August 18, 2025 • 23 mins
Dive into the captivating world of Napoleon Bonaparte through the eyes of his private secretary. This remarkable memoir, forged from years of close friendship and professional collaboration, offers a unique glimpse into the life and mind of one of historys most enigmatic figures. - Summary by Gillian Hendrie and Wikipedia
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Chapter twenty one of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume three
by Louis Antoine Foilet de Bouriennes. This LibriVox recording is
in the public domain. Read by Jillian Henry, Chapter twenty one,
seventeen ninety nine. Our departure from Egypt, nocturnal embarkation, monsieur
(00:24):
parselal gonmeson en course, adverse winds, fear of the English,
favorable weather, vante an chess, we land at ajexio, Bonaparte's
pretended relations, family domains, want of money, battle of Novill,
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death of Jubert, visionary schemes, purchase of a boat, departure
from Corsica, the English squadron, our escape, the road of Frejus,
our landing in France, the plague or the Austrians, joy
of the people, the sanitary laws. Bonaparte falsely accused, we
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were now to return to our country again, to cross
the sea to us. So pregnant with danger, Caesar and
his fortune were once more to embark. But Caesar was
not now advancing to the east to add Egypt to
the conquests of the Republic. He was revolving in his
mind vast schemes and awed by the idea of venturing
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everything to chance in his own favor. The government for
which he had fought, The hope of conquering the most
celebrated country of the East no longer excited the imagination.
As on our departure from France, our last visionary dream
had vanished before the walls of Saint Jean dark, and
we were leaving on the burning sands of Egypt, most
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of our companions and arms. An inconceivable destiny seemed to
urge us on and we were obliged to obey its decrees.
On the twenty third of August, we embarked on board
two frigates that Muirons and carrier fuotnote Muiron named after
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Bonaparte's Eid de comp killed in the Italian campaign, and
footnote our number was between four and five hundred. Such
was our squadron, and such the formidable army with which
Bonaparte had resolved, as he wrote to the Divan of Cairo, quote,
to annihilate all his enemies end quote. This boasting might
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impose on those who did not see the real state
of things, But what were we to think of it?
What Bonaparte himself thought the day after The night was
dark when we embarked in the frigates, which lay at
a considerable distance from the port of Alexandria, but by
the faint light of the stars we perceived a corvette
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which appeared to be observing our silent nocturnal invocation. Footnote.
The horses of the escort had been left to run
loose on the beach, and all was perfect stillness in
Alexandria when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed
by the wild galloping of horses, which, from a natural instinct,
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were returning to Alexandria through the desert. The picket ran
to arms. On seeing horses ready saddled and bridled, which
were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of guides.
They at first thought that a misfortune had happened to
some detachment in its pursuit of the Arabs. With these
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horses came also those of the generals who had embarked
with General Bonaparte, so that Alexandria was for a time
inconsiderable alarm. The cavalry was ordered to proceed in all
haste in the direction. Whence the horses came, and everyone
was giving himself up to the most gloomy conjectures when
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the cavalry returned to the city with the Turkish groom,
who was bringing back General Bonaparte's horse to Alexandria. Note
Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo tom One, page one
hundred and eighty two and footnote. Next morning, just as
we were on the point of setting sail, we saw
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coming from the port of Alexandria a boat on board
of which was Monsieur Parsival Gomeson. This excellent man, who
was beloved by all of us, was not included among
the persons whose return to France had been determined by
the General in chief. In his anxiety to get off,
Bonaparte would not hear of taking him on board. It
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will readily be conceived how urgent were the entreaties of Perceval,
but he would have sued in vain had not gunt
Monte Bertoli and I interceded for him. With some difficulty,
we overcame Bonaparte's resistance, and our colleague of the Egyptian
Institute got on board after the wind had filled ourselves.
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It has been erroneously said that Admiral Guntom had full
control of the frigates as if anyone could command. When
Bonaparte was present. On the contrary, Bonaparte declared to the
admiral in my hearing that he would not take the
ordinary course and get into the open sea. Keep close
along the coast of the Mediterranean, said he, on the
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African side, until you get south of Sardinia. I have
here a handful of brave fellows and a few pieces
of artillery. If the English should appear, I will run
ashore and with my party make my way by land
to Oran Tunis or some other port, whence we may
find an opportunity of getting home. This was his irrevoke determination.
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For twenty one days, adverse winds blowing from west or
northwest drove us continually on the coast of Syria or
in the direction of Alexandria. At one time it was
even proposed that we should again put into the port,
but Bonaparte declared he would rather brave every danger than
do so. During the day we tacked to a certain
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distance northward, and in the evening we stood towards Africa
until we came within sight of the coast. Finally, after
no less than twenty one days of impatience and disappointment.
A favorable east wind carried us past that point of
Africa on which Carthage formerly stood, and we soon doubled Sardinia.
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We kept very near the western coast of that island,
where Bonaparte had determined to land in case of our
falling in with the English squadron. From thence his plan
was to reach Corsica and there to await a favorable
opportunity of returning to France. Everything had contributed to render
our voyage dull and monotonous. And besides, we were not
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entirely without uneasiness as to the steps which might be
taken by the Directory, For it was certain that the
publication of the intercepted correspondence must have occasioned many unpleasant disclosures.
Bonaparte used often to walk on deck to superintend the
execution of his orders. The smallest sale that appeared in
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view excited his alarm. The fear of falling into the
hands of the English never forsook him. That was what
he dreaded most of all, and yet at a subsequent
period he trusted to the generosity of his enemies. However,
in spite of our well founded alarm, there were some
moments in which we sought to amuse ourselves, or to
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use a common expression, to kill time, cards afford he
does a source of recreation, and even this frivolous amusement
served to develop the character of Bonaparte. In general, he
was not fond of cards, but if he did play,
Lantienne was his favorite game, because it is more rapid
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than many others, and because, in short, it afforded him
an opportunity of cheating. For example, he would ask for
a card. If it proved a bad one, he would
say nothing, but lay it down on the table and
wait till the dealer had drawn his. If the dealer
produced a good card, then Bonaparte would throw aside his
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hand without showing it, and give up his stake. If,
on the contrary, the dealer's card made him exceed twenty one,
Bonaparte also threw his cards aside without showing them, and
asked for the payment of his stake. He was much
diverted by these little tricks, especially when they were played
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off undetected. I confess that even then we were courtiers
enough to humor him and wink at his cheating. I must, however,
mention that he never appropriated to himself the fruit of
these little dishonesties, for at the end of the game,
he gave up all his winnings, and they were equally divided. Gain,
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as may readily be supposed, was not his object. But
he always expected that fortune would grant him an ace
or a ten at the right moment, with the same
confidence with which he looked for fine weather on the
day of battle. If he were disappointed, he wished nobody
to know it. Bonaparte also played at chess, but very seldom,
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because he was only a third rate player, and he
did not like to be beaten at that game, which
I know not why is said to bear a resemblance
to the grand game of war. At this latter game,
Bonaparte certainly feared no adversary. This reminds me that when
we were leaving Passeriano, he announced his intention of passing
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through Mantua. He was told that the commandant of that town,
I believe, General Beauvoirs was a great chess player, and
he expressed a wish to play a game with him.
General beauvoir asked him to point out any particular pawn
with which he would be checkmated, adding that if the
pawn were taken, he Bonaparte should be declared the winner.
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Bonaparte pointed out the last pawn on the left of
his adversary. A mark was put upon it, and it
turned out that he actually was checkmated with that very pawn.
Bonaparte was not very pleased at this. He liked to
play with me because, though rather a better player than himself,
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I was not always able to beat him. As soon
as the game was decided in his favor, he declined
playing any longer, preferring to rest on his laurels. The
favorable wind, which had constantly prevailed after the first twenty
days of our voyage, still continued while we kept along
the coast of Sardinia, But after we had passed that island,
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the wind again blew violently from the west, and on
the first of October we were forced to enter the
Gulf of Ajexio. We sailed again next day, but we
found it impossible to work our way out of the gulf.
We were therefore obliged to put into the port and
land at Ajexio. Adverse winds obliged us to remain there
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until the seventh of October. It may readily be imagined
how much this delay annoyed Bonaparte. He sometimes expressed his
impatience as if he could enforce the obedience of the
elements as well as off the men. He was losing time,
and time was everything to him. There was one circumstance
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which seemed to annoy him as much as any of
his more serious victation. What will become of me? Said he?
If the English, who are a cruising hereabout should learn
that I have landed in Corsica, I shall be forced
to stay here that I could never endure. I have
a torrent of relations pouring upon me. His great reputation
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had certainly prodigiously augmented the number of his family. He
was overwhelmed with visits, congratulations, and requests. The whole town
was in a commotion. Every one of its inhabitants wished
to claim him as their cousin. And from the prodigious
number of his pretended god sons and god daughters, it
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might have been supposed that he had held one fourth
of the children of Ajaxeo at the baptismal font But
apart frequently walked with us in the neighborhood of Ajaxio,
and when in all the plenitude of his power, he
did not count his crowns with greater pleasure than he
evinced in pointing out to us the little domains of
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his ancestors. While we were at Ajaccio, Monsieur Fish gave
Bonaparte French money in exchange for a number of Turkish
sequins amounting in value to seventeen thousand francs. This sum
was all that the general brought with him from Egypt.
I mention this fact because he was unjustly calumniated in
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letters written after his departure, and which were intercepted and
published by the English. I ought also to add that,
as he would never, for his own private use resort
to the money chest of the army, the contents of
which were indeed never half sufficient to defray the necessary expenses,
he several times drew on Genoa through Monsieur James, and
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on the funds he possessed in the House of Clari
sixteen thousand, twenty five thousand, and up to thirty three
thousand francs. I can bear witness that in Egypt I
never saw him touch any money beyond his pay, and
that he left the country poorer than he had entered.
It is a sad fact that cannot be denied. In
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his notes on Egypt, it appears that in one year
twelve million, six hundred thousand francs were received. In this
sum were included at least two million of contributions, which
were levied at the expense of many decapitations. Bonaparte was
fourteen months in Egypt, and he is said to have
brought away with him twenty million calumny may be very
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gratifying to certain persons, but they should at least give
it a coloring of probability. The fact is that Bonaparte
had scarcely enough to maintain himself at Ajaxio and to
defray our posting expenses to Paris. On our arrival at Adexeo,
we learnt the death of Joubert and the loss of
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the Battle of Novi, which was fought on the fifteenth
of August. Bonaparte was tormented by anxiety. He was in
a state of utter uncertainty as to the future. From
the time we left Alexandria till our arrival in Corsica.
He had frequently talked of what he should do during
the quarantine, which he supposed he would be required to
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observe on reaching Toulon, the porte at which he had
determined to land. Even then he cherished some illusions respecting
the state of affairs, and he often said to me, quote,
but for that confounded quarantine, I would hasten ashore and
place myself at the head of the army of Italy.
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All is not over, and I am sure that there
is not a general who would refuse me the command.
The news of a victory gained by me would reach
Paris as soon as the Battle of Aboukir, That indeed
would be excellent end Quote. In Corsica, his language was
very different. When he was informed of our reverses and
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saw the full extent of the evil, he was, for
a moment overwhelmed. His grand projects. Then gave way to
the consideration of matters of minor import and he thought
about his detention In the Lazaretto of Toulon. He spoke
of the directory of intrigues, and of what would be
said of him. He accounted his enemies, those who envied him,
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and those who could not be reconciled to his glory
and the influence of his name. Amidst all these anxieties,
But Aparte was outwardly calm, though he was moody and reflective,
providing against every chance of danger. He had purchased at
Ajaxio a large launch which was intended to be towed
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by the Moron, and it was manned by twelve of
the best sailors the island could furnish. His resolution was,
in case of inevitable danger, to jump into this boat
and get ashore. This precaution had well nigh proved useful. Footnote.
Sir Walter Scott, at the commencement of his Life of Napoleon,
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says that Bonaparte did not see his native city after
seventeen ninety three, probably to avoid contradicting himself. The Scottish
historian observes that Bonaparte was near a Jacksio on his
return from Egypt. He spent eight days there Bourienne and footnote.
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After leaving the Gulf of Ajacksio, the voyage was prosperous
and undisturbed for one day, but on the second day,
just at sunset, an English squadron of fourteen sail hove
in sight. The English, having advantage of the lights which
we had in our faces, saw us better than we
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could see them. They recognized our two frigates as Venetian built.
But luckily for us night came on, for we were
not far apart. We saw the signals of the English
for a long time, and heard the report of the
guns more and more to our left, and we thought
it was the intention of the cruisers to intercept us
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on the southeast. Under these circumstances, Bonaparte had reason to
thank fortune, for it is very evident that had the
English suspected our two frigates of coming from the east
and going to France, they would have shut us out
from land by running between us and It, which to
them was very easy. Probably they took us for a
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convoy of provisions going from Toulon to Genoa. And it
was to this error and the darkness that we were
indebted for escaping with no worse consequence than a fright
Footnote Here, Bullyenne says in a note quote where did
Sir Walter Scott learn that we were neither seen nor recognized?
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We were not recognized, but certainly seen end quote. This
is corroborate by the testimony of the Duc de Rovigo, who,
in his memoirs says, quote, I have met officers of
the English Navy, who assured me that the two frigates
had been seen, but were considered by the Admiral to
belong to his squadron, as they steered their course towards him.
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And as he knew he had only one frigate in
the Mediterranean and one in Toulon Harbor, he was far
from supposing that the frigates which he had described could
have General Bonaparte on board. End quote Savai tom One,
page two hundred and twenty six, en footnote. During the
remainder of the night, the utmost agitation prevailed on board
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the Muiroon Gontal especially was in a state of anxiety
which it is impossible to describe, and which it was
painful to witness. He was quite beside himself, for a
disaster appeared inevitable. He proposed to return to Carsica. No no,
replied Bonaparte. Imperiously, No, spread all sail every man at
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his post to the northwest, to the northwest. This order
saved us, and I am enabled to affirm that, in
the midst of almost general alarm, Buonaparte was solely occupied
in giving orders. The rapidity of his judgment seemed to
grow in the face of danger. The remembrance of that
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night will never be effaced from my mind. The hours
lingered on, and none of us could guess upon what
new dangers the moral's sun would shine. However, Bonaparte's resolution
was taken, his orders were given, his arrangements made. During
the evening, he had resolved upon throwing himself into the
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long boat. He had already fixed on the persons who
were to share his fate, and had already named to
me the papers which he thought it most important to save. Happily,
our terror were vain and our arrangements useless. By the
first rays of the sun, we discovered the English fleet
sailing to the northeast, and we stood for the wished
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for coast of France. The eighth of October, at eight
in the morning, we entered the roads of Crejus, the sailors,
not having recognized the coast during the night, we did
not know where we were. There was at first some
hesitation whether we should advance. We were by no means expected,
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and did not know how to answer the signals which
had been changed during our absence. Some guns were even
fired upon us by the batteries on the coast. But
our bold entry into the roads, the crowd upon the
decks of the two frigates, and our signs of joy,
speedily banished all doubt of our being friends. We were
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in the port and approaching the landing place when the
riumor spread that Buonaparte was on board one of the frigates.
In an instant, the sea was covered with boats in vain.
We begged them to keep at a distance. We were
carried ashore, and when we told the crowd, both of
men and women, who were pressing about us, the risk
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they ran, they all exclaimed, we prefer the plague to
the Austrians. What were our feelings when we again set
foot on the soil of France. I will not attempt
to describe our escape from the dangers that threatened us
seemed almost miraculous. We had lost twenty days at the
beginning of our voyage, and at its close we had
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been almost taken by an English squadron. Under these circumstances,
how rapturously we inhaled the bami air of Provence. Such
was our joy that we were scarcely sensible of the
disheartening news which arrived from all quarters. At the first
moment of our arrival. By a spontaneous impulse, we all repeated,
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with tears and ours eyes, the beautiful lines which Voltaire
has put into the mouth of the exile of Sicily.
Butapart has been reproached with having violated the sanitary laws.
But after what I have already stated respecting his intentions,
I presume there can remain no doubt of the falsehood
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of this accusation. All the blame must rest with the
inhabitants of Fregius, who, on this occasion found the law
of necessity more imperious than the sanitary laws. Yet, when
it is considered that four or five hundred persons and
a quantity of effects were landed from Alexandria, where the
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plague had been raging during the summer, it is almost
a miracle that France, and indeed Europe escaped the scourge.
End of Chapter twenty one
Chapter twenty one of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume three
by Louis Antoine Foilet de Bouriennes. This LibriVox recording is
in the public domain. Read by Jillian Henry, Chapter twenty one,
seventeen ninety nine. Our departure from Egypt, nocturnal embarkation, monsieur
(00:24):
parselal gonmeson en course, adverse winds, fear of the English,
favorable weather, vante an chess, we land at ajexio, Bonaparte's
pretended relations, family domains, want of money, battle of Novill,
(00:47):
death of Jubert, visionary schemes, purchase of a boat, departure
from Corsica, the English squadron, our escape, the road of Frejus,
our landing in France, the plague or the Austrians, joy
of the people, the sanitary laws. Bonaparte falsely accused, we
(01:14):
were now to return to our country again, to cross
the sea to us. So pregnant with danger, Caesar and
his fortune were once more to embark. But Caesar was
not now advancing to the east to add Egypt to
the conquests of the Republic. He was revolving in his
mind vast schemes and awed by the idea of venturing
(01:36):
everything to chance in his own favor. The government for
which he had fought, The hope of conquering the most
celebrated country of the East no longer excited the imagination.
As on our departure from France, our last visionary dream
had vanished before the walls of Saint Jean dark, and
we were leaving on the burning sands of Egypt, most
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of our companions and arms. An inconceivable destiny seemed to
urge us on and we were obliged to obey its decrees.
On the twenty third of August, we embarked on board
two frigates that Muirons and carrier fuotnote Muiron named after
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Bonaparte's Eid de comp killed in the Italian campaign, and
footnote our number was between four and five hundred. Such
was our squadron, and such the formidable army with which
Bonaparte had resolved, as he wrote to the Divan of Cairo, quote,
to annihilate all his enemies end quote. This boasting might
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impose on those who did not see the real state
of things, But what were we to think of it?
What Bonaparte himself thought the day after The night was
dark when we embarked in the frigates, which lay at
a considerable distance from the port of Alexandria, but by
the faint light of the stars we perceived a corvette
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which appeared to be observing our silent nocturnal invocation. Footnote.
The horses of the escort had been left to run
loose on the beach, and all was perfect stillness in
Alexandria when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed
by the wild galloping of horses, which, from a natural instinct,
(03:24):
were returning to Alexandria through the desert. The picket ran
to arms. On seeing horses ready saddled and bridled, which
were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of guides.
They at first thought that a misfortune had happened to
some detachment in its pursuit of the Arabs. With these
(03:44):
horses came also those of the generals who had embarked
with General Bonaparte, so that Alexandria was for a time
inconsiderable alarm. The cavalry was ordered to proceed in all
haste in the direction. Whence the horses came, and everyone
was giving himself up to the most gloomy conjectures when
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the cavalry returned to the city with the Turkish groom,
who was bringing back General Bonaparte's horse to Alexandria. Note
Memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo tom One, page one
hundred and eighty two and footnote. Next morning, just as
we were on the point of setting sail, we saw
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coming from the port of Alexandria a boat on board
of which was Monsieur Parsival Gomeson. This excellent man, who
was beloved by all of us, was not included among
the persons whose return to France had been determined by
the General in chief. In his anxiety to get off,
Bonaparte would not hear of taking him on board. It
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will readily be conceived how urgent were the entreaties of Perceval,
but he would have sued in vain had not gunt
Monte Bertoli and I interceded for him. With some difficulty,
we overcame Bonaparte's resistance, and our colleague of the Egyptian
Institute got on board after the wind had filled ourselves.
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It has been erroneously said that Admiral Guntom had full
control of the frigates as if anyone could command. When
Bonaparte was present. On the contrary, Bonaparte declared to the
admiral in my hearing that he would not take the
ordinary course and get into the open sea. Keep close
along the coast of the Mediterranean, said he, on the
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African side, until you get south of Sardinia. I have
here a handful of brave fellows and a few pieces
of artillery. If the English should appear, I will run
ashore and with my party make my way by land
to Oran Tunis or some other port, whence we may
find an opportunity of getting home. This was his irrevoke determination.
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For twenty one days, adverse winds blowing from west or
northwest drove us continually on the coast of Syria or
in the direction of Alexandria. At one time it was
even proposed that we should again put into the port,
but Bonaparte declared he would rather brave every danger than
do so. During the day we tacked to a certain
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distance northward, and in the evening we stood towards Africa
until we came within sight of the coast. Finally, after
no less than twenty one days of impatience and disappointment.
A favorable east wind carried us past that point of
Africa on which Carthage formerly stood, and we soon doubled Sardinia.
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We kept very near the western coast of that island,
where Bonaparte had determined to land in case of our
falling in with the English squadron. From thence his plan
was to reach Corsica and there to await a favorable
opportunity of returning to France. Everything had contributed to render
our voyage dull and monotonous. And besides, we were not
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entirely without uneasiness as to the steps which might be
taken by the Directory, For it was certain that the
publication of the intercepted correspondence must have occasioned many unpleasant disclosures.
Bonaparte used often to walk on deck to superintend the
execution of his orders. The smallest sale that appeared in
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view excited his alarm. The fear of falling into the
hands of the English never forsook him. That was what
he dreaded most of all, and yet at a subsequent
period he trusted to the generosity of his enemies. However,
in spite of our well founded alarm, there were some
moments in which we sought to amuse ourselves, or to
(07:55):
use a common expression, to kill time, cards afford he
does a source of recreation, and even this frivolous amusement
served to develop the character of Bonaparte. In general, he
was not fond of cards, but if he did play,
Lantienne was his favorite game, because it is more rapid
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than many others, and because, in short, it afforded him
an opportunity of cheating. For example, he would ask for
a card. If it proved a bad one, he would
say nothing, but lay it down on the table and
wait till the dealer had drawn his. If the dealer
produced a good card, then Bonaparte would throw aside his
(08:37):
hand without showing it, and give up his stake. If,
on the contrary, the dealer's card made him exceed twenty one,
Bonaparte also threw his cards aside without showing them, and
asked for the payment of his stake. He was much
diverted by these little tricks, especially when they were played
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off undetected. I confess that even then we were courtiers
enough to humor him and wink at his cheating. I must, however,
mention that he never appropriated to himself the fruit of
these little dishonesties, for at the end of the game,
he gave up all his winnings, and they were equally divided. Gain,
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as may readily be supposed, was not his object. But
he always expected that fortune would grant him an ace
or a ten at the right moment, with the same
confidence with which he looked for fine weather on the
day of battle. If he were disappointed, he wished nobody
to know it. Bonaparte also played at chess, but very seldom,
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because he was only a third rate player, and he
did not like to be beaten at that game, which
I know not why is said to bear a resemblance
to the grand game of war. At this latter game,
Bonaparte certainly feared no adversary. This reminds me that when
we were leaving Passeriano, he announced his intention of passing
(10:04):
through Mantua. He was told that the commandant of that town,
I believe, General Beauvoirs was a great chess player, and
he expressed a wish to play a game with him.
General beauvoir asked him to point out any particular pawn
with which he would be checkmated, adding that if the
pawn were taken, he Bonaparte should be declared the winner.
(10:28):
Bonaparte pointed out the last pawn on the left of
his adversary. A mark was put upon it, and it
turned out that he actually was checkmated with that very pawn.
Bonaparte was not very pleased at this. He liked to
play with me because, though rather a better player than himself,
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I was not always able to beat him. As soon
as the game was decided in his favor, he declined
playing any longer, preferring to rest on his laurels. The
favorable wind, which had constantly prevailed after the first twenty
days of our voyage, still continued while we kept along
the coast of Sardinia, But after we had passed that island,
(11:12):
the wind again blew violently from the west, and on
the first of October we were forced to enter the
Gulf of Ajexio. We sailed again next day, but we
found it impossible to work our way out of the gulf.
We were therefore obliged to put into the port and
land at Ajexio. Adverse winds obliged us to remain there
(11:35):
until the seventh of October. It may readily be imagined
how much this delay annoyed Bonaparte. He sometimes expressed his
impatience as if he could enforce the obedience of the
elements as well as off the men. He was losing time,
and time was everything to him. There was one circumstance
(11:56):
which seemed to annoy him as much as any of
his more serious victation. What will become of me? Said he?
If the English, who are a cruising hereabout should learn
that I have landed in Corsica, I shall be forced
to stay here that I could never endure. I have
a torrent of relations pouring upon me. His great reputation
(12:21):
had certainly prodigiously augmented the number of his family. He
was overwhelmed with visits, congratulations, and requests. The whole town
was in a commotion. Every one of its inhabitants wished
to claim him as their cousin. And from the prodigious
number of his pretended god sons and god daughters, it
(12:41):
might have been supposed that he had held one fourth
of the children of Ajaxeo at the baptismal font But
apart frequently walked with us in the neighborhood of Ajaxio,
and when in all the plenitude of his power, he
did not count his crowns with greater pleasure than he
evinced in pointing out to us the little domains of
(13:01):
his ancestors. While we were at Ajaccio, Monsieur Fish gave
Bonaparte French money in exchange for a number of Turkish
sequins amounting in value to seventeen thousand francs. This sum
was all that the general brought with him from Egypt.
I mention this fact because he was unjustly calumniated in
(13:23):
letters written after his departure, and which were intercepted and
published by the English. I ought also to add that,
as he would never, for his own private use resort
to the money chest of the army, the contents of
which were indeed never half sufficient to defray the necessary expenses,
he several times drew on Genoa through Monsieur James, and
(13:47):
on the funds he possessed in the House of Clari
sixteen thousand, twenty five thousand, and up to thirty three
thousand francs. I can bear witness that in Egypt I
never saw him touch any money beyond his pay, and
that he left the country poorer than he had entered.
It is a sad fact that cannot be denied. In
(14:09):
his notes on Egypt, it appears that in one year
twelve million, six hundred thousand francs were received. In this
sum were included at least two million of contributions, which
were levied at the expense of many decapitations. Bonaparte was
fourteen months in Egypt, and he is said to have
brought away with him twenty million calumny may be very
(14:34):
gratifying to certain persons, but they should at least give
it a coloring of probability. The fact is that Bonaparte
had scarcely enough to maintain himself at Ajaxio and to
defray our posting expenses to Paris. On our arrival at Adexeo,
we learnt the death of Joubert and the loss of
(14:55):
the Battle of Novi, which was fought on the fifteenth
of August. Bonaparte was tormented by anxiety. He was in
a state of utter uncertainty as to the future. From
the time we left Alexandria till our arrival in Corsica.
He had frequently talked of what he should do during
the quarantine, which he supposed he would be required to
(15:17):
observe on reaching Toulon, the porte at which he had
determined to land. Even then he cherished some illusions respecting
the state of affairs, and he often said to me, quote,
but for that confounded quarantine, I would hasten ashore and
place myself at the head of the army of Italy.
(15:38):
All is not over, and I am sure that there
is not a general who would refuse me the command.
The news of a victory gained by me would reach
Paris as soon as the Battle of Aboukir, That indeed
would be excellent end Quote. In Corsica, his language was
very different. When he was informed of our reverses and
(16:00):
saw the full extent of the evil, he was, for
a moment overwhelmed. His grand projects. Then gave way to
the consideration of matters of minor import and he thought
about his detention In the Lazaretto of Toulon. He spoke
of the directory of intrigues, and of what would be
said of him. He accounted his enemies, those who envied him,
(16:23):
and those who could not be reconciled to his glory
and the influence of his name. Amidst all these anxieties,
But Aparte was outwardly calm, though he was moody and reflective,
providing against every chance of danger. He had purchased at
Ajaxio a large launch which was intended to be towed
(16:44):
by the Moron, and it was manned by twelve of
the best sailors the island could furnish. His resolution was,
in case of inevitable danger, to jump into this boat
and get ashore. This precaution had well nigh proved useful. Footnote.
Sir Walter Scott, at the commencement of his Life of Napoleon,
(17:06):
says that Bonaparte did not see his native city after
seventeen ninety three, probably to avoid contradicting himself. The Scottish
historian observes that Bonaparte was near a Jacksio on his
return from Egypt. He spent eight days there Bourienne and footnote.
(17:26):
After leaving the Gulf of Ajacksio, the voyage was prosperous
and undisturbed for one day, but on the second day,
just at sunset, an English squadron of fourteen sail hove
in sight. The English, having advantage of the lights which
we had in our faces, saw us better than we
(17:47):
could see them. They recognized our two frigates as Venetian built.
But luckily for us night came on, for we were
not far apart. We saw the signals of the English
for a long time, and heard the report of the
guns more and more to our left, and we thought
it was the intention of the cruisers to intercept us
(18:09):
on the southeast. Under these circumstances, Bonaparte had reason to
thank fortune, for it is very evident that had the
English suspected our two frigates of coming from the east
and going to France, they would have shut us out
from land by running between us and It, which to
them was very easy. Probably they took us for a
(18:31):
convoy of provisions going from Toulon to Genoa. And it
was to this error and the darkness that we were
indebted for escaping with no worse consequence than a fright
Footnote Here, Bullyenne says in a note quote where did
Sir Walter Scott learn that we were neither seen nor recognized?
(18:54):
We were not recognized, but certainly seen end quote. This
is corroborate by the testimony of the Duc de Rovigo, who,
in his memoirs says, quote, I have met officers of
the English Navy, who assured me that the two frigates
had been seen, but were considered by the Admiral to
belong to his squadron, as they steered their course towards him.
(19:18):
And as he knew he had only one frigate in
the Mediterranean and one in Toulon Harbor, he was far
from supposing that the frigates which he had described could
have General Bonaparte on board. End quote Savai tom One,
page two hundred and twenty six, en footnote. During the
remainder of the night, the utmost agitation prevailed on board
(19:41):
the Muiroon Gontal especially was in a state of anxiety
which it is impossible to describe, and which it was
painful to witness. He was quite beside himself, for a
disaster appeared inevitable. He proposed to return to Carsica. No no,
replied Bonaparte. Imperiously, No, spread all sail every man at
(20:05):
his post to the northwest, to the northwest. This order
saved us, and I am enabled to affirm that, in
the midst of almost general alarm, Buonaparte was solely occupied
in giving orders. The rapidity of his judgment seemed to
grow in the face of danger. The remembrance of that
(20:26):
night will never be effaced from my mind. The hours
lingered on, and none of us could guess upon what
new dangers the moral's sun would shine. However, Bonaparte's resolution
was taken, his orders were given, his arrangements made. During
the evening, he had resolved upon throwing himself into the
(20:48):
long boat. He had already fixed on the persons who
were to share his fate, and had already named to
me the papers which he thought it most important to save. Happily,
our terror were vain and our arrangements useless. By the
first rays of the sun, we discovered the English fleet
sailing to the northeast, and we stood for the wished
(21:11):
for coast of France. The eighth of October, at eight
in the morning, we entered the roads of Crejus, the sailors,
not having recognized the coast during the night, we did
not know where we were. There was at first some
hesitation whether we should advance. We were by no means expected,
(21:31):
and did not know how to answer the signals which
had been changed during our absence. Some guns were even
fired upon us by the batteries on the coast. But
our bold entry into the roads, the crowd upon the
decks of the two frigates, and our signs of joy,
speedily banished all doubt of our being friends. We were
(21:53):
in the port and approaching the landing place when the
riumor spread that Buonaparte was on board one of the frigates.
In an instant, the sea was covered with boats in vain.
We begged them to keep at a distance. We were
carried ashore, and when we told the crowd, both of
men and women, who were pressing about us, the risk
(22:14):
they ran, they all exclaimed, we prefer the plague to
the Austrians. What were our feelings when we again set
foot on the soil of France. I will not attempt
to describe our escape from the dangers that threatened us
seemed almost miraculous. We had lost twenty days at the
beginning of our voyage, and at its close we had
(22:36):
been almost taken by an English squadron. Under these circumstances,
how rapturously we inhaled the bami air of Provence. Such
was our joy that we were scarcely sensible of the
disheartening news which arrived from all quarters. At the first
moment of our arrival. By a spontaneous impulse, we all repeated,
(22:59):
with tears and ours eyes, the beautiful lines which Voltaire
has put into the mouth of the exile of Sicily.
Butapart has been reproached with having violated the sanitary laws.
But after what I have already stated respecting his intentions,
I presume there can remain no doubt of the falsehood
(23:19):
of this accusation. All the blame must rest with the
inhabitants of Fregius, who, on this occasion found the law
of necessity more imperious than the sanitary laws. Yet, when
it is considered that four or five hundred persons and
a quantity of effects were landed from Alexandria, where the
(23:40):
plague had been raging during the summer, it is almost
a miracle that France, and indeed Europe escaped the scourge.
End of Chapter twenty one
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