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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter fourteen of the Life of Washington, Volume one by
John Marshall. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain.
Chapter fourteen, Part two. Although the previous state of things
was such as to render the commencement of hostilities unavoidable,
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each party seemed anxious to throw the blame on its opponent.
The British officers alleged that they were fired on from
a stone wall before they attacked the militia at Lexington,
while the Americans proved by numerous depositions that at Lexington,
as well as at the bridge near Concord, the first
fire was received by them. The statement made by the
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Americans is supported not only by the testimony adduced, but
by other circumstances. In numbers, the militia at Lexington did
not exceed one ninth of the British, and it is
not probable that their friends would have provoked their faith
while in that perilous situation by commencing a fire on
an enraged soldiery. It is also worthy of attention that
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the Americans uniformly sought to cover their proceedings with the
letter of the law, and even after the affair at Lexington,
made a point of receiving the first fire at the
bridge beyond Concord, the Provincial Congress, desirous of manifesting the
necessity under which the militia had acted, sent to their
agents the depositions which had been taken relative to the
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late action, with a letter to the inhabitants of Great
Britain stating that hostilities had been commenced against them in
detailing the circumstances attending that event, but they did not
confine themselves to addresses. They immediately passed a resolution for
raising thirteen thousand, six hundred men in Massachusetts, to be
commanded by General Ward, and called on New Hampshire, Rhode Island,
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and Connecticut for their respective quotas to complete an army
of thirty thousand men for the common defense. They also
authorized the Receiver General to borrow one hundred thousand pounds
on the credit of the colony, and to issue securities
for the repayment thereof, bearing an interest of six per
cent per annum. The neighbouring colonies complied promptly with this requisition,
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and in the meantime such numbers assembled voluntarily that many
were dismissed in consequence of the defective means to subsist
them in the field, and the King's troops were themselves
blocked up in the peninsula of Boston. About the same
time that enterprising spirit which pervaded New England manifested itself
in an expedition of considerable merit. The possession of Taekwonderoga,
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and Crownpoint, and the command of Lakes George and Champlain,
were objects of importance in the approaching conflict. It was
known that these posts were weakly defended, and it was
believed that the feeble garrisons remaining in them were the
less to be dreaded, because they thought themselves perfectly secure.
Under these impressions, some gentlemen of Connecticut, at the head
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of whom were Messiers Dean, Worcester and Parsons, formed the
design of seizing these fortresses by surprise, and barred a
small sum of money from the legislature of the colony
to enable them to carry on the expedition. About forty
volunteers marched from Connecticut towards Bennington, where they expected to
meet with Colonel Ethan Allen and to engage him to
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conduct the enterprise, and to raise an additional number of
men Colonel Allen readily entered into their views and engaged
to meet them at Castleton. Two hundred and seventy men
assembled at that place, where they were joined by Colonel Arnold,
who was associated with Colonel Allen in the command. They
reached Lake Champlain in the night of the ninth of
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May Taekwonderoga. Surprised both Ellen and Arnold embarked with the
first division, consisting of eighty three men, who affected a
landing without being discovered, and immediately marched against the fort, which,
being completely surprised, surrendered without firing a gun. The garrison
consisted of only forty four rank and file, commanded by
a captain and one lieutenant. Ground Point surrenders from Taekwonderoga.
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Colonel Seth Warne was detached to take possession of ground Point,
which was garrisoned only by a sergeant and twelve men.
This service was immediately executed and the fort was taken
without opposition. At both these places, military stores of considerable
value fell into the hands of the Americans. The pass
at Skeensborough was seized about the same time by body
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of volunteers from Connecticut. To complete the objects of the expedition,
if is nut necessary to obtain the command of the Lakes,
which could be accomplished only by seizing a sloop of
war lying at Saint John's. This service was affected by Arnold, who,
having manned and armed a schooner found in South Bay,
surprised the sloop and took possession of her without opposition. Thus,
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by the enterprise of a few individuals, without the loss
of a single man, the important posts of Taekwonderoga and
Crown Point were acquired with the command of the Lakes
on which they stand. Meeting of Congress, intelligence of the
capture of Taekwonderoga was immediately transmitted to Congress, then just
assembled at Philadelphia. The resolutions passed on the occasion furnished
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strong evidence of the solicitude felt by that body to
exonerate the government, in the opinion of the people, from
all suspicion of provoking a continuance of the war by
transcending the limits of self defense. Indubitable evidence, it was asserted,
had been received of a design for a cruel invasion
of the colonies from Canada for the purpose of destroying
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their lives and liberties, And it was a verb that
some steps had actually been taken towards carrying this design
into execution. Jua justifiable desire of securing themselves from so
heavy a calamity was attributed to the seizure of the
posts on the lakes by the neighboring inhabitants, and it
was recommended to the Committees of New York and Albany
to take immediate measures for the removal of the canon
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and military stores to some place on the south end
of Lake George, there to be preserved in safety. An
exact inventory of the stores was directed to be taken
in order that they might be safely returned when the
restoration of their former harmony between Great Britain and the colonies,
so ardently wished for by the latter should render it
prudent and consistent with the over ruling law of self preservation. Measures, however,
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were adopted to maintain the posts, but to quiet the
apprehensions of their neighbors. Congress resolved that, having nothing more
in view than self defense, no expedition or incursion ought
to be undertaken or made by any colony or body
of colonists against or into Canada. This resolution was translated
into the French language and transmitted to the people of
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that province in a letter in which all their feelings,
and particularly their known attachment to France, were dexterously assailed,
and the effort was earnestly made to kindle in their
bosoms that enthusiastic love of liberty, which was felt too
strongly by the authors of the letter to permit the
belief that it could be inoperative with others. During these transactions,
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Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton arrived at Boston, soon after
which General Gage issued a proclamation declaring martial law to
be in force and offering pardon to those who would
lay down their arms and submit to the King. With
the exception of Samuel Adams and John Hancock, on receiving
intelligence of the Battle of Lexington, New York appeared to
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hesitate no longer in that place. Also, the spirit which
animated the colonies generally obtained the ascendancy. Yet the Royal
party remained formidable, and it was thought advisable to march
a body of Connecticut troops into the neighborhood, professedly to
protect the town against some British regiments expected from Ireland,
but really with the design of protecting the Patriotic Party.
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The Middle and southern colonies, though not so forward as
those of the North, laid aside the established government and
prepared for hostilities transactions in Virginia. In Virginia, the governor,
Lord Dunmore, had just returned from a successful expedition against
the Indians, in which he had acquired considerable popularity. Presuming
too much on the favor of the moment, and dissatisfied
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with some recommendations concerning the militia and independent companies made
by the Colonial Convention which had assembled in Richmond, he
employed the captain of an armed vessel then lying in
James River, a few miles from Williamsburg, to convey to
his ship by night a part of the powder in
the magazine belonging to the colony. This measure, though conducted
with great secrecy, was discovered, and the people of the
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town assembled next morning in arms for the purpose of
demanding restitution of the property which had been taken. The magistrates,
having prevailed on them to disperse, presented an addressed to
the governor, remonstrating against the removal of the powder, which
they alleged to be the more injurious because it was
necessary for their defense in the event of an insurrection
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among their slaves. The governor acknowledged that the powder had
been removed by his order, but gave assurances that he
would restore it if an insurrection of the slaves should
render the measure necessary unsatisfactory. As this answer was no
further means were used in Williamsburg for its recovery. This
transaction excited a strong sensation in the interior of the country.
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Meetings were held in several counties, and the conduct of
the governor was greatly condemned. The independent companies of Hanover
and King William, at the instance of mister Patrick Henry,
a member of Congress, assembled and marched for Williamsburg, with
the avowed design of compelling restitution of the powder or
of obtaining its value. Their march was stopped by the
active interposition of mister Braxton, who obtained from the King's
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Receiver General a bill for the value of the property
that had been removed, with which he returned to the
companies and prevailed on them to relinquish a further prosecution
of the enterprise. The alarm occasion by this movement induced
Lady Dunmore to retire with her family on board the
fowery Man of War lying in James River, whilst his
lordship fortified his palace, which he garrisoned with the corps
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of Marines, and published a proclamation in which he charged
those who had procured a bill from the Receiver General
with rebellious practices. During this state of irritation, Lord North's
conciliatory proposition was received, and an assembly was suddenly called,
to whose consideration it was submitted. The Governor used all
his address to procure its acceptance, but in Virginia, as
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in the other colonies, it was rejected because it obviously
involved a surrender of the whole subject in contest. One
of the first measures of the assembly was to inquire
into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to
examine the state of the magazine. Although this building belonged
to the colony, it was in the custody of the Governor,
and before admittance could be obtained, some persons of the
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neighborhood broke into it, one of whom was wounded by
a spring gun, and it was found that the powder
which remained had been buried, and that the guns were
deprived of their locks. Governor dunmore retires to the Fowery
ship of war. These circumstances excited so great affirment that
the governor thought proper to withdraw to the Fowery man
of war. Several letters passed between him and the legislature
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contained reciprocal complaints of each other, in the course of
which they pressed his return to the seat of government,
while he insisted on their coming on board the Fowlery.
They were content that he should even there give his
assent to some bills that were prepared, but he refused
so to do, and the Assembly dissolved itself, the members
being generally elected to a convention then about to meet
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in Richmond. Thus terminated forever the regal government in Virginia
Provisional Congress of South Carolina. In South Carolina, so soon
as intelligence of the Battle of Lexington was received, a
provincial Congress was called by the Committee of Correspondents, and
association was formed, the members of which pledged themselves to
each other to repel force by force whenever the Continental
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or provincial Congress should determine it to be necessary, and
declared that they would hold all those inimical to the
colonies who should refuse to subscribe it. The Congress also
determined to put the town and province in a posture
of defense, and agreed to raise two regiments of infantry
and one of rangers. Arrival of Lord William Campbell. While
the Congress was in session, Lord William Campbell, who had
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been appointed governor, arrived in the province, and was received
with those demonstrations of joy which had been usual on
such occasions. The Congress waited on him with an address
expressing the causes of their proceedings, in which they declared
that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the
constitution of government, no lust of independence, have the least
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influence on their counsels, but that they have been compelled
to associate and take up arms solely for the preservation
and in defense of their lives, liberties, and property. They
entreated his Excellency to make such a representation of the
state of the colony and of their true motives, as
to assure his Majesty that he had no subjects to
more sincerely desire to testify their loyalty and affection, or
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would be more willing to devote their lives and fortunes
to his real service. His Lordship returned a mild and
prudent answer. For some time, Lord William Campbell conducted himself
with such apparent moderation as to remain on good terms
with the leaders of the opposition, But he was secretly
exerting all the influence of his station to defeat their views,
and was at length detected in carrying on negotiations with
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the Indians and with the disaffected in the interior. These
people had been induced to believe that the inhabitants of
the sea coast, in order to exempt their tea from
a trifling tax, were about to engage them in a
contest which would deprive them of their assault Osnaberg's and
other imported articles of absolute necessity. The detection of these
intrigues excited such a fermat that the Governor was compelled
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to fly from Charleston and to take refuge on board
a ship of war in the River. The government was then,
as elsewhere, taken entirely into the hands of men chosen
by the people, and a body of provincial troops was
ordered into that part of the country which adhered to
the royal cause. For many individuals, contrary to the advice
of Governor Campbell had risen in arms. The leaders were
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seized and their followers dispersed. In North Carolina, also, Governor
Martin was charged with fomenting a civil war and exciting
an insurrection among the Negroes. Relying on the aid he
expected from the disaffected, especially from some highland emigrants, he
made preparations for the defense of his palace, but the
people taking the alarm before his troops were raised, he
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was compelled to seek safety on board a sloop of
war in Cape Bear River, soon after which the Committee
resolved that no person or persons whatsoever should have any
correspondence with him, on pain of being deemed enemies of
the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly. As soon
as Congress was organized, mister Hancock lay before that body
the deposition showing that in the Battle of Lexington, the
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King's troops were the aggressive, together with the proceedings of
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts on that subject. The affairs
of America were now arrived at a crisis to which
they had been for some time rapidly tending, and it
had become necessary for the delegates of the other provinces
finally to determine either to embark with New England in war,
or by separating from her, to under the object for
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which they had jointly contended and submit to that unlimited
supremacy which was claimed by Parliament. Even among the well informed,
the opinion that the contest would ultimately be determined by
the sword had not become general. The hope had been
indulged by many of the popular leaders that the union
of the colonies, the extent and serious aspect of the opposition,
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and the distress which their non importation agreements would produce
among the merchants and manufacturers of the parent state, would
induce administration to receive from its high pretensions and restore
harmony and free intercourse. This opinion had derived strength from
the communications made them by their zealous friends in England.
The divisions and discontents of the country had been represented
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as much greater than the fact would justify, and the
exhortations transmitted to them to persevere in the honorable course
which had been commenced with so much glory had generally
been accompanied with assurances that success would yet crown their
patriotic labors. Many had engaged each with zeal in the
resistance made by America, and had acted on a full
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conviction of the correctness of the principles for which they contended,
who would have felt some reluctance in supporting the measures
which had been adopted, had they believed that those measures
would produce war. But each party counted too much on
the divisions of the other, and each change to have
taken step after step in the hope that its adversary
would yield the point in contest without resorting to open force. Thus,
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on both sides, the public feeling had been gradually conducted
to a point which would in the first instance have
been viewed with horror, and had been prepared for events which,
in the beginning of the controversy would have alarmed the
most intrepid. The prevailing sentiment in the Middle and Southern
Colony still was that a reconciliation on the terms proposed
by America was not even yet impracticable, and was devoutly
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to be wished, but that war was to be preferred
to a surrender of those rights for which they had contended,
and to which they believed every British subject, wherever placed,
to be unquestionably entire. They did not hesitate therefore, which
part of the alternative to embrace, and their delegates united
cordially with those of the North in such measures as
the exigency required. The resolution was unanimous that as hostilities
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had actually commenced, and as large reinforcements to the British
Army were expected, these colonies should be immediately put in
a state of defense, and the militi of New York
be armed and trained, and kept in readiness to act
at a moment's warning. Congress also determined to embody a
number of men without delay, for the protection of the
inhabitants of that place, but did not authorize opposition to
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the landing of any troops which might be ordered to
that station by the Crown. The Convention of New York
had already consulted Congress on this subject, and had been
advised to permit the soldiers to take possession of the
barracks and to remain there so long as they conducted
themselves peaceably, but if they should commit hostilities or invade
private property to repel force by force. Thus anxious was Congress,
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even after a battle had been thought not to widen
the breach between the two countries. In addition to the
real wish were reconciliation. Sound policy directed that the people
of America should engage in the arduous conflict which was
approaching with a perfect conviction that it was forced upon
them and not invited by the intemperate conduct of the leaders.
The divisions existing in several of the states suggested the
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propriety of this conduct, even to those who despaired of
deriving any other benefit from it than a greater degree
of union among their own countrymen. In this spirit, Congress
mingled with the resolutions for putting the country in a
state of defense, others expressing the most earnest wish for
reconciliation with the mother country, to affect which that body
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determined to address once more and humble and dutiful petition
to the King, and to adopt measures for opening up
negotiation in order to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between
Great Britain and the colonies. As no great confidence could
be placed in the success of Pacific propositions, the resolution
for putting the country in a state of defense was
accompanied with others rendered necessary by that undetermined state between
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war and peace in which America was placed. All exports
to those colonies which had not deputed members to Congress
were stopped, and all supplies of provisions and other necessaries
to the British fisheries, or to the army or navy
in Massachusetts Bay, or to any vessels employed in transporting
British troops to America or from one colony to another,
were prohibited. Though this resolution was only an extension of
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the system of commercial resistance which had been adopted before
the commencement of hostilities, and was evidently provoked by the
late Act of Parliament, it seems to have been entirely
unexpected and certainly produced great distress Massachusetts. Having stated the
embarrassments resulting from being without a regular government at a
time when an army was to be raised to defend
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themselves against the butcheries and devastations of their implacable enemies,
and having declared a readiness to conform to such general
plan as Congress might recommend to the colonies, it was
resolved that no obedience is due to the Act of
Parliament for altering the charter of that colony, nor to
officers who, instead of observing that charter, seek its subversion.
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The Governor and Lieutenant governor therefore were to be considered
as absent and their offices vacant. To avoid the intolerable
inconveniences arising from a total suspension of government, especially at
a time when General Gage had actually levied war and
was carrying on hostilities against His Majesty's peaceable and loyal
subjects in that colony, it was recommended to the Convention
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to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places
which are entitled to representation in the Assembly, requesting them
to choose such representatives, and that such Assembly or Council
exercised the powers of government until a governor of His
Majesty's appointment will consent to govern the colony according to
its charter. These resolutions were quickly followed by others of
greater vigor, denoting more decidedly a determination to prepare for
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the last resort of nations. It was earnestly recommended to
the Conventions of all the colonies to provide the means
of making gunpowder and to obtain the largest possible supplies
of ammunition. Even the non importation agreement was relaxed in
favor of vessels importing these precious materials. The Conventions were
also urged to arm and discipline the militia, and so
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to class them, that one force should be minute men.
They were also requested to raise several regular corps for
the service of the continent, and of general resolution was
entered into authorizing any province, thinking itself in danger, to
raise a body of regulars not exceeding one thousand men,
to be paid by the United Colonies. Congress also proceeded
to organize the higher departments of the Army, of which
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Colonel George Washington of Virginia was appointed Commander in chief.
Bills a credit to the amount of three millions of
dollars were emitted for the purpose of deferring the expenses
of the war, and the faith of the twelve Confederated
colonies was pledged for their redemption. Articles of war for
the government of the Continental Army were formed, though the
troops were raised under the authority of the respective colonies
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without even a requisition from Congress, except in a few
instances Manifesto of Congress. A solemn, dignified declaration in form
of a manifesto was prepared to be published to the
army in orders and to the people from the pulpit.
After detailing the causes of their opposition to the mother country,
with all the energy of men feeding the injuries of
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which they complained, the manifesto exclaims, but why should we
enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute? It is
declared that Parliament can of right make laws to bind
us in all cases? Whatsoever, what is to defend us
against so enormous, so unlimited power, not a single man
to those who assume it is chosen by us, or
a subject to our control or influence. But on the contrary,
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they are all of them exempt from the operation of
such laws. And an American revenue, if not diverted from
the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually
lighten their own burdens in proportion as they increase hours.
We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce
we for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besiege the throne.
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As supplicants, we reasoned, we remonstrated with Parliament in the
most mild and decent language. The Manifesto next enumerates the
measures adopted by administration to enforce the claims of Great Britain,
and then adds we are reduced to the alternative of
choosing an unconstitutional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers,
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or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We
have counted the cost of this contest and find nothing
so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity forbid
us tamely to surrender that freedom which we receive from
our gallant ancestors, in which our innocent posterity have a
right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy
and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which
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inevitably awaits them if we base the entail hereditary bonded
upon them. Our causes just our union is perfect, our
internal resources are great, and if necessary, foreign assistance then attainable.
We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the divine favor
towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to
be called into this severe controversy until we were grown
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up to our present strength, have been previously exercised in
warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves
with hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly
before God and the world declare that, exerting the utmost
energy of those powers which our beneficent creator hath graciously
bestowed upon us the arms we have been compelled by
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our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard,
with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of
our liberties, being with one mind resolved to diet freemen
rather than to live slaves. Lest this declaration should describe
the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any
part of the Empire, we assure them that we mean
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not to dissolve that union which has so long and
so happily subsisted between us, in which we sincerely wish
to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us to
that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other
nation to war against them. We have not raised armies
with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain and establishing
independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest.
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We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people
attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion
of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and
yet profer no milder conditions than servitude or death in
our own native land, and defense of the freedom that
is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed until the
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late violation of it. For the protection of our property
acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves,
against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We
shall laid them down when hostility shall cease on the
part of the aggressors, in all danger of their being renewed,
shall be removed. And not before some intelligence respecting the
movements of the British Army, having excited a suspicion that
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General Gage intended to penetrate into the county, the Provincial
Congress recommended it to the Council of War to take
measures for the defense of Dorchester Neck and to occupy
Bunker's Hill, a commanding piece of ground just within the
peninsula on which Charles Town stands. In observance of these instructions,
a detachment of one thousand men commanded by Colonel Prescott
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was ordered to take possession of this ground, but by
some mistake, Breed's Hill, situate nearer to Boston, was marked
out instead of Bunker's Hill for the proposed entrenchments. The
party sent on this service worked with so much diligence
and secrecy that by the dawn of day they had
thrown up a small square redoubt without alarming some ships
of war which lay in the river at no great distance.
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As soon as the returning light discovered this work to
the ships, a heavy cannonade was commenced upon it, which
the provincial sustained with firmness. They continued to labor until
they had thrown up a small breastwork stretching from the
east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill,
so as to extend considerably their line of defense. As
this eminence overlooked Boston, General Gage determined to drive the
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Provincials from it, and for this purpose detached Major General
Howe and Brigadier General Piggott at the head of ten
companies of grenadier's and the same number of light infantry,
with a proper proportion of field artillery. These troops landed
at Morton's Point, but, receiving that the Americans waited for them,
with firmness. They remained on their ground until the arrival
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of a reinforcement from Boston, for which General Howe had applied.
During this interval, the Americans also were reinforced by a
detachment under the command of General's Warrant and Pomeroy, and
they availed themselves of this delay to strengthen their defenses
with some adjoining posts and rails, which they pulled up
and arranged in two paralleled lines at a small distance
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from each other, filling the space between with hay, so
as to form a complete cover from the muscue street
of the assailants. The British troops, on being joined by
their second detachment, advanced slowly in two lines under cover
of a heavy discharge of cannon and Howitzer's, frequently halting
in order to allow their art time to demolish the works.
While they were advancing, orders were given to set fire
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to Charles them a handsome village which flanked their line
of march, and which was soon consumed. It is not
easy to conceive a spectacle more grand and more awful
than was now exhibited, nor a moment of more anxious expectation.
The scene of action was in full view of the
heights of Boston and of its neighborhood, which were covered
with spectators taking deep and opposite interests in the events
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passing before them. The soldiers of the hostile armies not
on duty, the citizens of Boston, and the inhabitants of
the adjacent country, all feeling emotions which set description at defiance.
Were witness of the majestic and tremendous scene Battle of
Breeds Hill. The provincials permitted the English to approach unmolested,
within less than one hundred yards of the works, and
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then poured in upon them so deadly afire that their
line was broken, and they fell back with precipitation towards
the landing place. By the great exertions of their officers,
they were rallied and brought up to the charge, but
were again driven back in confusion by the heavy and
incessant fire from the works. General Howe is said to
have been left at one time almost alone, and it
is certain that few officers about his person escaped unheart.
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The impression to be made by victory or defeat in
this early stage of the war was deemed so important
that extraordinary exertions were used once more to rally the
English with difficulty, they were led a third time to
the works. The redoubt was attacked on three sides, while
some pieces of artiery raked the breastwork from end to
end at the same time across fire from the ships
and floating batteries lying on both sides of the isthmus
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by which the peninsula is connected with the continent, not
only annoyed the works on Bretzhill, but deterred any considerable
reinforcements from entering the peninsula. The ammunition of the Americans
being nearly exhausted, they were no longer able to keep
up the same incessant stream afire which had twice repulsed
the assailants, and the redoubt, which the English mounted with ease,
was carried at the point of the bayonet. Yet the Americans,
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many of whom were without bayonets, are said to have
maintained the contests with clubbed muskets until the doubt was
half filled with the King's troops. The redoubt being lost,
the breast work was abandoned, and the hazardous movement was
accomplished of retreating in the face of a victorious enemy
over Charlestown Neck, exposed to the same crossfire, which had
deterred the reinforcements from coming to their assistance. The detachment
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employed on this enterprise consisted of about three thousand men,
composing the flower of the British Army, and high encomiums
were bestowed on the resolution they displayed. According to the
returns they killed and wounded, amounted to one thousand and
fifty four, an immense proportion of the number engaged in
the action. Notwithstanding the danger of the retreat over Charlestown Neck,
the loss of the Americans was stated at only four
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hundred and fifty men. Among the killed was doctor Warren,
a gentlemen greatly beloved and regretted, who felt just after
the provincials began that retreat from the breast work. At
the time, the colonial force on the peninsula was generally
stated at fifteen hundred men. It has been since estimated
at four thousand. Although the Americans lost the ground, they
claimed the victory. Many of the advantages of victory were
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certainly gained. Their confidence in themselves was greatly increased, and
it was asked universally how many more such triumphs the
invaders of their country could afford. The British army had
been treated too roughly to attempt further offensive operations. They
contended themselves with seizing and fortifying Bunker's Hill, which secured
the peninsula of Charlestown, in which, however, they remained as
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closely blockaded as in that of Boston. The Americans were
much elated by the intrepidity the raw troops had displayed
on the execution they undone. In this engagement, they finally
cherished the belief that courage and dexterity in the use
of our arms would bestow advantages amply compensating the want
of discipline. Unfortunately, for the colonies, this course of thinking
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was not confined to the mass of the people. It
seems to have extended to those who guided the public councils,
and to have contributed to the adoption of a system
which more than once brought their cause to the brink
of ruin. They did not distinguish sufficiently between the momentary
efforts of a few brave men, brought together by a
high sense of the injuries which leatened their country, and
carried into action under the influence of keen resentments, and
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those steady persevering exertions under continued suffering, which must be
necessary to bring an important war to a happy termination.
Nor did they examine with sufficient accuracy several striking circumstances
attending the battle which had been fought. It is not
easy to read the accounts given of the action without
being persuaded that had the Americans on breeds had been
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supplied with ammunition and then properly supported, had the reinforcements
ordered to their assistance entered the peninsula as soldiers in
habits of obedience would have done, and there displayed the
heroic courage which was exhibited by their countrymen engaged in
defense of the works, the assailants must have been defeated,
and the flower of the British army cut to pieces.
It ought also to have been remarked that while the few,
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who were endowed with more than a common portion of
bravery encountered the danger of executing the orders that had received,
the many were deterred by the magnitude of that danger.
But it is not by the few that great victories
are to be gained or a country to be saved.
Amidst these hostile operations, the voice of peace was yet
heard allegiance to the King was still acknowledged, and a
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lingering hope remained that an accommodation was not impossible. Congress
voted a petition to His Majesty, replete with professions of
duty and attachment, and addressed a letter to the people
of England, conjuring them by the endearing appellations of friends, countrymen,
and brethren, to prevent the dissolution of that connection in
which the remembrance of former friendships, pride in the glorious
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achievements of common ancestors, and affection for the heirs of
their virtues had heretofore maintained. They uniformly disclaimed any idea
of independence, and professed themselves to consider union with England
on constitutional principles, as the greatest blessing which could be
bestowed on them. But Britain had determined to maintain by
force the legislative supremacy of Parliament, and America was equally
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determined by force to repel the claim. In of Chapter fourteen,
Part two, End of the Life of Washington, Volume one
by John Marshall,