
(49:28):
presents his best respects to the Governor, and has the
honor to inform him that he shall be at home
till two o'clock. The President needs not express the pleasure
will give him to see the governor, but at the
same time he most earnestly begs that the governor will
not hazard his health. On the occasion, swathed in red bays,
Hancock rode in his coach to Washington's lodging house at
(49:51):
the corner of Tremont and Court Streets, where he was born.
In the arms of attendance to the president's apartments. Washington
accepted he Hancock's invitation to dine with him, also another
from the state authorities to a public dinner at which
Hancock was not present, as he could not be consistently
with his severe and dramatic attack of the gout. It
(50:13):
had served him a good turn in covering his retreat
from high official ground, which Washington had held on his
part with equal tenacity on this and other occasions, as
was his well known custom. But having yielded to the
clamor of the town at the hazard of everything as
it respects his health, Hancock evidently considered that he had
(50:34):
discharged all official obligation. The entire episode would be amusing
if it were merely a matter of personal etiquette between
two gentlemen of the old school. Added to this, however,
was the underlying sense of each as to what he represented.
From Washington's viewpoint, the aggregation of states was greater than
(50:57):
one of them. Hancock regarded the age and stability and
prestige of Massachusetts as superior to the rope of sand
which held the new Federation together, or the untested chain
whose weak links might soon be discovered. Or if he
agreed with Washington that the whole is greater than a part,
(51:18):
he had some reason to think that he had been
overlooked a second time when the chief magistracy of the
country had been given to eminence in arms rather than
in civil affairs, as has happened after wars since the Revolution.
In the instance of the first presidential election, Washington's qualifications
were so supreme that competition with the commander in chief
(51:41):
would not have been thought of by any man of
just self estimation, or by anyone who could rightly weigh
the nation's general sentiments of gratitude and esteem.
Speaker 2 (51:52):
The verdict of time.
Speaker 1 (51:53):
Endorses the judgment of contemporaries that Washington was both a
great general and a wise president, which can not be
said of some of his successors. The ceremonial episode does
not appear to have permanently injured Governor Hancock's popularity. The
Sentinel of that week coupled his name with Washington's in verse,
(52:15):
which ran, thou too illustrious Hancock by his side, in
every lowering hour of danger, triede with him conspicuous o'er
the beamy page descend the theme of every future age.
When first the sword of early war we drew, the
king presaging fixed his eye on you, twas your dread
(52:39):
finger pressed the sacred seal, whence rose to sovereign power,
the public weal. Poetry, truth, and praise are not without
their drawbacks here, but doubtless they had their customary worth
in a time when printed matter was accepted at its
face value. Besides, the descendants of Puritans, like their forefathers,
(53:02):
had a shamefaced fondness for poor verse. If of dogmatic
manufacture for the standard foreign brands, they had neither appreciation
nor toleration. End of Chapter seventeen
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