12 - Spell of the Hawaiian Islands and the Philippines by Isabel Anderson

Join Isabel Anderson on a captivating journey through Hawaii and the Philippines, as she shares a fascinating travelogue that doubles as a rich history lesson. This book is a treasure trove for anyone intrigued by the South Pacific, offering a compelling glimpse into the transformations that have taken place since Mrs. Andersons travels. Prepare to be enthralled by her vivid storytelling and insightful observations.

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Section eleven of the Spell of the Hawaiian Islands and
the Philippines by Isabel Anderson. This LibriVox recording is in
the public domain recording by William tom Coe The Spell
of the Hawaiian Islands and the Philippines by Isabel Anderson,
Section eleven, Chapter three Insurrection. Admiral Dewey took a great

(00:25):
liking to General Anderson, fighting Tom else cousin, the first
military officer to command the American forces in the Philippines.
On one occasion, the Admiral fired a salute well after sundown,
contrary to naval regulations, to compliment him on his promotion
to the rank of major general, and scared the wits
out of some of the good people ashore. General Anderson

(00:48):
has given me a few notes about his experiences at
that time, which are of special interest. When in the
latter part of April eighteen ninety eight, I received an
order relieving me from duty in Alaska and ordering me
to the Philippines, I was engaged in rescuing a lot
of people who had been buried by an avalanche in
the Chilcoot Paths. I took my regiment at once to

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San Francisco, and there received an order placing me in
command of the first military expedition to the Philippines. This
was the first American army that ever crossed an ocean.
We were given only two days for preparation. We were
not given a wagon, cart, ambulance, or a single army mule,
nor boats with which to land our men. I received

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fifty thousand dollars in silver and was ordered to render
what assistance I could. I had never heard of Aguinaldo
at that time, and all I knew of the Philippines
was that they were famous for hemp, earthquakes, tropical diseases,
and rebellion. We stopped at Honolulu on the way over.
Although the Hawaiian islands had not been annexed. The Kanakas

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received us with enthusiasm and assured us that the place
was a paradise before the come of the missionaries and mosquitoes.
From there we went to Guam, where we found nude
native singing Lucy Long and old Dan Tucker songs they
had learned from American sailors. When we reached Caviti the
last day of June, Admiral Dewey asked me to go

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ashore and call on Aguinaldo, who he assured me was
a native chief of great influence. Our call was to
have been entirely informal, But when we approached the house
of the dictator, we found a barefooted band in full blair,
the brass drummer after the rule of the country, being
the leader. The stairway leading to Aguinaldo's apartment was lined

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on either side by a strange assortment of Filipino warriors.
The chief himself was a small man in a very
long tailored frock coat, and in his hand he held
a collapsible opera hat. I saw him many times afterward,
and always thus provided. He asked me at once if
I could recognize his assumption this I could not do so,

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and a few days later I invited him to attend
our first fourth of July. He declined. He further showed
his displeasure by failing to be present at the first
dinner to which we American officers were invited. There, for
the first time we met Filippina ladies. They were bare
as to their shoulders, yet in some mysterious way, their
dresses remained well in place. In dancing, there was a

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continuous shuffling on the floor because their slippers only half
covered their light fantastics, rendering them more agile than graceful.
In returning from visiting the Tagalog chief, we saw a
headless statue of Columbus. I asked a native to explain
how Christopher had lost his head. The reply was that
they beheaded him because they did not wish to be discovered.

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Soon after I got to Kaviti, I was invited with
the officers of my staff to attend a dinner given
in my honor. At the symposium, I was asked to
state the principles upon which the American government was founded.
I answered, the consent of the governed and majority rule.
When Comino the toastmatser, replied, we will baptize ourselves to

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that sentiment, upon which he emptied his champagne glass on
his head. The others likewise wasted their good wine. When
General Merrit arrived, he first came ashore at a village
behind the line we had established where Aguinaldo was making
his headquarters. Rain was falling in Torrance at the time,
but Aguinaldo, who must have known of the presence of

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the new Governor General, failed to ask him to take
shelter in his headquarters. Naturally, General Merrit was indignant and
directed that thereafter any necessary business should be conducted through me.
This placed me in a very disagreeable position. At first,
I thought I could conciliate and use the Filipinos against
the Spaniards, but General Merrit brought an order from President

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mc kinley directing that we should only recognize the Filipinos
as rebellious subjects of Spain. Aguinaldo reproached me bitterly for
my change of conduct toward him, but because of my orders,
I could not do otherwise, nor could I explain the cause.
We soon drifted into open hostility. I found but one

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man who appeared to understand the situation, and he was
the much hated Archbishop Nozaleida. After we took Manila, he
invited me to come to see him. He remarked in
the course of our conversation that when we took the
city by storm, he expected to see our soldiers kill
the men and children and violate the women, but instead

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he praised us for having maintained perfect order. For reply,
I quoted the Latin parserree subject this at de belare Superbas,
which prompted him to say in Spanish to a Jesuit
priest why these people seemed to be civilized, to which
the Jesuit replied, yes, we have some colleges in their country.

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The statement that we seemed to be civilized calls for
an explanation. I found many Filipinos feared American rule might
prove more severe on them than the Spanish control. In
a school book that I glanced at in the Spanish
school was the enlightening statement that the Americans were a
cruel people who had exterminated the entire Indian population in
North America. The Battle of Manilo Bay was fought and won,

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as we will well remember. On May Day, through the
kind offices of the British consul, the Spanish Admiral came
to an understanding with Dewey. Surgeons were sent ashore to
assist in the care of the wounded Spaniards, and sailors
to act as police. The cable was cut and the
blockade was carried into effect. At once. The foreign population

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was allowed to leave for China. German men of war
kept arriving in the harbor until there were five in all.
It was known that German sympathized with Spain, and only
the timely arrival of some friendly English ships, and the
trenched diplomacy of our admiral prevented trouble. All the rest
of that month, and the next, and still the next

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the fleet lay at anchor, threatening the city with its guns,
but making no effort to take it. The people lived
in constant fear of bombardment from the ships, which they
could so plainly see from the Lunetta on their evening promenades,
but they could not escape, for Aguinaldo's forces lay encamped
behind them in the suburbs. In fact, the refugees were

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seeking safety within the walls of the city instead of
fleeing from it, for while they had no love for
the Spaniards and were fellow countrymen of the rebel chieftain,
they preferred to take their chances of bombardment rather than
risk his method of peaceful occupation. Of course, there was
no cooperation between the Americans and the Filipinos, although both

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wanted the same thing and each played somewhat into the
other's hand. Admiral Dewey refused to give Aguinaldo any naval aid,
and the Insurrectos on at least two occasions, found it
profitable to betray a plans to the common enemy. The
delay in taking the city was caused by dewy shortage
of troops. He could have taken it at any time,

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but could not have occupied it. The Spanish commander made
little attempt at defense. A formal attack on one of
the forts satisfied the demands of honor. When the city
surrendered on August thirteenth, the Americans were in the difficult
position of guarding thirteen thousand Spanish soldiers, of keeping at
bay some fourteen thousand plunder mad Filipinos, and of policing

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a city of two hundred thousand people, all with some
ten thousand men. The way in which it was accomplished
is an effective contrast with European methods. When our troops
broke the line of trenches encircling Manila, they pressed quickly
forward through the residence district to the old walled town,
which housed the government departments of the city. Here they

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halted in long lines, resting calmly on their arms, while
the articles of capitulation were signed. It took but an
hour or so to arrange for the disposition of our
troops among the various barracks, and for the removal of
the disarmed Spanish garrison to the designated places of confinement.
Then command was passed along by mounted officers for the

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several regiments to proceed to their quarters for the night.
In columns of four. They marched off with the easy
swing and unconcern of troops. On practice march, a thin
cordon of sentinels appeared at easy hailing distance along the
principal streets, and the task was accomplished. By noon next day.

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They had a stability as great as though they had
been there for years. Not a woman was molested, that
a man insulted, and the children on the street were
romping with added zest to show off before their new
found friends. The banks felt safe to open their vaults,
and the merchants found a healthy rising market. The ships,
blockaded and idling at anchor in the harbor, discharged their cargoes,

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the customs duties being assessed according to the Spanish tariff
by bright young volunteers aided by interpreters. The streets were
cleaned of their accumulated filth, and the courts of law
were opened. All this was done under General Anderson's command,
and it seemed to me is much to his credit.
A daughter of General Anderson's, who was there at the

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time with her father, writes days of intense anxiety followed
the opening of hostilities. The Filipinos were pushed back more
and more, but we feared treachery within the city. We
heard that they were going to poison our water supply,
that they were going to rise and bolow us all,
that every servant had his secret instructions, also that Manila

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was to be burned. There proved to be something in this,
for twice fires were started and gained some headway, and
we women were banished to the transports again. Aguinaldo had
demanded at least joint occupation of the city and his
full share of the blute as a reward for services rendered.
We can imagine as disgust at being told that Americans

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did not loot, and that they intended to hold the
city themselves. If there had been no other reason for
refusing him, the conduct of his troops in the suburbs
would have furnished a sufficient one, for they were utterly
beyond control, assaulting and plundering their own brother Filipinos and
neutral foreigners, as well as Spaniards, and torturing their prisoners.

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But this refusal justifiable, as it certainly was marked the
real beginning of the insurrection against American rule, though there
was no immediate outbreak. Aguinaldo was a Mestizo school teacher
when in eighteen ninety six he became leader of the
insurrection against Spain. The money with which Spain hoped to
purchase peace was to be paid in three installments, the

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principal condition being that the Filipino leaders should leave the islands.
This they did, going to Hong Kong, where the first
installment was promptly deposited in a bank. The second installment,
to Aguinaldo's great disgust, was paid over to Filipinos left
in the islands, and the last one was not paid
at all. This was just as well for him, because

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his fellow insurrectionists were already demanding of him and accounting
for the funds in Hong Kong, and had him summoned
to court for the purpose. This proceeding he wisely avoided
by leaving for Europe in disguise. He got only as
far as Singapore, however, for there in April of ninety eight,
he heard of the probability of American interference in the

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Islands and interviewed our consul. The go between for this
interview was an unscrupulous interpreter whose intrigues were destined to
have far reaching effects for us. It has been charged
that both our council at Singapore and the one at
Hong Kong committed this nation to a policy favoring Philippine independence.
But the whole question of American pledges finally resolves itself

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into a choice between the word of an American admiral
and a Chinese mestizo. When Spain had failed to pay
over to our Guinaldo the balance of the peace money,
he had promptly gone to work to organize another revolution
from the safe harborage of Hong Kong. His flight to
Singapore had interrupted this, But now with the Americans so

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conspicuously there to help, it was a simple matter to
put his plans in operation. A month after the Battle
of Manila Bay, Aguinaldo proclaimed himself president in reality military
dictator of the Filipino Republic. But this republic existed only
on paper. Dewey accurately states the condition of affairs when

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he says our fleet had destroyed the only government there was,
and there was no other government there was a reign
of terror throughout the Philippines, looting, robbing, murdering. A form
of municipal election was held, but if a candidate not
favored by the insurgents was elected, he was at once deposed.
One candidate won his election by threatening to kill anyone

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who got the office in his place. Persons contrary minded
were not allowed to vote. These happenings hardly suggest a
republican form of government, but they are typical of conditions
at that time. Naturally, the self styled president was not
recognized by the American officials, and they were justified, as

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is shown by the fact that before the year was up,
Aguinaldo himself had come to realize that he could not
maintain order among his people and tried to resign from
his office. Meanwhile, his lack of recognition by the Americans
and his exclusion from the spoils of war so far
as Manila was concerned, showed him that his only hope

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of achieving his ambitions lay in driving these interlopers from
the islands. But for the time being, while awaiting a
propitious moment for attack, he occupied himself and his men
by conquering the Spaniards in the outlying provinces. Since there
was no co operation among the Spanish forces, he was
quite successful. Having proclaimed the republic with himself at the head,

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he felt justified in maintaining, with the aid of his booty,
a truly regal state in his palace at Malolos, aping
the forms and ceremonies of the Spanish governors in Manila.
As fast as church property or property belonging to Spaniards
fell into his hands, it was confiscated and turned over
to the state. If Aguinaldo can be considered the state,

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his houses and those of his generals were furnished from
Spanish possessions. All title deeds were systematically destroyed or hidden,
and administrators were appointed for the property. At the beginning
of the new year eighteen ninety nine, he turned his
attention to the Americans and Manila, because our forces seemed
reluctant to fight the Filipinos, like the Mexicans today, believed

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that they must be cowards and afraid to meet them.
A Mexican paper has recently told its readers what a
simple matter it would be if war were declared for
their troops to cross the word border and crush such
slight opposition as may be offered to the capture of Washington,
so it is no wonder that the Filipinos felt confident
of success, especially after their victories over the Spaniards in

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the outlying regions. By January, Admiral Dewey, General Anderson, and
General Merritt had left the Philippine Islands and General Otis
was in command. He announced that the government of the
United States would be extended over the islands of the archipelago.
Next day, Aguinaldo retorted with what was virtually a decoration

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of war. From then on, he and his advisers hastened
their preparations for the conflict. Members of the native militia,
who were living in Manila under the protection of the
American garrison, were warned to stand ready to receive the
signal which should start the sack and pillage of the
city and the massacre of its inhabitants. By the end

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of January, there were about fifty thousand Filipinos under arms
fronting the American lines outside the city, all keyed up
for the moment when they should be let loose to
drive the Americans into the sea. This time, the spoils
of Manila should not be snatched from them. The signal
for the advance was to be a conflagration in Manila.

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Ten thousand militiamen were to rise, set fire to the
city free the Spanish prisoners of war, armed them with
arms stored in the arsenal, and attacked the Americans. They
were to be promptly aided in this last detail by
the thirty thousand Filipinos waiting outside, who surrounding the city
would drive back the fourteen thousand American soldiers upon their

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burning citadel, and upon the two hundred thousand Filipinos who
would by this time have joined their countrymen. If everything
had worked out as he had planned, Aguinaldo might very
probably have entered the city. He chose a night early
in February, at a time when he knew the American reinforcements,
which had been ordered could not yet have arrived. Firing

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began about nine o'clock in the evening, nearly the San
Juan Bridge, and continued during the night. Meanwhile, the militia
in the city tried to assemble, but the groups were
promptly fired on and dispersed. In the morning, the ships
of Dewey's fleet opened fire from the flanks of the
American line. A little later, our troops sprang forward and
swept their antagonists before their fierce attack. In this encounter,

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the Filipinos lost about eight hundred and the Americans two
hundred and fifty. For a week, the insurgents were quite demoralized,
and no wonder, for this was not the way they
had expected the cowardly Americans to act. But when they
saw that our men did not follow up their advantage
by pursuit, their courage revived, and they began once more

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to believe those things which they wished to believe. Our
troops had to stay where they were because they had
not sufficient transportation to take them anywhere else, because the
enemy within the city wall needed their attention, and because
their reinforcements had not arrived when theyse came. General Otis
divided his forces. General MacArthur began a movement from his

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right against the insurgents, who contested every village and locality
capable of defense, and burned every train before abandoning it
to American hands. The insurgent capital, Malolos, was occupied. In April,
General Lawton took Santa Cruz. The American casualties during these
operations were about ten thousand officers and men, but the

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Sick Report listed fifteen percent of the expedition, mostly from
heat prostration. General Lawton, who went out early in eighteen
ninety nine and was killed in December of the same
year at San Mateo, is believed to have been perhaps
the most able of our commanders. Uniformly, the Filipinos lost,
but when their courage waned, their officers would announce that

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they had won a big victory somewhere else. And one
day they reported we had lost twenty eight thousand men
in a region where in the entire wa month we
had lost but fifty six. On another occasion they announced
that two thousand colonels had been killed. They must have
thought our troops were all from Kentucky. All summer and

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into the fall, this more or less formal and regular
warfare continued, but by that time Aguinaldo had decided that
while a concentrated field army might appear more impressive to
foreigners and be better for advertising purposes, it was not
effective for his purpose, and some change must be made.
The discontent among the conservative men, who still had anything

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to lose, was increasing, while the laborers in the fields,
the fishermen, and the great masses of the people were
growing weary of the war and the exactions of the
commanders of their troops. The spell which Aguinaldo had cast
over Luzan was almost broken. The war was nearly over,
it seemed. In a civilized country it would have been over.

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To the Americans, it appeared that the insurrection had been destroyed,
and that all they now had had to do was
to sweep up the remnants of the insurgent forces by
a system of police administration not likely to be either
difficult or dangerous. In November, MacArthur had his force ready
to strike anything within reach, but there seemed to be
nothing within reach to strike. He soon came to the

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conclusion that there was no organized resistance left, that the
insurgent army had broken into fragments which would soon become banditi.
The disbandment of the insurgent field forces, which the American
authorities took to mean the coming of a general submission
to our rule, was followed by a long period of inactivity. This,
of course strengthened the impression, but the time was being

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used by the Filipinos to prepare for a new method
of warfare, and to organize for resistance by means of
a general banding of the people together in support of
the gorillas in the field. To obtain this necessary cooperation,
the leaders announced the inflexible principle that every native residing
within the limit of the archipelago owed active individual allegiance

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to the insurgent cause. This was enforced by severe penalties,
including burial alive, which were systematically exacted. There was little
resistance on the part of the victims, who accepted the
new policy with a curious combination of loyalty, apathy, ignorance,
and timidity. In this way, there arose a strange system

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of dual government. In many cases, the town officials openly
serving the Americans while they were secretly aiding the insurrection,
and with apparently equal solicitude for both. Each town was
the base for the neighboring guerrillas, and when a band
was too hard pressed, it would dissolve and take refuge
in its own community. This was easy enough to accomplish

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with the aid of the people, for took very little
to transform a Filipino soldier into a good imitation of
a peaceful native. Several months before the formal declaration of
guerilla warfare in November of eighteen ninety nine. The Filipino
commanders had adopted a policy of occupy, buying a succession
of strong defensive positions, and forcing our army to a

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never ending repetition of tactical deployments. This they did with
such skill that they were for a time successful. The
native force would hover with an easy distance of the
American camps, but would avoid close conflict and temporarily disband.
This would not be regarded by them as a calamity,
but simply as a change from one form of action

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to another, and even a positive advantage. By February of
nineteen hundred, General Bates had succeeded in scattering the larger
bodies in the south of Luzan, and while some of
the Filipino leaders and their followers abandoned the cause, which
they saw was hopeless, others returned to the life of bandits,
which in many cases had probably been their profession before

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the war. When their guns were gone, they took up
the knife and the torch. They did not cease to
call themselves soldiers of the Republic, but they were not
in reality. By September, General MacArthur, who had succeeded General
Otis in command of the American forces in the islands,
realized that the opposition to American control came from the

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towns and that the guerrilla bands could not exist without
their support. At first, he thought that on account of
the efficiency of his troops, the natives would be actuated
both by conviction and self interest to support him, But
four months later he saw that further pressure was needed
to secure this, so he ordered that all persons suspected

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of contraband traffic with insurgent organizations should be arrested and
sent to Manila. In January nineteen o one, he ordered
the deportation to Guam of twenty six Filipino leaders, sympathizers,
and agents, who were to remain there until peace had
been formally declared. Two months later, Aguinaldo was captured by

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the daredevil Funston of the Suicide Squad. The effect of
this measure was to alarm the leaders, of course, who
now realized that they could be held responsible for their acts.
Orders were also issued that all men who surrendered should
be disarmed but released at once, while those captured in
the field or arrested in the towns should be held

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in custody till the end of the war. A letter
was found written by a bandit leader in March saying
that he was ordered to proceed more rapidly with his operations,
as Bryan ordered Emilio Aguedaldo to keep the war going
vigorously until April. However true that may have been, it
is certain that the encouragement which the insurgents received from

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the country they were fighting much prolonged hostilities and caused
a loss of many lives on both sides. It is
hard to realize at this distance the length to which
the anti imperialists went, or were willing to go in
those days. Governor Pack told me of an experience he
had with one of them, a new Englander of good
family and American antecedents. Pack was on his way out

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to the islands at the time, and on arriving at
Hong Kong, received the tidings of McKinley's assassination. He was
surprised to see this man, a fellow passenger, rush up
to a Filipino with the news and shake his hand,
congratulating him on what had happened. The governor, then a
young civilian, could not forget the shocking incident, and later,

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when they shared the same stateroom on the small boat
for Manila, he discovered papers which proved that his companion
intended to furnish aid and encouragement to any natives who
wished to fight against American tyranny. This discovery gave Pack
his appointment as one of the seven lieutenant governors of
the Hill Tribes, but the other man was punished only
by being refused entrance to the islands. It was the

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stupid and foolish fashion in America then, as indeed it
still is, to call this particular form of treason idealism
and be lenient with it. Our soldiers found it difficult
to take seriously the bands of half naked men, who
they knew had been pillaging the villages of the their
own race. It was true that these bands were difficult

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to pursue and capture. But an army which fought only
from ambush, whose detachments fell only upon stragglers and carefully
avoided the main body of its enemy, and which showed
no regard for the sacredness of a flag of truce,
could not inspire much respect. Plunder appeared to be the
sole excuse for its existence, and the pompous titles assumed

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by its commanders were amusing for the leaders of robbers.
The Americans followed the retreating bandits without hatred and without fear,
but they became weary of the eternal pursuit and felt
a growing irritation. The Filipinos, however, felt very differently about
their soldiers, and it is only fair to give their
side too, especially as it may throw some light on

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the Mexican situation. Even the richest and most highly educated
men found nothing to laugh at in these poor bands,
which were after all composed of their own people, fighting
and suffering for a cause which they could at least understand,
whether or not they sympathized with it. They did not
regard the pillaging, tortures and murders to which the Filipinos

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subjected their own people as we did. They called the
robbery collecting contributions for the support of the war, as
for the murders in the Orient, to kill is an
immemorial right of the rulers of men. But if they
did fight disguised as peaceful country folk, they were a
weak people fighting against the strong. They were naked, and

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they were hungry, and they were fighting for a cause.
Their arms were often of little use, and they made
powder out of match heads and cartridge shells out of
the zinc roofs of parish buildings, and even then they
had only ammunition enough to fire a few volleys and
then run. But men so armed had forced the United
States to send out nearly seventy thousand well equipped soldiers

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to subdue them. To the native Filipino, as perhaps to
the Mexican to day. The ragged and half savage figures
of the guerrillas stood for their vision of a united race.
But it was natural that our troops could not understand this,
and that they should gradually become embittered against their antagonists.
The officers, by the necessary division of our forces, found

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themselves confronted with conditions utterly alien to their experience. They
had to live in native houses or churches in the
midst of four or five thousand people whose language they
did not speak, and whose thoughts were not their thoughts.
Most of them were young men. They came from all
over the United States, and were neither monsters nor saints,

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but good examples of their time and country. When these
officers learned that the dignified Asiatics who called upon them daily,
who drank with them, who talked with them, and who
held offices under our government, were also spies of the
guerrilla leaders, secretly aiding those who were anxious to win
the price set on their heads. They were hardly pleased

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when they found that every movement of the guerrillas was
reported to them just too late to be of any use,
while every movement of their own small forces was promptly
made known to the enemy. And when they were present
at the disinterment of the twisted bodies of the men
who had been buried alive because they were loyal to us,
they decided that stricter measures were necessary. This was a

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state of war within wide limits. Their will was law
upon their judgment, hunk not merely their lives and those
of their men, but the honor of their country and
their regiment. Perhaps in some cases they met cruelty with cruelty,
but they at least tried to be honest and just,
and the people came to realize this, and also that

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they were not afraid, with the result that whole communities
transferred their allegiance from their own guerrilla leaders to a
single young American, not because he understood them or sympathized
with them, but because he was a man whom they
could trust and respect. It was July of nineteen o two,
four years after our taking of Manila, before the islands

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could be officially declared pacified. Let us hope that the
lessons which we learned that may not be forgotten in
our dealings with Mexico. End of section eleven. Recording by
William tom Cooe