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August 19, 2025 • 37 mins
Dive into the fascinating history of Pyrrhus, the formidable king of Epirus from 336 to 321 BC. Renowned as a brilliant soldier and conqueror, he left his mark on both Macedon and Italy, giving rise to the term Pyrrhic victory that echoes through history. Join Deon Gines as he unravels the legacy of this extraordinary leader.
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter four of Paris by Jacob Abbot. This lipovox recording
is in the public domain recording by Dion Jin's Cet
Lake City Utah Wars in Macedon b. C. Two ninety
five to eighty eight. The prince whom Piris displaced from

(00:23):
the throne of Epirus on his return from Egypt, as
narrated in the last chapter, was of course of the
family of Neoptolemus. His own name was Neoptolemus, and he
was the second son of the Neoptolemus who gave his
name to the line. Paris exercised an uncommon degree of

(00:47):
moderation in his victory over his rival, for instead of
taking his life or even banishing him from the kingdom,
he treated him with respectful consideration and offered very generously,
as it would seem, to admit him to a share
of the regal power. Neoptolemus accepted this proposal, and the

(01:12):
two kings reigned conjointly for a considerable time. A difficulty, however,
before long, occurred, which led to an open quarrel, the
result of which was that Neoptolemus was slain. The circumstances,
as related by the historians of the time were as follows.

(01:35):
It seems that it was the custom of the people
of Epirus to celebrate an annual festival at a certain
city in the kingdom, for the purpose chiefly of renewing
the oaths of allegiance on the one part and of
fealty on the other between the people and the king.

(01:56):
Of course, there were a great many games and spectacles,
as well as various religious rites and ceremonies connected with
this celebration, and among other usages which prevailed, it was
the custom for the people to bring presents to the
king on the occasion. When the period for this celebration

(02:19):
recurred after Pearis's restoration to the throne, both Pearis and Neoptolemus,
each attended by his own particular followers and friends, repaired
to the city where the celebration was to be held
and commenced the festivities. Among other donations which were made

(02:41):
to Paris at this festival, he received a present of
two yoke of oxen from a certain man named Gelon,
who was a particular friend of Neoptolemus. It appears that
it was the custom for the kings to dispose of
many of the presence, which they received on these occasions

(03:03):
from the people of the country by giving them to
their attendants and the officers of their households. And a
certain cup bearer named Myrtalus begged Pearis to give these
oxen to him. Pearis declined this request, but afterward gave
the oxen to another man. Myrtalus was offended at this

(03:27):
and uttered privately many murmurings and complaints. Gelon, perceiving this,
invited Myrdalus to sup with him. In the course of
this supper, he attempted to excite still more the ill
will which Merdalus felt toward Pearis, and finding that he

(03:48):
appeared to succeed in doing this, he finally proposed to
Myrdalus to espouse the cause of Neoptolemus and join in
a plot for poisoning Paris. His office as cupbearer would
enable him. Gellon said, to execute such a design without

(04:09):
difficulty or danger, and by doing it, he would so
commend himself to the regard of Neoptolemus that he might
rely on the most ample and abundant rewards. Myrtalus appeared
to receive these proposals with great favor. He readily promised

(04:29):
to embark in the plot, and promised to fulfill the
part assigned him in the execution of it. When the
proper time arrived. After the conclusion of the supper, Myrtalus
took leave of Gelon, and, proceeding directly to Paris, he
related to him all that had occurred. Pearis did not

(04:52):
take any rash or hasty measures in the emergency, for
he knew very well that if Gellen were to be
then charged with the crime which he had proposed to commit,
he would deny having ever proposed it, and that then
there would be only the word of Merdalus against that

(05:14):
of Gelon, and that impartial men would have no positive
means of deciding between them. He thought, therefore, very wisely,
that before taking any decided steps, it would be necessary
to obtain additional proof that Gelon had really made the proposal.

(05:36):
He accordingly directed Merdalus to continue to pretend that he
favored the plan, and to propose to Gelon to invite
another cup bearer named Alexicratus to join the plot. Alexocratus
was to be secretly instructed to appear ready to enter

(05:58):
into the conspiracy, and he should be called upon, and
thus as Pearis expected, the testimony of the two witnesses
would be obtained to Gellan's guilt. It happened, however, that
the necessary evidence against Gellon was furnished without a resort
to this measure. For when Gellen reported to Neoptolemus that

(06:22):
Myrtalus had acceded to his proposal to join him in
a plan for removing Peiris out of the way, Neotolemus
was so much overjoyed at the prospect of recovering the
throne to his own family again that he could not
refrain from revealing the plan to certain members of the family, and,

(06:45):
among others, to his sister Cadmia. At the time. When
he thus discovered the design to Cadmia, he supposed that
nobody was within hearing. The conversation took place in an
apartment where he had been supping with Cadmia, and it
happened that there was a servant woman lying upon a

(07:07):
couch in the corner of the room at the time,
with her face to the wall, apparently asleep. She was
in reality not asleep, and she overheard all the conversation.
She lay still, however, and did not speak a word.
But the next day, she went to Antigony, the wife

(07:29):
of Pearus, and communicated to her all that she had heard.
Pearus now considered the evidence that Neoptolemus was plotting his
destruction as complete, and he determined to take decisive measures
to prevent it. He accordingly invited Neoptolemus to a banquet. Neoptolemus,

(07:52):
suspecting nothing, came and Peirus slew him at the table. Henceforward,
Peirus reigned in Epirus alone. Pearis was now about twenty
three years of age, and inasmuch as with all his
moderation in respect to the pursuit of youthful pleasures, he

(08:13):
was of a very ambitious and aspiring disposition. He began
to form schemes and plans for the enlargement of his power.
An opportunity was soon afforded him to enter upon a
military career. Cassander, who had made himself king of Macedon

(08:34):
in the manner already described, died about the time that
Paris established himself on his throne in Epirus. He left
two sons, Alexander and Antipater. These brothers immediately quarreled, each
claiming the inheritance of their father's crown. Antipater proved to

(08:55):
be the strongest in the struggle, and Alexander, finding that
he could not stand his ground against his brother without aid,
sent messengers at the same time to Paris and also
to Demetrius in Thessaly, calling upon both to come to
his assistance. They both determined to do so. Demetrius, however,

(09:19):
was engaged in some enterprises which detained him for a time,
but Pearis immediately put himself at the head of his
army and prepared to cross the frontier. The commencement of
this march marks an important era in the life of Paris,
for it was now for the first time that he

(09:42):
had an army wholly under his command. In all the
former military operations in which he had been engaged, he
had been only a general acting under the orders of
his superiors. Now he was an independent sovereign, forth his
own troops to battle, and responsible to no one for

(10:05):
the manner in which he exercised his power. The character
which he displayed in this new capacity was such as
very soon to awaken the admiration of all his troops,
and to win their affection in a very strong degree.
His fine personal appearance, his great strength, and dexterity in

(10:29):
all martial exercises, his kind consideration for his soldiers, the
systematic and skillful manner in which all his arrangements were made,
and a certain nobleness and generosity of character which he
displayed on many occasions, all combined to make him an

(10:50):
object of universal favor and regard. Various anecdotes were related
of him in camp, which evinced these superiors, priority of
his mind, and that peculiar sense of confidence and strength
which so often accompanies greatness. At one time a person

(11:10):
was accused of being disaffected toward him, and of being
in the habit of speaking evil of him on all occasions,
and some of his counselors proposed that the offender should
be banished. No, said Pearis, let him stay here and
speak evil of me only to a few, instead of

(11:33):
being sent away to ramble about and give me a
bad character to all the world. At another time, some persons,
when half intoxicated at a convivial entertainment, had talked very
freely in censure of something which Pearis had done. They
were called to account for it, and when asked by

(11:56):
Pearis whether it was true that they had really said
such things, they replied that it was true, and there
is no doubt. They added that we should have said
things a great deal worse if we had more wine.
Pieris laughed at this reply and dismissed the culprits without

(12:17):
any punishment. These and other similar indications of the magnanimity
which marked the general's character, made a great and very
favorable impression upon the minds of all under his command.
Possessing thus in a very high degree the confidence and
affection of his troops, Pearis was able to inspire them

(12:42):
with his own ardor and impetuosity when they came to
engage in battle, and his troops were victorious in almost
every conflict. Wherever he went. He reduced the country into
subjection to Alexander, and drove Antipatter before him. He left
garrisons of his own in the towns which he captured,

(13:05):
so as to make his conquests secure, and in a
short time the prospect seemed certain that Antipater would be
expelled from the country and Alexander placed upon the throne.
In this crisis of their affairs, some of the allies
of Antipater conceived the design of circumventing their enemy by artifice.

(13:30):
Since it appeared that he was so superior to them
in force, they knew how strong was his feeling of
reverence and regard for Ptolemy, the King of Egypt, his
father in law, and they accordingly forged a letter to
him in Ptolemy's name, in joining him to make peace

(13:50):
with Antipater and withdraw from Macedon. Antipater, the letter said,
was willing to pay him three hundred talents of in
consideration of his doing so, and the letter strongly urged
him to accede to this offer and evacuate the kingdom.
It was much less difficult to practice a successful deception

(14:14):
of this kind in ancient days than it is now,
for then writing was usually performed by scribes trained for
the purpose, and there was therefore seldom anything in the
handwriting of a communication to determine the question of its authenticity. Pearis, however,

(14:36):
detected the imposition which was attempted in this case the
moment that he opened the epistle. It began with the
words King Ptolemy to King Pirris, greeting, whereas the genuine
letters of Ptolemy to his son in law were always commenced.
Thus the father to his son. Greeting, pearisbraided the contrivers

(15:01):
of this fraud in severe terms for their attempt to
deceive him. Still, he entertained the proposition that they made,
and some negotiations were entered into with a view to
an amicable settlement of the dispute. In the end, however,
the negotiations failed, and the war was continued until Alexander

(15:25):
was established on his throne. Peuris then returned to his
own kingdom. He received in reward for his services in
behalf of Alexander a grant of that part of the
Macedonian territory which lies upon the coast of the Adriatic
Sea north of Epirus. And thus peace was restored and

(15:47):
all things seemed permanently settled. It will be recollected, perhaps
by the reader, that at the time that Alexander sent
for Paris to assist him, he had also sent for Demetrius,
who had been in former years the ally and friend
of Pearis. In fact, de Damia, the sister of Peirus,

(16:11):
was Demetrius's wife. Demetrius had been engaged with the affairs
of his own government at the time that he received
this message, and was not then ready to grant the
desired aid. But after a time, when he had settled
his own affairs, he placed himself at the head of

(16:31):
an army and went to Macedon. It was now, however,
too late, and Alexander was sorry to learn that he
was coming. He had already parted with a considerable portion
of his kingdom to repay Paris for his aid, and
he feared that Demetrius, if he were allowed to enter

(16:52):
the kingdom, would not be satisfied without a good part
of the remainder. He accordingly danced to meet Demetrius at
the frontier. Here, at an interview which he held with him,
he thanked him for his kindness in coming to his aid,
but said that his assistance would now not be required.

(17:15):
Demitrius said that it was very well, and so prepared
to return. Alexander, However, as Demetrius afterward alleged did not
intend to allow him to withdraw, but formed a plan
to murder him at a supper to which he designed
to invite him, Demetrius avoided the fate which was intended

(17:39):
for him by going away unexpectedly from the supper before
Alexander had time to execute his plan. Afterward, Demetrius invited
Alexander to a supper. Alexander came unarmed and unprotected, in
order to set his guest an example of unconcern, in

(18:00):
hopes that Demetrius would come equally defenseless to a second entertainment,
which he had prepared for him the next day, and
at which he intended to adopt such measures that his
guest should not be able by any possibility to escape. Demetrius, however,

(18:21):
did not wait for the second attempt, but ordered his
servants to kill Alexander and all who were with him
while they were at his table. One of Alexander's men,
when the attack was made upon them, said, as the
soldiers of Demetrius were stabbing him, you are too quick

(18:42):
for us by just one day. The Macedonian troops whom
Alexander had brought with him to the frontier, when they
heard of the murder of their king, expected that Demetrius
would come upon them at once with all his army
and cut them to pieces. But instead of this, Demetrius

(19:03):
sent them word that he did not intend them any harm,
but wished, on the contrary, for an opportunity to explain
and justified to them what he had done. He accordingly
met them and made a set harangue, in which he
related the circumstances which led him to take the life

(19:25):
of Alexander, and justified it as an act of self defense.
This discourse was received with great applause, and the Macedonian
soldiers immediately hailed Demitrius king. How far there was any
truth in the charge which Dmitrius brought against Alexander of

(19:47):
intending to kill him, it is, of course impossible to
say there was no evidence of the fact, nor could
there be any evidence, but such as Demitrius might easily fabricate.
It is the universal justification that is offered in every
age by the perpetrators of political crimes, that they were

(20:09):
compelled to perform themselves the deeds of violence and cruelty
for which they are condemned, in order to anticipate and
preclude the performance of similar deeds on the part of
their enemies. Demetrius and Paris were now neighboring kings, and
from the friendly relations which had subsisted between them for

(20:34):
so many years, it might perhaps be supposed that the
two kingdoms, which they respectively ruled, would enjoy from this
time a permanent and settled peace and maintain the most
amicable intercourse with each other. But the reverse was the
fact contentions and quarrels arose on the frontiers. Each nation

(20:59):
complained that the borderers of the other made inroads over
the frontier. Demetrius and Paris gradually got drawn into these disputes.
Unfortunately for the peace of the two countries. De Damia
died and the strong band of union which she had
formed between the two reigning families was thundered. In a word,

(21:24):
it was not long before Peirus and Demetrius came to
open war. The war, however, which thus broke out between
Demetrius and Paris, did not arise wholly from accidental collisions
occurring on the frontiers. Demetrius was a man of the
most violent and insatiable ambition, and wholly unscrupulous in respect

(21:49):
to the means of gratifying the passion. Before his difficulties
with Paris began, he had made expeditions southwardly into Greece,
and had finally succeeded in reducing a large portion of
that country to his sway. He, however, at one time,
in the course of his campaigns in Greece, narrowly escaped

(22:13):
a very sudden termination of his career. He was besieging Thebes,
one of the principal cities of Greece, and one which
was obstinately determined not to submit to him. In fact,
the inhabitants of the city had given him some special
cause of offense, so that he was excessively angry with them,

(22:37):
And though for a long time he made very little
progress in prosecuting the siege, he was determined not to
give up the attempt. At one period he was himself
called away from the place for a time to engage
in some military duty demanding his attention in Thessaly, and

(22:59):
during his absence since he left his son to conduct
the siege. On his return to Thebes, he found that,
through the energetic and obstinate resistance which was made by
the people of Thebes, great numbers of his men were
continually falling, so much so that his son began to

(23:20):
remonstrate with him against allowing so great and so useless
a slaughter to go on. Consider, said he, why you
should expose so many of your valiant soldiers to such
sure destruction. When here Demetrius, in a passion, interrupted him, saying,

(23:41):
give yourself no concern about how many of the soldiers
are killed. The more there are killed, the fewer you
will have to provide subsistence for the brutal recklessness. However,
which Demetrius thus evinced in respect to the slaughter of
his troops, was not attended as such a feeling often

(24:03):
is with any cowardly unwillingness to expose himself to danger.
He mingled personally in the contests that took place about
the walls of the city, and hazarded his own life
as freely as he required his soldiers to hazard theirs.
At length, on one occasion, a javelin thrown from the

(24:25):
wall struck him in the neck, and, passing directly through,
felled him to the ground. He was taken up for
dead and born to his tent. It was there found
on examination that no great artery or other vital part
had been wounded. And yet in a very short time

(24:46):
a burning fever supervened, and for some time the life
of Demetrius was in imminent danger. He still, however, refused
to abandon the siege. At length, he recovered from the
effects of his wound, and in the end the city surrendered.
It was on the return of Demetrius to Macedon after

(25:09):
the close of his successful campaign in Greece, that the
war between him and Paris broke out. As soon as
it appeared that actual hostilities were inevitable, both parties collected
an army and prepared for the conflict. They marched to
meet each other, Paris from Epirus and Demetrius from Macedon.

(25:34):
It happened, however, that they took different routes and thus
passed each other on the frontier. Demetrius entered Epirus and
found the whole country open and defenseless before him, for
the military force of the country was all with Pearis
and had passed into Macedon by another way. Demetrius advanced

(25:59):
accordingly as far as he chose into Paris's territories, capturing
and plundering everything that came in his way. Peirus himself,
on the other hand, met with quite a different reception.
Demetrius had not taken all his army with him, but
had left a large detachment under the command of a

(26:22):
general named Pentochius to defend the country during his absence.
Paris encountered Pentochius as he entered Macedon and gave him
battle a very hard fought and obstinate conflict ensued. In
the course of it, Pentotius challenged Piris to single combat.

(26:43):
He was one of the most distinguished of Demetrius's generals,
being celebrated above all the officers of the army for
his dexterity, strength and courage, And as he was a
man of very high and ambitious spirits, he was greatly
pleased with the opportunity of distinguishing himself that was now

(27:06):
before him. He conceived that a personal encounter with so
great a commander as Pearis would add very much to
his renown. Pearis accepted the challenge. The preliminary arrangements were made.
The combatants came out into the field, and as they
advanced to the encounter, they hurled their javelins at each

(27:30):
other before they met, and then rushed forward to a
close and mortal combat with swords. The fight continued for
a long time. Pearis himself received a wound, but notwithstanding this,
he succeeded in bringing his antagonist to the ground, and
would have killed him had not the friends of Pantachus

(27:54):
rushed on and rescued him from the danger. A general
battle between the two armies and then ensued, in which
Peirus was victorious. The army of Pantoches was totally routed,
and five thousand men were taken prisoners. The Macedonian troops
whom Peirus thus defeated, instead of being maddened with resentment

(28:18):
and anger against their conqueror, as it might have been
expected they would be, were struck with a sentiment of
admiration for him. They applauded his noble appearance and bearing
on the field, and the feats of courage and strength
which he performed. There was a certain stern and lofty

(28:39):
simplicity in his air and demeanor which reminded them, as
they said, of Alexander the Great, whom many of the
old soldiers remembered. They compared Peirus in these respects with Demetrius,
their own sovereign, greatly to the disadvantage of the latter.
And so strong was the feeling which was thus excited

(29:02):
in Pirus's favor that it was thought at the time
that if Pirus had advanced toward the capital with a
view to the conquest of the country, the whole army
would have gone over at once to his side, and
that he might have made himself king of Macedon without
any further difficulty or trouble. He did not do this, however,

(29:27):
but withdrew again to Epirus. When Demetrius came back into Macedonia,
the Macedonians were by no means pleased to see Demetrius return.
In fact, Demetrius was beginning to be generally hated by
all his subjects, being regarded by them all as a

(29:48):
conceited and cruel tyrant. He was not only unscrupulously ambitious
in respect to the dominions of his neighbors, but he
was unjust and overbearing in his treatment of his own friends. Peirus,
on the other hand, was kind and courteous to his army,

(30:08):
both to the officers and soldiers. He lived in habits
of great simplicity, and shared the hardships as well as
the toils of those who were under his command. He
gave them to their share of the glory which he
acquired by attributing his success to their courage and fidelity.

(30:31):
At one time, after some brilliant campaign in Macedon, some
persons in his army compared his progress to the flight
of an eagle. If I am an eagle, said he
in reply, I owe it to you, for you are
the wings by means of which I have risen so high. Demetrius,

(30:53):
on the other hand, treated the officers and men under
his command with a species of haughtiness and disdain. He
seemed to regard them as very far beneath him, and
to take pleasure in making them feel his vast superiority.
He was vain and foppish in his dress, expended great

(31:16):
sums in the adornment of his person, decorating his robes, investments,
and even his shoes with gold and precious stones. In fact,
he caused the manufacture of a garment to be commenced,
which he intended should outvy in magnificence and in costly

(31:37):
adornments all that had ever before been fabricated. This garment
was left unfinished at the time of his death, and
his successors did not attempt to complete it. They preserved it, however,
for a very long time, as a curiosity and as
a memorial of vanity and folly. Demetrius, too was addicted

(32:02):
to many vices, being accustomed to the unrestrained indulgence of
his appetites and propensities in every form. It was in
part owing to these excesses that he became so hateful
in manners and character, the habitual indulgence of his animal

(32:22):
appetites and propensities having had the effect of making him
morose and capricious in mind. The hostility between Pirus and
Demetrius was very much increased and aggravated at one time
by a difficulty in which a lady was concerned. Antigony,

(32:44):
the first wife of Puris, died, and after her death
Pirus married two or three other wives, according to the
custom which prevailed in those days among the Asiatic kings.
Among these wives was Lenas, the daughter of Agathocles, the
king of Syracuse. The marriage of Paris with Antigony was

(33:07):
apparently prompted by affection, but his subsequent alliances seemed to
have been simply measures of governmental policy, designed only to
aid him in extending his dominions or strengthening his power.
His inducement for marrying Lenasa was to obtain the island

(33:28):
of Corsera, which the King of Syracuse, who held that
island at that time under his dominion, was willing to
give to his daughter as her dowry. Now the island
of Corsera, as will be seen from The map was
off the coast of Epirus and very near, so that
the possession of it would add very considerably to the

(33:52):
value of Paris's dominion. Lenaso was not happy as Paris's bride.
In fact, to have been married for the sake of
an island brought as dowry, and to be only one
of several wives after all, would not seem to be
circumstances particularly encouraging in respect to the promise of conjugal bliss.

(34:17):
Lenassa complained that she was neglected, that the other wives
received attentions which were not accorded to her. At last,
when she found that she could endure the vexations and
trials of her condition no longer, she left her husband
and went back to Corsa, and then sent an invitation

(34:38):
to Demetrius to come and take possession of the island
and marry her. In a word, she divorced herself and
resumed possession of her dowry, and considered herself at liberty
to dispose of both her person and her property anew.
Demetrius accepted the offer which was made him. He went

(35:01):
to Corsera, married Lenassa, and then leaving a garrison to
protect the island from any attempt which Peirus might make
to recover it. He went back to Macedon. Of course,
after this transaction, Peirus was more incensed against Demetrius than ever.

(35:21):
Very soon after this, Peirus had an opportunity to revenge
himself for the injury which Demetrius had done him. Demetrius
was sick, he had brought on a fever by excessive drinking.
Pirrus determined to take advantage of the occasion to make
a new invasion of Macedonia. He accordingly crossed the frontier

(35:46):
at the head of a numerous army. Demetrius sick as
he was mounted on horseback, and put himself at the
head of his forces to go out to meet his enemy.
Nothing important results from this campaign, but after some ineffectual
attempts at conquest, Pearis returned to his own country. In

(36:09):
this way, the war between Paris and Demetrius was protracted
for many years, with varying success, one party being sometimes
triumphant and sometimes the other. At last, at a time
when the tide of fortune seemed inclined to turn against Pearis,
some circumstances occurred which were the means of attracting his

(36:33):
attention strongly in another direction, and ended in introducing him
to a new and very brilliant career in an altogether
different region. These circumstances and the train of events to
which they led will form the subject of the following chapter.

(36:54):
End of Chapter four
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