August 18, 2025 • 29 mins
Dive into the captivating world of Napoleon Bonaparte through the eyes of his private secretary. This remarkable memoir, forged from years of close friendship and professional collaboration, offers a unique glimpse into the life and mind of one of historys most enigmatic figures. - Summary by Gillian Hendrie and Wikipedia
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Chapter eighteen of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume three by
Louis Antoine Foilet de Bouriennes. This LibriVox recording is in
the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter eighteen, seventeen
ninety nine. Arrival at Jaffa, the siege Bourney and Cuasier,
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four thousand prisoners, scarcity of provisions, councils of war, dreadful necessity,
the massacre, the plague, Land and the mountaineers, barbarity of Jisir,
arrival at Saint gen Daques and abortive attacks Sir Sidney Smith,
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death of Cafarelli du Roc, wounded, rash bathing, insurrections in Egypt.
When arriving before Jaffa, where there were already some troops,
the first person I met was Adjutant General, with whom
I was well acquainted. I wished him good day and
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offered him my hand. Good God, what are you about,
said he, repulsing me with a very abrupt gesture. You
may have the plague. People do not touch each other.
Here I mentioned the circumstance to Bonaparte, who said, if
he be afraid of the plague, he will die of it.
Shortly after at Saint Jean Dark he was attacked by
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that malady and soon sank under it. On the fourth
of March we commenced the siege of Schaffha. That paltry
place which, to round a sentence was pompously styled the
ancient Joppa, held out only to the sixth of March,
when it was taken by storm and given up to pillage.
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The massacre was horrible. General Bonaparte sent his aid de
comt Boarney and Quasier to appease the fury of the
soldiers as much as possible, and to report to him
what was passing. They learned that a considerable part of
the garrison had retired into some vast buildings, a sort
of caravanserae, which formed a large enclosed court. Bourne and Quasier,
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who were distinguished by wearing the aid de comp scarf
on their arms, proceeded to that place. The Annals and Albanians,
of whom these refugees were almost entirely composed, cried from
the windows that they were willing to surrender upon an
assurance that they would be exempted from the massacre to
which the town was doomed. If not they threatened to
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fire on the aide de comp and to defend themselves
to the last extremity. The two officers thought that they
ought to accede to the proposition, notwithstanding the decree of
death which had been pronounced against the whole garrison in
consequence of the town being taken by storm. They brought
them to our camp in two divisions, one consisting of
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about two two five hundred men, the other of about
one thousand, six hundred. I was walking with General Bonaparte
in front of his tent when he beheld this mass
of men approaching, And before he even saw his aide
de comp he said to me, in a tone of
profound sorrow, what do they wish me to do with
these men? Have I food for them, ships to convey
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them to Egypt or France? Why in the devil's name
have they served me thus? After their arrival and the
explanations which the General in chief demanded and listened to
with anger, Eugene and Croisier received the most severe reprimand
for their conduct. But the deed was done. Four thousand
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men were there. It was necessary to decide upon their fate.
The two id de comts observed that they had found
themselves alone in the midst of numerous enemies, and that
he had directed them to restrain the carnage. Yes, doubtless,
replied the General in Chief, with great warmth, as to women,
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children and old men, all the peaceable inhabitants, but not
with respect to armed soldiers. It was your duty to
die rather than bring these unfortunate creatures to me. What
do you want me to do with them? These words
were pronounced in the most angry tone. The prisoners were
then ordered to sit down and replaced without any order,
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in front of the tents, their hands tied behind their backs.
A somber determination was depicted on their countenances. We gave
them a little biscuit and bread squeezed out of the
already scanty supply for the army. On the first day
of their arrival, a council of war was held in
the tent of the General in Chief to determine what
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course should be pursued with respect to them. The council
deliberated a long time without coming to any decision. On
the evening of the following day, the daily reports of
the generals of division came in. They spoke of nothing
but the insufficiency of the rations, the complaints of the
soldiers of their murmurs, and discontent at seeing their bread
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given to enemies who had been withdrawn from their vengeance.
Inasmuch as a decree of death in conformity with the
laws of war had been passed on Jaffa. All these
reports were alarming, and especially that of General Bon in
which no reserve was made. He spoke of nothing less
than the fear of a revolt, which would be justified
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by the serious nature of the case. The council assembled again.
All the generals of division were summoned to attend, and
for several hours together they discussed, under separate questions what
measures might be adopted, with the most sincere desire to
discover and execute one which would save the lives of
these unfortunate prisoners. One should they be into Egypt, could
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it be done to do so? It would be necessary
to send with them a numerous escort, which would too
much weaken our little army in the enemy's country. How besides,
could they and the escort be supported till they reached Cairo?
Having no provisions to give them on setting out, and
their route being through a hostile territory which we had exhausted,
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which presented no fresh resources, and through which we perhaps
might have to return. Two should they be embarked, where
were the ships? Where could they be found? All our
telescopes directed over the sea could not descry a single
friendly sale. Bonaparte, I affirm, would have regarded such an
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event as a real favor of fortune. It was, and
I am glad to have to say it. This sole idea,
this sole hope, which made him brave for three days
the murmurs of his army, but in vain was helped
look for seaward it did not come. Three. Should the
prisoners be set at liberty, they would then instantly proceed
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to Saint Joan Dark to reinforce the Pasha, or else
throwing themselves into the mountains of Nablus, would greatly annoy
our rear and right flank, and deal out death to
us as a recompense for the life we had given them.
There could be no doubt of this. What is a
Christian dog to a Turk? It would even have been
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a religious and meritorious act in the eye of the prophet.
Four could they be incorporated, disarmed with our soldiers in
the ranks. Here again the question of food presented itself
in all its force. Next came to be considered the
danger of having such comrades while marching through an enemy's country.
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What might happen in the event of a battle before
Saint jean Dale, could we even tell what might occur
during the march? And finally, what must be done with
them when under the ramparts of that town, if we
should be able to take them there. The same embarrassments
with respect to the questions of provisions and security would
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then recur with increased force. The third day arrived without
its being possible. Anxiously as it was desired to come
to any conclusion favorable to the preservation of these unfortunate men,
the murmurs in the camp grew louder, the evil went
on increasing. Remedy appeared impossible, The danger was real and imminent.
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The order for shooting the prisoners was given and executed
on the tenth of March. We did not, as has
been stated, separate the Egyptians from the other prisoners. There
were no Egyptians. Many of the unfortunate creatures composing the
smaller division, which was fired on close to the sea
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coast at some distance from the other column succeeded in
swimming to some reefs of rocks out of the reach
of musket shot. The soldiers rested their muskets on the sand,
and to induce the prisoners to return, employed the Egyptian
signs of reconciliation in use in the country. They came back,
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but as they advanced they were killed and disappeared among
the waves. I confine myself to these details of this
act of dreadful necessity, of which I was an eye witness.
Others who like myself saw it, have fortunately spared me
the recital of the sanguinary result. This atrocious scene, when
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I think of it, still makes me shudder, as it
did on the day I beheld it, and I would
wish it were possible for me to forget it, rather
than be compelled to describe it. All the horrors imagination
can conceive relative to the that day of blood would
fall short of the reality. I have related, the truth,
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the whole truth. I was present at all the discussions,
all the conferences, all the deliberations. I had, not, as
may be supposed, a deliberative voice. But I am bound
to declare that the situation of the army. The scarcity
of food, our small numerical strength in the midst of
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a country where every individual was an enemy, would have
induced me to vote in the affirmative of the proposition
which was carried into effect. If I had a vote
to give, it was necessary to be on the spot
in order to understand the horrible necessity which existed, or
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unfortunately presents too many occasions on which a law immutable
in all ages and common to all nations, required that
private interests should be sacrificed to a great general interest,
and that even humanity should be forgotten. It is for
posterity to judge whether this terrible situation was that in
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which Bonaparte was placed. For my own part, I have
a perfect conviction that he could not do otherwise than
yield to the dire necessity of the case. It was
the advice of the council, whose opinion was unanimous in
favor of the execution, that governed him. Indeed, I ought
in truth to say that he yielded only in the
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last extremity, and was one of those, perhaps who beheld
the massacre with the deepest pain. After the siege of Jaffa,
the plague began to exhibit itself with a little more virulence.
We lost between seven and eight hundred men by the
contagion during the campaign of Syria. Footnote Sir Walter Scott
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says that Heaven sent this pestilence amongst us to avenge
the massacre of Jaffa and footnote. During our march on
Saint Jean Darque, which was commenced on the fourteenth of March,
the army neither obtained the brilliant triumphs nor encountered the
numerous obstacles spoken of in certain works. Nothing of importance
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occurred but a rash skirmish of General Land, who, in
spite of contrary orders from Bonaparte, obstinately pursued a troop
of mountaineers into the passages of Nablus. On returning, he
found the mountaineers placed in ambush in great numbers amongst rocks,
the windings of which they were well acquainted with. Whence
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they fired close upon our troops, whose situation rendered them
unable to defend themselves. During the time of this foolish
and useless enterprise, especially while the firing was brusque, Bonaparte
exhibited much impatience and it must be confessed his anger
was but natural. The Nablussi halted at the openings of
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the mountain defiles. Bonaparte reproached Lan bitterly for having uselessly
exposed himself and quote sacrificed without any object a number
of brave men end quote. Lan excused himself by saying
that the mountaineers had defied him, and he wished to
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chastise the rabble. We are not in a condition to
play the swaggerer, replied Napoleon. In four days we arrived
before Saint Jean Dark, where we learned that Jizre had
cut off the head of our envoy, Meye de Chateau Renaud,
and thrown his body into the sea in a sack.
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This cruel Pasha was guilty of a great number of
similar executions. The waves frequently drove dead bodies towards the coast,
and we came upon them whilst bathing. The details of
the siege of Acre are well known. Although sir by
a wall flanked with strong towers, and having besides a
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broad and deep ditch defended by works, this little fortress
did not appear likely to hold out against French valor,
and the scale of our cores of engineers and artillery.
But the ease and rapidity with which Jaffa had been
taken occasion does to overlook in some degree the comparative
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strength of the two places, and the difference of their
respective situations. At Jaffa we had sufficient artillery. At Saint
John Duck we had not. At Jaffa we had to
deal only with a garrison left to itself. At Saint
John Duck we were opposed by a garrison strengthened by
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reinforcements of men and supplies of provisions, supported by the
English fleet, and assisted by European science. Sir Sidney Smith was,
beyond doubt the man who did us the greatest injury.
Footnote Sir Sidney Smith was the only Englishman besides the
Duke of Wellington, who defeated Napoleon in military operations. The
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third Englishman opposed to him, Sir John Moore, was compelled
to make a precipitate retreat through the weakness of his
force and footnote. Much has been said respecting his communications
with the General in Chief, the reproaches which the latter
cast upon him for endeavoring to seduce the soldiers and
officers of the army by tempting offers were the more singular,
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even if they were well founded. Inasmuch as these means
are frequently employed by leaders in war, footnot at one
time the French general was so disturbed by them as
to endeavor to put a stop to them, which object
he effected by interdicting all communication with the English and
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signifying in an order of the day that their commodore
was a madman. This being relieved in the army, so
enraged Sir Sidney Smith, that, in his wrath he sent
a challenge to Napoleon. The latter replied that he had
too many weighty affairs on his hands to trouble himself
in so trifling a matter. Had it indeed been the
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Great Marlborough, it might have been worthy his attention. Still,
if the English sailor was absolutely bent upon fighting, he
would send him a bravo from the army and show
them a small portion of neutral ground where the mad
commodore might land and satisfy his humor. To the full
note Editor of eighteen thirty six edition, and note and
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footnote as to the embarking of French prisoners on board
a vessel in which the plague existed. The improbability of
the circumstance alone, but especially the notorious facts of the case,
repel this odious accusation. I observed the conduct of Sir
Sidney Smith closely at the time, and I remarked in
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him a chivalric spirit which sometimes hurried him into trifling eccentricities.
But I affirm that his behavior towards the French was
that of a gallant enemy. I have seen many letters
in which the writers informed him that they quote, were
very sensible of the good treatment which the French experienced
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when they fell into his hands end quote. Let any
one examine Sir Sidney's conduct before the capitulation of El
Arish and after its rupture, and then they can judge
of his character. Footnote. Napoleon, when at Saint Helena, in
speaking of the Siege of Acre, said quote, Sidney Smith
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is a brave officer. He displayed considerable ability in the
treaty for the evacuation of Egypt by the French. He
took advantage of the discontent which he found to prevail
amongst the French troops at being so long away from France,
and other circumstances. He manifested great honor in sending immediately
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to Claver the refusal of Lord Keith to ratify the
treaty which saved the French army. If he had kept
it a secret, seven or eight days longer, Cairo would
have been given up to the Turks, and the French
army necessarily obliged to surrender to the English. He also
showed great humanity and honor in all his proceedings towards
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the French who fell into his hands. He landed at
Havre for some sottises of a bet he had made,
according to some, to go to the theater. Others said
it was for espionage, however that may be. He was
arrested and confined in the temple as a spy, and
at one time it was intended to try and execute him.
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Shortly after I returned from Italy, he wrote to me
from his prison to request that I would intercede for him,
But under the circumstances in which he was taken I
could not for him. He is active, intelligent, intriguing and indefatigable,
but I believe that he is Mezzo pazzo. The chief
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cause of the failure at Acre was that he took
all my battering train, which was on board of several
small vessels. Had it not been for that, I would
have taken Acre. In spite of him. He behaved very bravely,
and was well seconded by Filippo, a Frenchman of talent,
who had studied with me as an engineer. There was
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a major Douglas, also who behaved very gallantly. The acquisition
of five or six hundred seamen as gunners was a
great advantage to the Turks, whose spirit they revived and
whom they showed how to defend the fortress. But he
committed a great fault in making sorties which cost the
lives of two or three hundred brave fellows, without the
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possibility of success. For it was impossible he could succeed
against the number of French who were before Acre. I
would lay a wage that he lost half of his
crew in them. He dispersed proclamations amongst my troops, which
certainly shook some of them, and I, in consequence published
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an order stating that he was mad and forbidding all
communication with him. Some days after he sent, by means
of a flag of truce, a lieutenant or a midshipman
with a letter containing a challenge to me to meet
him at some place he pointed out in order to
fight a duel. I laughed at this and sent him
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back an intimation that when he brought Marlborough to fight me,
I would meet him. Notwithstanding this, I like the character
of the man. Note Voices from Saint Helena, Volume four,
page two hundred and eight, end note, end footnote. All
our maneuvers are works, and attacks were made with that
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levity and carelessness which over confidence inspires. Claybur, whilst walking
with me one day in the lines of our camp,
frequently expressed his surprise and discontent the trenches, said he
do not come up to my knees. Besieging artillery was
of necessity required. We commenced with field artillery. This encouraged
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the besieged, who perceived the weakness of our resources. The
besieging artillery, consisting only of three twenty four pounders and
six eighteen pounders, was not brought up until the end
of April, and before that period three assaults had taken
place with very serious loss. On the fourth of May,
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our powder began to fail us. This cruel event obliged
us to slacken our fire. We also wanted shot, and
an order of the day fixed a price to be
given for all balls, according to their caliber, which might
be picked up after being fired from the fortress or
the two ships of the line, the Tiger and Theseus,
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which were stationed on each side of the harbor. These
two vessels embarrassed the communication between the camp and the trenches,
but though they made much noise, they did little harm.
A ball from one of them killed an officer. On
the evening the siege was raised. The enemy had within
the walls some excellent riflemen, chiefly Albanians. They placed stones
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one over the other on the walls, put their firearms
through the interstses, and thus completely sheltered, fired with destructive precision.
On the ninth of April, General Caffarelli, so well known
for his courage and talents, was passing through the trench,
his hand resting as he stooped on his hip to
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preserve the equilibrium which his wooden leg impaired. His elbow
only was raised above the trench. He was warned that
the enemy's shot fired close upon us, did not miss
the smallest object. He paid no attention to any observation
of this kind, and in a few instants his elbow
joint was fractured. Amputation of the arm was judged indispensable.
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The general survived the operation eighteen days. Bonaparte went regularly
twice a day to his tent. By his order added
to my friendship for Caferelli, I scarcely ever quitted him.
Shortly before he expired, he said to me, my dear Bourienne,
be so good as to read to me Voltaire's Preface
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to the Espride Lois. When I returned to the tent
of the General in chief, he asked, how is Caferelli.
I replied, he is near his end. But he asked
me to read him Voltaire's Preface to the espri de Lois.
He has just fallen asleep. Bonaparte said, bah, to wish
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to hear that preface house singular. He went to see Cafarelli,
but he was still asleep. I returned to him that
evening and received his last breath. He died with the
utmost composure. His death was equally regretted by the soldiers
and the men of science who accompanied us. It was
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a just regret due to that distinguished man in whom
very extensive information was united with great courage and amiable disposition.
On the tenth of May, when an assault took place,
Buonaparte proceeded at an early hour to the trenches. Footnote
Sir Sidney Smith, in his official report of the assault
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on the eighth of May, says that Napoleon was distinctly
seen directing the operation. And footnote Clasier, who was mentioned
on our arrival at Damenhoor and on the capture of Jaffa,
had in vain courtied death since the commencement of the siege,
life had become insupportable to him. Since the unfortunate affair
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at Jaffa, he as usual accompanied his general to the trenches,
believing that the termination of the siege, which was supposed
to be near, would postpone indefinitely the death which he sought.
He mounted a battery. In this situation, his tall figure
uselessly provoked all the enemy's shots. Crozier, come down, I
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command you. You have no business there, cried Bonaparte in
a loud and imperative tone. Cosier remained without making any reply.
A moment after a ball passed through his right leg.
Amputation was not considered indispensable. On the day of our departure,
he was placed on a litter which was born by
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sixteen men alternately eight at a time. I received his
farewell between Gaza and l where he died of tetanus.
His modest tomb will not be often visited. The siege
of Saint Jean Dark lasted sixty days. During that time,
eight assaults and twelve sorties took place. In the assault
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of the eighth of May, more than two hundred men
penetrated into the town. Victory was already shouted, but the breach,
having been taken in reverse by the Turks, it was
not approached without some degree of hesitation, and the men
who had entered were not supported. The streets were barricaded.
The cries the howlings of the women who ran through
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the streets, throwing, according to the custom of the country,
dust in the air excited the male inhabitants to a
desperate resistance, which rendered unavailing this short occupation of the
town by a handful of men, who, finding themselves left
without assistance, retreated towards the breach. Many who could not
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reach it perished in the town. During this assault, du Roc,
who was in the trench, was wounded in the right
thigh by the splinter from a shell fired against the fortifications. Fortunately,
this accident only carried away the flesh from the bone,
which remained untouched. He had a tent in common with
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several other ed de coon, but for his better accommodation,
I gave him mine, and I scarcely ever quitted him.
Entering his tent one day about noon, I found him
in a profound sleep. The excessive heat had compelled him
to throw off all covering, and part of his wound
was exposed. I perceived a scorpion which had crawled up
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the leg off the camp bed, and approached very near
to the wound. I was just in time to hurl
it to the ground. The sudden motion of my hand
awoke du Roc. We often bathed in the sea. Sometimes
the English, perhaps after taking a double allowance of grog,
would fire at our heads, which appeared above water. I
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am not aware that any accident was occasioned by their cannonade,
but as we were beyond reach of their guns, we
paid scarcely any attention to the firing. It was seen
a subject of amusement to us. Had our attack on
Saint Joan Darques been less precipitate, and had the siege
been undertaken according to the rules of war, the place
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would not have held out three days. One assault like
that of the eighth of May would have been sufficient
if in the situation in which we were on the
day when we first came in sight of the ramparts
of Acro, we had made a less inconsiderate estimate of
the strength of the place. If we had likewise taken
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into consideration the active cooperation of the English and the
Ottoman port, our absolute want of artillery of sufficient caliber
are scarce atime of gunpowder, and the difficulty of procuring food,
we certainly should not have undertaken this sage, and that
would have been by far the wisest course. Towards the
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end of the sage, the General in chief received intelligence
of some trifling insurrections in northern Egypt. An angel had
excited them, and the heavenly messenger, who had condescended to
assume a name, was called the Mahdi or el Mohti.
This religious extravagance, however, did not last long, and tranquility
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was soon restored. All that the fanatic Mahti, who shrouded
himself in mystery, succeeded in doing was to attack our
rear by some vagabonds, whose illusions were dissipated by a
few musket shots. End of Chapter eighteen.
Chapter eighteen of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume three by
Louis Antoine Foilet de Bouriennes. This LibriVox recording is in
the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter eighteen, seventeen
ninety nine. Arrival at Jaffa, the siege Bourney and Cuasier,
(00:22):
four thousand prisoners, scarcity of provisions, councils of war, dreadful necessity,
the massacre, the plague, Land and the mountaineers, barbarity of Jisir,
arrival at Saint gen Daques and abortive attacks Sir Sidney Smith,
(00:44):
death of Cafarelli du Roc, wounded, rash bathing, insurrections in Egypt.
When arriving before Jaffa, where there were already some troops,
the first person I met was Adjutant General, with whom
I was well acquainted. I wished him good day and
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offered him my hand. Good God, what are you about,
said he, repulsing me with a very abrupt gesture. You
may have the plague. People do not touch each other.
Here I mentioned the circumstance to Bonaparte, who said, if
he be afraid of the plague, he will die of it.
Shortly after at Saint Jean Dark he was attacked by
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that malady and soon sank under it. On the fourth
of March we commenced the siege of Schaffha. That paltry
place which, to round a sentence was pompously styled the
ancient Joppa, held out only to the sixth of March,
when it was taken by storm and given up to pillage.
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The massacre was horrible. General Bonaparte sent his aid de
comt Boarney and Quasier to appease the fury of the
soldiers as much as possible, and to report to him
what was passing. They learned that a considerable part of
the garrison had retired into some vast buildings, a sort
of caravanserae, which formed a large enclosed court. Bourne and Quasier,
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who were distinguished by wearing the aid de comp scarf
on their arms, proceeded to that place. The Annals and Albanians,
of whom these refugees were almost entirely composed, cried from
the windows that they were willing to surrender upon an
assurance that they would be exempted from the massacre to
which the town was doomed. If not they threatened to
(02:37):
fire on the aide de comp and to defend themselves
to the last extremity. The two officers thought that they
ought to accede to the proposition, notwithstanding the decree of
death which had been pronounced against the whole garrison in
consequence of the town being taken by storm. They brought
them to our camp in two divisions, one consisting of
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about two two five hundred men, the other of about
one thousand, six hundred. I was walking with General Bonaparte
in front of his tent when he beheld this mass
of men approaching, And before he even saw his aide
de comp he said to me, in a tone of
profound sorrow, what do they wish me to do with
these men? Have I food for them, ships to convey
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them to Egypt or France? Why in the devil's name
have they served me thus? After their arrival and the
explanations which the General in chief demanded and listened to
with anger, Eugene and Croisier received the most severe reprimand
for their conduct. But the deed was done. Four thousand
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men were there. It was necessary to decide upon their fate.
The two id de comts observed that they had found
themselves alone in the midst of numerous enemies, and that
he had directed them to restrain the carnage. Yes, doubtless,
replied the General in Chief, with great warmth, as to women,
(04:04):
children and old men, all the peaceable inhabitants, but not
with respect to armed soldiers. It was your duty to
die rather than bring these unfortunate creatures to me. What
do you want me to do with them? These words
were pronounced in the most angry tone. The prisoners were
then ordered to sit down and replaced without any order,
(04:28):
in front of the tents, their hands tied behind their backs.
A somber determination was depicted on their countenances. We gave
them a little biscuit and bread squeezed out of the
already scanty supply for the army. On the first day
of their arrival, a council of war was held in
the tent of the General in Chief to determine what
(04:49):
course should be pursued with respect to them. The council
deliberated a long time without coming to any decision. On
the evening of the following day, the daily reports of
the generals of division came in. They spoke of nothing
but the insufficiency of the rations, the complaints of the
soldiers of their murmurs, and discontent at seeing their bread
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given to enemies who had been withdrawn from their vengeance.
Inasmuch as a decree of death in conformity with the
laws of war had been passed on Jaffa. All these
reports were alarming, and especially that of General Bon in
which no reserve was made. He spoke of nothing less
than the fear of a revolt, which would be justified
(05:36):
by the serious nature of the case. The council assembled again.
All the generals of division were summoned to attend, and
for several hours together they discussed, under separate questions what
measures might be adopted, with the most sincere desire to
discover and execute one which would save the lives of
these unfortunate prisoners. One should they be into Egypt, could
(06:01):
it be done to do so? It would be necessary
to send with them a numerous escort, which would too
much weaken our little army in the enemy's country. How besides,
could they and the escort be supported till they reached Cairo?
Having no provisions to give them on setting out, and
their route being through a hostile territory which we had exhausted,
(06:25):
which presented no fresh resources, and through which we perhaps
might have to return. Two should they be embarked, where
were the ships? Where could they be found? All our
telescopes directed over the sea could not descry a single
friendly sale. Bonaparte, I affirm, would have regarded such an
(06:46):
event as a real favor of fortune. It was, and
I am glad to have to say it. This sole idea,
this sole hope, which made him brave for three days
the murmurs of his army, but in vain was helped
look for seaward it did not come. Three. Should the
prisoners be set at liberty, they would then instantly proceed
(07:10):
to Saint Joan Dark to reinforce the Pasha, or else
throwing themselves into the mountains of Nablus, would greatly annoy
our rear and right flank, and deal out death to
us as a recompense for the life we had given them.
There could be no doubt of this. What is a
Christian dog to a Turk? It would even have been
(07:33):
a religious and meritorious act in the eye of the prophet.
Four could they be incorporated, disarmed with our soldiers in
the ranks. Here again the question of food presented itself
in all its force. Next came to be considered the
danger of having such comrades while marching through an enemy's country.
(07:56):
What might happen in the event of a battle before
Saint jean Dale, could we even tell what might occur
during the march? And finally, what must be done with
them when under the ramparts of that town, if we
should be able to take them there. The same embarrassments
with respect to the questions of provisions and security would
(08:17):
then recur with increased force. The third day arrived without
its being possible. Anxiously as it was desired to come
to any conclusion favorable to the preservation of these unfortunate men,
the murmurs in the camp grew louder, the evil went
on increasing. Remedy appeared impossible, The danger was real and imminent.
(08:41):
The order for shooting the prisoners was given and executed
on the tenth of March. We did not, as has
been stated, separate the Egyptians from the other prisoners. There
were no Egyptians. Many of the unfortunate creatures composing the
smaller division, which was fired on close to the sea
(09:02):
coast at some distance from the other column succeeded in
swimming to some reefs of rocks out of the reach
of musket shot. The soldiers rested their muskets on the sand,
and to induce the prisoners to return, employed the Egyptian
signs of reconciliation in use in the country. They came back,
(09:22):
but as they advanced they were killed and disappeared among
the waves. I confine myself to these details of this
act of dreadful necessity, of which I was an eye witness.
Others who like myself saw it, have fortunately spared me
the recital of the sanguinary result. This atrocious scene, when
(09:45):
I think of it, still makes me shudder, as it
did on the day I beheld it, and I would
wish it were possible for me to forget it, rather
than be compelled to describe it. All the horrors imagination
can conceive relative to the that day of blood would
fall short of the reality. I have related, the truth,
(10:06):
the whole truth. I was present at all the discussions,
all the conferences, all the deliberations. I had, not, as
may be supposed, a deliberative voice. But I am bound
to declare that the situation of the army. The scarcity
of food, our small numerical strength in the midst of
(10:27):
a country where every individual was an enemy, would have
induced me to vote in the affirmative of the proposition
which was carried into effect. If I had a vote
to give, it was necessary to be on the spot
in order to understand the horrible necessity which existed, or
(10:48):
unfortunately presents too many occasions on which a law immutable
in all ages and common to all nations, required that
private interests should be sacrificed to a great general interest,
and that even humanity should be forgotten. It is for
posterity to judge whether this terrible situation was that in
(11:11):
which Bonaparte was placed. For my own part, I have
a perfect conviction that he could not do otherwise than
yield to the dire necessity of the case. It was
the advice of the council, whose opinion was unanimous in
favor of the execution, that governed him. Indeed, I ought
in truth to say that he yielded only in the
(11:34):
last extremity, and was one of those, perhaps who beheld
the massacre with the deepest pain. After the siege of Jaffa,
the plague began to exhibit itself with a little more virulence.
We lost between seven and eight hundred men by the
contagion during the campaign of Syria. Footnote Sir Walter Scott
(11:56):
says that Heaven sent this pestilence amongst us to avenge
the massacre of Jaffa and footnote. During our march on
Saint Jean Darque, which was commenced on the fourteenth of March,
the army neither obtained the brilliant triumphs nor encountered the
numerous obstacles spoken of in certain works. Nothing of importance
(12:18):
occurred but a rash skirmish of General Land, who, in
spite of contrary orders from Bonaparte, obstinately pursued a troop
of mountaineers into the passages of Nablus. On returning, he
found the mountaineers placed in ambush in great numbers amongst rocks,
the windings of which they were well acquainted with. Whence
(12:39):
they fired close upon our troops, whose situation rendered them
unable to defend themselves. During the time of this foolish
and useless enterprise, especially while the firing was brusque, Bonaparte
exhibited much impatience and it must be confessed his anger
was but natural. The Nablussi halted at the openings of
(13:02):
the mountain defiles. Bonaparte reproached Lan bitterly for having uselessly
exposed himself and quote sacrificed without any object a number
of brave men end quote. Lan excused himself by saying
that the mountaineers had defied him, and he wished to
(13:22):
chastise the rabble. We are not in a condition to
play the swaggerer, replied Napoleon. In four days we arrived
before Saint Jean Dark, where we learned that Jizre had
cut off the head of our envoy, Meye de Chateau Renaud,
and thrown his body into the sea in a sack.
(13:43):
This cruel Pasha was guilty of a great number of
similar executions. The waves frequently drove dead bodies towards the coast,
and we came upon them whilst bathing. The details of
the siege of Acre are well known. Although sir by
a wall flanked with strong towers, and having besides a
(14:05):
broad and deep ditch defended by works, this little fortress
did not appear likely to hold out against French valor,
and the scale of our cores of engineers and artillery.
But the ease and rapidity with which Jaffa had been
taken occasion does to overlook in some degree the comparative
(14:25):
strength of the two places, and the difference of their
respective situations. At Jaffa we had sufficient artillery. At Saint
John Duck we had not. At Jaffa we had to
deal only with a garrison left to itself. At Saint
John Duck we were opposed by a garrison strengthened by
(14:45):
reinforcements of men and supplies of provisions, supported by the
English fleet, and assisted by European science. Sir Sidney Smith was,
beyond doubt the man who did us the greatest injury.
Footnote Sir Sidney Smith was the only Englishman besides the
Duke of Wellington, who defeated Napoleon in military operations. The
(15:09):
third Englishman opposed to him, Sir John Moore, was compelled
to make a precipitate retreat through the weakness of his
force and footnote. Much has been said respecting his communications
with the General in Chief, the reproaches which the latter
cast upon him for endeavoring to seduce the soldiers and
officers of the army by tempting offers were the more singular,
(15:34):
even if they were well founded. Inasmuch as these means
are frequently employed by leaders in war, footnot at one
time the French general was so disturbed by them as
to endeavor to put a stop to them, which object
he effected by interdicting all communication with the English and
(15:54):
signifying in an order of the day that their commodore
was a madman. This being relieved in the army, so
enraged Sir Sidney Smith, that, in his wrath he sent
a challenge to Napoleon. The latter replied that he had
too many weighty affairs on his hands to trouble himself
in so trifling a matter. Had it indeed been the
(16:16):
Great Marlborough, it might have been worthy his attention. Still,
if the English sailor was absolutely bent upon fighting, he
would send him a bravo from the army and show
them a small portion of neutral ground where the mad
commodore might land and satisfy his humor. To the full
note Editor of eighteen thirty six edition, and note and
(16:39):
footnote as to the embarking of French prisoners on board
a vessel in which the plague existed. The improbability of
the circumstance alone, but especially the notorious facts of the case,
repel this odious accusation. I observed the conduct of Sir
Sidney Smith closely at the time, and I remarked in
(17:01):
him a chivalric spirit which sometimes hurried him into trifling eccentricities.
But I affirm that his behavior towards the French was
that of a gallant enemy. I have seen many letters
in which the writers informed him that they quote, were
very sensible of the good treatment which the French experienced
(17:21):
when they fell into his hands end quote. Let any
one examine Sir Sidney's conduct before the capitulation of El
Arish and after its rupture, and then they can judge
of his character. Footnote. Napoleon, when at Saint Helena, in
speaking of the Siege of Acre, said quote, Sidney Smith
(17:42):
is a brave officer. He displayed considerable ability in the
treaty for the evacuation of Egypt by the French. He
took advantage of the discontent which he found to prevail
amongst the French troops at being so long away from France,
and other circumstances. He manifested great honor in sending immediately
(18:03):
to Claver the refusal of Lord Keith to ratify the
treaty which saved the French army. If he had kept
it a secret, seven or eight days longer, Cairo would
have been given up to the Turks, and the French
army necessarily obliged to surrender to the English. He also
showed great humanity and honor in all his proceedings towards
(18:26):
the French who fell into his hands. He landed at
Havre for some sottises of a bet he had made,
according to some, to go to the theater. Others said
it was for espionage, however that may be. He was
arrested and confined in the temple as a spy, and
at one time it was intended to try and execute him.
(18:49):
Shortly after I returned from Italy, he wrote to me
from his prison to request that I would intercede for him,
But under the circumstances in which he was taken I
could not for him. He is active, intelligent, intriguing and indefatigable,
but I believe that he is Mezzo pazzo. The chief
(19:10):
cause of the failure at Acre was that he took
all my battering train, which was on board of several
small vessels. Had it not been for that, I would
have taken Acre. In spite of him. He behaved very bravely,
and was well seconded by Filippo, a Frenchman of talent,
who had studied with me as an engineer. There was
(19:32):
a major Douglas, also who behaved very gallantly. The acquisition
of five or six hundred seamen as gunners was a
great advantage to the Turks, whose spirit they revived and
whom they showed how to defend the fortress. But he
committed a great fault in making sorties which cost the
lives of two or three hundred brave fellows, without the
(19:54):
possibility of success. For it was impossible he could succeed
against the number of French who were before Acre. I
would lay a wage that he lost half of his
crew in them. He dispersed proclamations amongst my troops, which
certainly shook some of them, and I, in consequence published
(20:15):
an order stating that he was mad and forbidding all
communication with him. Some days after he sent, by means
of a flag of truce, a lieutenant or a midshipman
with a letter containing a challenge to me to meet
him at some place he pointed out in order to
fight a duel. I laughed at this and sent him
(20:37):
back an intimation that when he brought Marlborough to fight me,
I would meet him. Notwithstanding this, I like the character
of the man. Note Voices from Saint Helena, Volume four,
page two hundred and eight, end note, end footnote. All
our maneuvers are works, and attacks were made with that
(21:01):
levity and carelessness which over confidence inspires. Claybur, whilst walking
with me one day in the lines of our camp,
frequently expressed his surprise and discontent the trenches, said he
do not come up to my knees. Besieging artillery was
of necessity required. We commenced with field artillery. This encouraged
(21:25):
the besieged, who perceived the weakness of our resources. The
besieging artillery, consisting only of three twenty four pounders and
six eighteen pounders, was not brought up until the end
of April, and before that period three assaults had taken
place with very serious loss. On the fourth of May,
(21:47):
our powder began to fail us. This cruel event obliged
us to slacken our fire. We also wanted shot, and
an order of the day fixed a price to be
given for all balls, according to their caliber, which might
be picked up after being fired from the fortress or
the two ships of the line, the Tiger and Theseus,
(22:09):
which were stationed on each side of the harbor. These
two vessels embarrassed the communication between the camp and the trenches,
but though they made much noise, they did little harm.
A ball from one of them killed an officer. On
the evening the siege was raised. The enemy had within
the walls some excellent riflemen, chiefly Albanians. They placed stones
(22:35):
one over the other on the walls, put their firearms
through the interstses, and thus completely sheltered, fired with destructive precision.
On the ninth of April, General Caffarelli, so well known
for his courage and talents, was passing through the trench,
his hand resting as he stooped on his hip to
(22:55):
preserve the equilibrium which his wooden leg impaired. His elbow
only was raised above the trench. He was warned that
the enemy's shot fired close upon us, did not miss
the smallest object. He paid no attention to any observation
of this kind, and in a few instants his elbow
joint was fractured. Amputation of the arm was judged indispensable.
(23:21):
The general survived the operation eighteen days. Bonaparte went regularly
twice a day to his tent. By his order added
to my friendship for Caferelli, I scarcely ever quitted him.
Shortly before he expired, he said to me, my dear Bourienne,
be so good as to read to me Voltaire's Preface
(23:42):
to the Espride Lois. When I returned to the tent
of the General in chief, he asked, how is Caferelli.
I replied, he is near his end. But he asked
me to read him Voltaire's Preface to the espri de Lois.
He has just fallen asleep. Bonaparte said, bah, to wish
(24:03):
to hear that preface house singular. He went to see Cafarelli,
but he was still asleep. I returned to him that
evening and received his last breath. He died with the
utmost composure. His death was equally regretted by the soldiers
and the men of science who accompanied us. It was
(24:24):
a just regret due to that distinguished man in whom
very extensive information was united with great courage and amiable disposition.
On the tenth of May, when an assault took place,
Buonaparte proceeded at an early hour to the trenches. Footnote
Sir Sidney Smith, in his official report of the assault
(24:46):
on the eighth of May, says that Napoleon was distinctly
seen directing the operation. And footnote Clasier, who was mentioned
on our arrival at Damenhoor and on the capture of Jaffa,
had in vain courtied death since the commencement of the siege,
life had become insupportable to him. Since the unfortunate affair
(25:08):
at Jaffa, he as usual accompanied his general to the trenches,
believing that the termination of the siege, which was supposed
to be near, would postpone indefinitely the death which he sought.
He mounted a battery. In this situation, his tall figure
uselessly provoked all the enemy's shots. Crozier, come down, I
(25:31):
command you. You have no business there, cried Bonaparte in
a loud and imperative tone. Cosier remained without making any reply.
A moment after a ball passed through his right leg.
Amputation was not considered indispensable. On the day of our departure,
he was placed on a litter which was born by
(25:53):
sixteen men alternately eight at a time. I received his
farewell between Gaza and l where he died of tetanus.
His modest tomb will not be often visited. The siege
of Saint Jean Dark lasted sixty days. During that time,
eight assaults and twelve sorties took place. In the assault
(26:16):
of the eighth of May, more than two hundred men
penetrated into the town. Victory was already shouted, but the breach,
having been taken in reverse by the Turks, it was
not approached without some degree of hesitation, and the men
who had entered were not supported. The streets were barricaded.
The cries the howlings of the women who ran through
(26:38):
the streets, throwing, according to the custom of the country,
dust in the air excited the male inhabitants to a
desperate resistance, which rendered unavailing this short occupation of the
town by a handful of men, who, finding themselves left
without assistance, retreated towards the breach. Many who could not
(26:59):
reach it perished in the town. During this assault, du Roc,
who was in the trench, was wounded in the right
thigh by the splinter from a shell fired against the fortifications. Fortunately,
this accident only carried away the flesh from the bone,
which remained untouched. He had a tent in common with
(27:20):
several other ed de coon, but for his better accommodation,
I gave him mine, and I scarcely ever quitted him.
Entering his tent one day about noon, I found him
in a profound sleep. The excessive heat had compelled him
to throw off all covering, and part of his wound
was exposed. I perceived a scorpion which had crawled up
(27:44):
the leg off the camp bed, and approached very near
to the wound. I was just in time to hurl
it to the ground. The sudden motion of my hand
awoke du Roc. We often bathed in the sea. Sometimes
the English, perhaps after taking a double allowance of grog,
would fire at our heads, which appeared above water. I
(28:07):
am not aware that any accident was occasioned by their cannonade,
but as we were beyond reach of their guns, we
paid scarcely any attention to the firing. It was seen
a subject of amusement to us. Had our attack on
Saint Joan Darques been less precipitate, and had the siege
been undertaken according to the rules of war, the place
(28:28):
would not have held out three days. One assault like
that of the eighth of May would have been sufficient
if in the situation in which we were on the
day when we first came in sight of the ramparts
of Acro, we had made a less inconsiderate estimate of
the strength of the place. If we had likewise taken
(28:49):
into consideration the active cooperation of the English and the
Ottoman port, our absolute want of artillery of sufficient caliber
are scarce atime of gunpowder, and the difficulty of procuring food,
we certainly should not have undertaken this sage, and that
would have been by far the wisest course. Towards the
(29:12):
end of the sage, the General in chief received intelligence
of some trifling insurrections in northern Egypt. An angel had
excited them, and the heavenly messenger, who had condescended to
assume a name, was called the Mahdi or el Mohti.
This religious extravagance, however, did not last long, and tranquility
(29:34):
was soon restored. All that the fanatic Mahti, who shrouded
himself in mystery, succeeded in doing was to attack our
rear by some vagabonds, whose illusions were dissipated by a
few musket shots. End of Chapter eighteen.
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