July 14, 2025 • 23 mins
(July 14,2025)
Trump administration to appeal Los Angeles judge’s decision on indiscriminate immigration raids. The largest mass deportation in American history. California, the epicenter of the nation’s housing crisis, is finally getting a housing agency.
Trump administration to appeal Los Angeles judge’s decision on indiscriminate immigration raids. The largest mass deportation in American history. California, the epicenter of the nation’s housing crisis, is finally getting a housing agency.
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
You're listening to Bill Handle on demand from kf I
A M six forty KFI Bill Handle and the Morning Crew.
Amy is back. How excited am I? That sound very excited?
I was impressed. No, I'm good, aren't I? Yes? Damn
(00:21):
I am good. Miss mister Sincerity at work. Sincerity is
my middle name. By the ways. Okay, that's also schmooy,
very strong schmoolly. Sincere. Okay, moving on with our show.
The federal judge in Los Angeles interesting name too, District
(00:44):
Judge Mommy wu see mensaw Frimpong. I'm assuming she's uh,
you know a name is Nigerian or some kind of
interesting name. The African name, I'm assuming. Anyway, she wrote
a fifty two page rule that came out I think
it was it Friday. It came out that the Trump administration,
(01:07):
the federal agents cannot detain people in those raids without
reasonable suspicion beyond their race, ethnicity, or occupation. That's what
she said. The reason you're picking everybody up, You're picking
up these Latinos for the most part, is because they're Latino,
or they don't speak English, or they're working at a
(01:31):
car wash, and you can't do that you have to
have reasonable cause. Well, of course the government says, oh, no, no, no,
we're just looking at race as a factor, not the
factor or where they are. I mean, just complete crap
what the government is saying. And so you've got the
federal government homing exactly specifically saying that we are not
(01:55):
only appealing, we're going to continue on and going further
and saying we're going to litigate the order because I
think the order is wrong. She the judge assuming that
officers don't have a reasonable suspicion. They don't need probable
cause to briefly detain and question some money, they just
need reasonable suspicion. Well, I get news. I think that
(02:16):
order is going to be held up. The judge's order
is going to be held up. Here's the other thing
that I want to point out, and that is the
administration's argument that a judge does not have a right
to issue public policy decisions. That's up to Congress and
the executive to decide what public policy is. Well, let
me tell you what public policy is. The miranda warnings
(02:40):
you have the right to remain silent. All right, that's
the court decision that came down. You think that affects
public policy. Now, granted that was a Supreme Court decision,
but it went all the way up. But to argue
that the judge, the judiciary doesn't have the power to
do this, how about if you don't have a lawyer,
can't afford one, we will supply one to you as
(03:03):
part of the Miranda warnings that came out of the
early sixties. In case Wainwright versus or Gideon versus Wainwright,
a judicial decision. How about segregation? How about dealing with
segregation in schools? That was a judicial decision saying that
segregation is unconstitutional. So to argue the judiciary doesn't have
(03:28):
the ability to decide something that is constitutional or not
is just a crazy argument. But this goes This goes
to my point is we already know Congress has no
power anymore. Congress is going to do whatever the president
thinks is appropriate, backing up the backing up the president further.
The administration is saying, and the president specifically, these radical
(03:52):
left wing judges cannot tell us what to do. What
he really said, it cannot tell me what to do.
If you don't think that's scary, I think that is scary.
It really is where the administration. I mean, I'm fine
with them appealing. I get you. You know, they are
(04:14):
saying that the judge has gone too far, whatever it is.
But the basic premise, and that is a judiciary does
not have the right to make the decision. Now there's
an argument, does a single judge have the right to
make a decision and issue national proclamations? She didn't. This
judge said you can't do it here, and a judge
(04:37):
has the ability to do it, and no one is
arguing that except the administration, a judge can't do that. Effectively,
what the administration is saying is a judge does not
have the ability to rule on the constitutionality of a
procedure or process that the federal government is doing, issuing,
(04:58):
or engaging in. Not up to the courts to make
that decision as to whether it's constitutional or not. Who
is it who does make that decision? Only the administration does.
And if the administration thinks it's a legitimate to pick
up people because of race and then denying it of
course because of race, or they work at home where
(05:20):
they're in a home depot, parking lot, or working at
a car wash. Oh one quick, one, you know where
I sit on this one, obviously, is you remember, only
the bad guys are going to be picked up, the
worst of the worst. The overwhelming majority of people that
have been picked and detained and have been deported have
(05:41):
no criminal record at all. It's the worst of the worst.
And when Pam Bondi gives you an example of a
person who has committed some heinous crime who is here illegally,
then see this is what quote they do with this
huge broad brush. They are rapists and murderers, and we
(06:06):
have to get rid of them. Even though these people
quote have not been charged with the crime. Some have.
Some are bad guys. Now, the argument that they're picking
up American citizens that's very, very few and far between.
That's a small one. But that they're picking up illegal
migrants who have no criminal record, you betcha. They're doing
(06:28):
that in great numbers, all right in the wave of
the deportation and these mass raids across the country, particularly
here in southern California. I want to give you a
little bit of handle history and bringing you back to
July nineteen fifty five in Mexicali. Mexicali is right across
(06:52):
the border from Calexico here in California, and is July
one hundred and eight degrees fahrenheit. That's in the summer.
Of course, temperatureists can go into one hundred and twenties.
So if you were to go back to Mexicali, Mexican
town in nineteen fifty five in July, you would see
(07:13):
thousands of people roaming the streets in the heat, and
they had just been deposited there by American immigration officials,
picked up in the US where they had homes and jobs,
and left in Mexicali where they didn't know anyone. I mean,
they were just dumped off on the streets. They had
(07:35):
been caught up in something called Operation Wetback. Try to
do that today. This is an official government's name for
those immigration raids. It was the biggest mass deportation of
undocumented workers in the US in the history of the
United States, and it's estimated as many as one point
(07:56):
three million people may have been swept up. As Operation
Wetback was real simple, designed to root out undocumented Mexicans
from our society because they were ruining America. And now
a little bit I think of what's happening today. Okay,
it used military style tactics to remove the immigrants. By
(08:20):
the way, some of those were American citizens, a good number.
Today there may be some caught up, but the reality
is the immigration advocates who ar you American citizens are
being caught up really very very few. But the number
of people who do not have criminal records, who are
not the worst of the worst, that's the majority of them.
(08:43):
So what happened was millions of America, of Mexicans had
legally entered through a program joint program between Mexico and
the US in the first half of the twentieth centuries,
so up to the fifty these there were all kinds
of programs. Matter of fact, with the help of the
(09:04):
Mexican government, which wanted the return of Mexican nationals because
there was a labor shortage in Mexico. Look how that's
turned around. So the Mexican government asked the US for
this mass deportation or was complicit. So you have border
(09:25):
patrol agents, local officials using military tactics techniques, and they
described as being engaged in a coordinated tactical operation to
remove the migrants and using widespread racial stereotypes. Well they're Hispanic,
(09:48):
Well they're Mexican. Look where they work, Look at the
language that they speak, Look at the fact they don't speak.
If they do speak English, they speak with a Mexican
accent where you can't even find, you can even determine
where they come from. Neil Savadra, for example, speaks with
such a heavy Hispanic accent. We have no idea. Am
(10:12):
I illegal? I'm from Brazil. My heavy Brazilian accent immediately
puts me at risk. And at that time, and I
want to point this out and again, the analogy to
today is astounding. Inside the United States, the anti Mexican
sentiment was perfasive. Why because the portrayal of Mexicans as dirty,
(10:38):
disease bearing, irresponsible were the norm. They are rapists, they
are murders, they are hurt, horrible people, not just a
couple of the bad guys they are. And how do
they deport those people? During Operation Wetback Well, tens of
(10:59):
thousands were sure shoved onto buses, boats and planes and
sent to Mexico where they didn't know anybody. They were
just jump dumped off at the nearest Mexican port, if
you will. In Chicago, three planes a week filled with
migrants flown to Mexico. In Texas, twenty five percent of
(11:22):
all the immigrants were deported. Who were deported were crammed
onto boats later compared to slave ships. Now, we don't
know how many American citizens were actually caught up in
Operation Went Back, but we do know the US claimed
at one point three million people were deported, although some
(11:42):
historians are saying, nah, that's a crock. Matter of fact,
it's closer three hundred thousand, and we really don't know
what the numbers are. You know, who were caught, deported,
captured again after reimmigrating, nobody knows. And giving a little
bit handle history going back to nineteen fifty five with
(12:05):
a Eisenheer Eisenhower era program to deport millions of in
this case Mexican illegal migrants back to Mexico is called
Operation Wetback. Try doing that today. By the way, that
was the official name of that program. And when we
talk about the issue of deporting mass deportations, this goes
(12:29):
back literally, I mean decades and decades. Mass deportations of
Mexican immigrants literally date back to the Great Depression. The
FEDS began a wave of deportations, and why would they
do that? Why all of a sudden, would they start
deporting Mexican nationals back to Mexican Mexico. Well, they didn't
(12:53):
want to include Mexican born workers in the New Deal
welfare welfare programs. How's that for a little racist for
the Roosevelt era of the New Deal. We're willing to
pay Americans, but we don't want any Mexicans to to
get the benefit of any of our programs. And here
(13:14):
is the poor problem with that. Historian Francisco Baldonama, who
has studied this, said that sixty percent of those who
were deported were US citizens. Sixty percent were deported in
(13:36):
Metro It's equivalent to the Japanese, the Japanese Americans who
were put in the internment camps during World War Two,
about one hundred and twenty thousand of them were put
into the internment camps. This was this also was done
during that era. And why do they do that? Well,
(13:56):
think of this, and this is history. You think it's
today happening. Whitespread belief among white Americans that Mexicans came
to the United States to steal jobs from American workers,
even though a lot of them worked in the fields.
Because there are so many Americans. This goes back all right,
we're not talking we're talking back in the forties, almost
(14:20):
one hundred years ago, eighty years ago, certainly where they're
here to steal our jobs. Yeah again, I've asked you
how many people picking strawberries out there at lofts their jobs,
especially if you are white. In nineteen forty two, there
was somebody called the US Mexican Farm Labor Program, the
(14:43):
operation the Brasero program, and this was called Brasselo Manual Labor.
And what this was was a governmental program that effectively
funneled Mexicans into the US on a legal temporary basis,
a short visas day for the growing season to pick
(15:04):
fruits and vegetables in exchange for guaranteed wages and humane
treatment where they were able to actually earn far more
money than they would in Mexico. So the Mexican government
just like a real quick sideline. Texas was not part
of this program because Texas, Texas has a very interesting
(15:30):
seeing history, does not want to be part of the
It doesn't even want to be a state in the
United States, wants to be its own country. They're simply
back to that. And so you know where the word
wetback came from It was from Texas where you had
the illegal migrants cross the Rio grand or the Rio
gun Day. That is, they are quote, they are quote wetbacks.
(15:53):
And estimated four point six million Mexicans came into the
country legally through the Braserro program between nineteen forty two
and nineteen sixty four, and which date became dependent on
the Braussero workers of course California. And at the same
time where you had these four point six million Mexicans
(16:14):
entering the country legally, hundreds of thousands across the border
without permission and found jobs where in the agricultural industry.
And by nineteen fifty three, the government had enough. That's it,
We're done, and now we're going to start the program
of moving millions of people out. Ronald Reagan, by the way,
(16:40):
had a really interesting program and he gave the first amnesty.
For those of you who are Republicans and Republicans across
the board look at Ronald Reagan as the Republican deity.
Keeping in mind that Ronald Reagan was a moderate Republican.
He would be turning over in his grave if he
(17:02):
realized or looked at what was happening with the Republican Party.
Can you imagine a Donald Trump, not just Donald Trump,
a Donald Trump in the United States today deciding that
there are going to be two and a half million
people who are illegal are going to be granted amnesty
(17:23):
and given a path to citizenship. My housekeeper, Maria, right,
has been with us for what twenty five years, came
over to the United States in the trunk of a car,
and she was here when Ronald Reagan granted the first amnesty,
(17:46):
and man, she jumped on it and is now a
US citizen. And now when she and she goes back
and forth, and just for nostalgia's sake, she does it
in the trunk of a car. She just wants to
relive old times. So as she approaches the border, she
goes stop here, jumps in the trunk, and then goes
down to Mexico and the same thing back. Nostalgia rules.
(18:11):
All right, so much for that a little bit of history. Huh.
This is not the first time, and it's not the
first rodeo the US government has in picking up illegal
migrants and getting rid of them. All right. Now, California,
we're at the epicenter of the housing crisis across the country.
Do you know what we don't have in California, which
(18:32):
other states actually do, a statewide housing agency. We just
don't have one. Well, we have one, now, why did
it take so long? Earlier this year, Gavin Newsom introduced
a proposal to split up Business, Consumer Services and the
(18:53):
Housing Agency into two fresh agencies, one just for housing
and the homelessness related projects and one for everything else.
And the legislator the legislature had until July fourth to veto.
It didn't, which means it went into law and supporters.
And this is a new bureaucracy. Okay, people, God by god,
(19:13):
we don't need a new bureaucracy. Well, maybe we do
on this one. First of all, number one issue that
we have here in California that people are concerned with
housing costs, homelessness. And so the governor said, at cabinet
level secretary will sit with other cabinet secretary and the
(19:34):
purview of this secretary is just housing, elevating the agenda
to the highest level. Now, when someone is running, when
the governor ran on the housing crisis, you would think
that there would be a housing administration, a cabinet level
housing department, not even a little bit, because if you
(19:56):
look at what a god awful mess it is now,
it's what ended up happening. Is the what is the
BHS the previous housing organization part of other agencies always
seem to be the everything else wing of the governments.
(20:16):
Why because you have the grant makers, they gave money
for housing lenders, urban planning regulations, regular regulators all were together,
sharing the same letter head with cannabis and the alcohol industry.
The overseers, the professional licensing people including car mechanic watchdogs,
(20:38):
the California Racing Board, all were under the purview of
the same administration. And the governor said, we have to
split it up. You know why, Well, because the racing controllers,
the racing board, and the car mechanic licensing is not
quite as important as our housing crisis. So they're finally
(21:00):
bringing the housing crisis to the level it should be.
And right now, where people go for housing, the developers,
they go to one state organization for loans, another where
they go for the grants, a third where they apply
for federal tax credits that doesn't include one off programs
(21:24):
for veterans or transit oriented development. They have to go
someplace else. Short term housing for the homeless, they have
to go somewhere else to find funding for that. And
then you have tax credit and bond funding programs which
are needed for affordable housing. Those are run by the
(21:45):
elected treasure of the state, who is independent. And so
what happens is a developer, anybody trying to do a
housing project of any kind, is going to get nailed.
California Turner Center analysis. This is a big organization that
looks at this says the fragmentation of all of this
(22:09):
adds to the cost of construction and delays a project
by four months and adds an additional twenty thousand dollars
per unit in construction costs, just because all these organizations
have to deal with all of these agencies that are
all interconnected. One doesn't know what the other one is doing,
(22:30):
and the number of regulatory powers that each one has
is different, what they can do is different. So now
we have a new agency, a new state agency, makes
a lot of sense, doesn't it. I wanted to share
that with you. Oh wow, can you imagine this is
how long it took, even though well you tell me,
(22:53):
how long have we been talking about homelessness and housing
is a problem forever. All right, this is kfa AM
six forty. You've been listening to the Bill Handle Show.
Catch my show Monday through Friday six am to nine am,
and anytime on demand on the iHeartRadio app
You're listening to Bill Handle on demand from kf I
A M six forty KFI Bill Handle and the Morning Crew.
Amy is back. How excited am I? That sound very excited?
I was impressed. No, I'm good, aren't I? Yes? Damn
(00:21):
I am good. Miss mister Sincerity at work. Sincerity is
my middle name. By the ways. Okay, that's also schmooy,
very strong schmoolly. Sincere. Okay, moving on with our show.
The federal judge in Los Angeles interesting name too, District
(00:44):
Judge Mommy wu see mensaw Frimpong. I'm assuming she's uh,
you know a name is Nigerian or some kind of
interesting name. The African name, I'm assuming. Anyway, she wrote
a fifty two page rule that came out I think
it was it Friday. It came out that the Trump administration,
(01:07):
the federal agents cannot detain people in those raids without
reasonable suspicion beyond their race, ethnicity, or occupation. That's what
she said. The reason you're picking everybody up, You're picking
up these Latinos for the most part, is because they're Latino,
or they don't speak English, or they're working at a
(01:31):
car wash, and you can't do that you have to
have reasonable cause. Well, of course the government says, oh, no, no, no,
we're just looking at race as a factor, not the
factor or where they are. I mean, just complete crap
what the government is saying. And so you've got the
federal government homing exactly specifically saying that we are not
(01:55):
only appealing, we're going to continue on and going further
and saying we're going to litigate the order because I
think the order is wrong. She the judge assuming that
officers don't have a reasonable suspicion. They don't need probable
cause to briefly detain and question some money, they just
need reasonable suspicion. Well, I get news. I think that
(02:16):
order is going to be held up. The judge's order
is going to be held up. Here's the other thing
that I want to point out, and that is the
administration's argument that a judge does not have a right
to issue public policy decisions. That's up to Congress and
the executive to decide what public policy is. Well, let
me tell you what public policy is. The miranda warnings
(02:40):
you have the right to remain silent. All right, that's
the court decision that came down. You think that affects
public policy. Now, granted that was a Supreme Court decision,
but it went all the way up. But to argue
that the judge, the judiciary doesn't have the power to
do this, how about if you don't have a lawyer,
can't afford one, we will supply one to you as
(03:03):
part of the Miranda warnings that came out of the
early sixties. In case Wainwright versus or Gideon versus Wainwright,
a judicial decision. How about segregation? How about dealing with
segregation in schools? That was a judicial decision saying that
segregation is unconstitutional. So to argue the judiciary doesn't have
(03:28):
the ability to decide something that is constitutional or not
is just a crazy argument. But this goes This goes
to my point is we already know Congress has no
power anymore. Congress is going to do whatever the president
thinks is appropriate, backing up the backing up the president further.
The administration is saying, and the president specifically, these radical
(03:52):
left wing judges cannot tell us what to do. What
he really said, it cannot tell me what to do.
If you don't think that's scary, I think that is scary.
It really is where the administration. I mean, I'm fine
with them appealing. I get you. You know, they are
(04:14):
saying that the judge has gone too far, whatever it is.
But the basic premise, and that is a judiciary does
not have the right to make the decision. Now there's
an argument, does a single judge have the right to
make a decision and issue national proclamations? She didn't. This
judge said you can't do it here, and a judge
(04:37):
has the ability to do it, and no one is
arguing that except the administration, a judge can't do that. Effectively,
what the administration is saying is a judge does not
have the ability to rule on the constitutionality of a
procedure or process that the federal government is doing, issuing,
(04:58):
or engaging in. Not up to the courts to make
that decision as to whether it's constitutional or not. Who
is it who does make that decision? Only the administration does.
And if the administration thinks it's a legitimate to pick
up people because of race and then denying it of
course because of race, or they work at home where
(05:20):
they're in a home depot, parking lot, or working at
a car wash. Oh one quick, one, you know where
I sit on this one, obviously, is you remember, only
the bad guys are going to be picked up, the
worst of the worst. The overwhelming majority of people that
have been picked and detained and have been deported have
(05:41):
no criminal record at all. It's the worst of the worst.
And when Pam Bondi gives you an example of a
person who has committed some heinous crime who is here illegally,
then see this is what quote they do with this
huge broad brush. They are rapists and murderers, and we
(06:06):
have to get rid of them. Even though these people
quote have not been charged with the crime. Some have.
Some are bad guys. Now, the argument that they're picking
up American citizens that's very, very few and far between.
That's a small one. But that they're picking up illegal
migrants who have no criminal record, you betcha. They're doing
(06:28):
that in great numbers, all right in the wave of
the deportation and these mass raids across the country, particularly
here in southern California. I want to give you a
little bit of handle history and bringing you back to
July nineteen fifty five in Mexicali. Mexicali is right across
(06:52):
the border from Calexico here in California, and is July
one hundred and eight degrees fahrenheit. That's in the summer.
Of course, temperatureists can go into one hundred and twenties.
So if you were to go back to Mexicali, Mexican
town in nineteen fifty five in July, you would see
(07:13):
thousands of people roaming the streets in the heat, and
they had just been deposited there by American immigration officials,
picked up in the US where they had homes and jobs,
and left in Mexicali where they didn't know anyone. I mean,
they were just dumped off on the streets. They had
(07:35):
been caught up in something called Operation Wetback. Try to
do that today. This is an official government's name for
those immigration raids. It was the biggest mass deportation of
undocumented workers in the US in the history of the
United States, and it's estimated as many as one point
(07:56):
three million people may have been swept up. As Operation
Wetback was real simple, designed to root out undocumented Mexicans
from our society because they were ruining America. And now
a little bit I think of what's happening today. Okay,
it used military style tactics to remove the immigrants. By
(08:20):
the way, some of those were American citizens, a good number.
Today there may be some caught up, but the reality
is the immigration advocates who ar you American citizens are
being caught up really very very few. But the number
of people who do not have criminal records, who are
not the worst of the worst, that's the majority of them.
(08:43):
So what happened was millions of America, of Mexicans had
legally entered through a program joint program between Mexico and
the US in the first half of the twentieth centuries,
so up to the fifty these there were all kinds
of programs. Matter of fact, with the help of the
(09:04):
Mexican government, which wanted the return of Mexican nationals because
there was a labor shortage in Mexico. Look how that's
turned around. So the Mexican government asked the US for
this mass deportation or was complicit. So you have border
(09:25):
patrol agents, local officials using military tactics techniques, and they
described as being engaged in a coordinated tactical operation to
remove the migrants and using widespread racial stereotypes. Well they're Hispanic,
(09:48):
Well they're Mexican. Look where they work, Look at the
language that they speak, Look at the fact they don't speak.
If they do speak English, they speak with a Mexican
accent where you can't even find, you can even determine
where they come from. Neil Savadra, for example, speaks with
such a heavy Hispanic accent. We have no idea. Am
(10:12):
I illegal? I'm from Brazil. My heavy Brazilian accent immediately
puts me at risk. And at that time, and I
want to point this out and again, the analogy to
today is astounding. Inside the United States, the anti Mexican
sentiment was perfasive. Why because the portrayal of Mexicans as dirty,
(10:38):
disease bearing, irresponsible were the norm. They are rapists, they
are murders, they are hurt, horrible people, not just a
couple of the bad guys they are. And how do
they deport those people? During Operation Wetback Well, tens of
(10:59):
thousands were sure shoved onto buses, boats and planes and
sent to Mexico where they didn't know anybody. They were
just jump dumped off at the nearest Mexican port, if
you will. In Chicago, three planes a week filled with
migrants flown to Mexico. In Texas, twenty five percent of
(11:22):
all the immigrants were deported. Who were deported were crammed
onto boats later compared to slave ships. Now, we don't
know how many American citizens were actually caught up in
Operation Went Back, but we do know the US claimed
at one point three million people were deported, although some
(11:42):
historians are saying, nah, that's a crock. Matter of fact,
it's closer three hundred thousand, and we really don't know
what the numbers are. You know, who were caught, deported,
captured again after reimmigrating, nobody knows. And giving a little
bit handle history going back to nineteen fifty five with
(12:05):
a Eisenheer Eisenhower era program to deport millions of in
this case Mexican illegal migrants back to Mexico is called
Operation Wetback. Try doing that today. By the way, that
was the official name of that program. And when we
talk about the issue of deporting mass deportations, this goes
(12:29):
back literally, I mean decades and decades. Mass deportations of
Mexican immigrants literally date back to the Great Depression. The
FEDS began a wave of deportations, and why would they
do that? Why all of a sudden, would they start
deporting Mexican nationals back to Mexican Mexico. Well, they didn't
(12:53):
want to include Mexican born workers in the New Deal
welfare welfare programs. How's that for a little racist for
the Roosevelt era of the New Deal. We're willing to
pay Americans, but we don't want any Mexicans to to
get the benefit of any of our programs. And here
(13:14):
is the poor problem with that. Historian Francisco Baldonama, who
has studied this, said that sixty percent of those who
were deported were US citizens. Sixty percent were deported in
(13:36):
Metro It's equivalent to the Japanese, the Japanese Americans who
were put in the internment camps during World War Two,
about one hundred and twenty thousand of them were put
into the internment camps. This was this also was done
during that era. And why do they do that? Well,
(13:56):
think of this, and this is history. You think it's
today happening. Whitespread belief among white Americans that Mexicans came
to the United States to steal jobs from American workers,
even though a lot of them worked in the fields.
Because there are so many Americans. This goes back all right,
we're not talking we're talking back in the forties, almost
(14:20):
one hundred years ago, eighty years ago, certainly where they're
here to steal our jobs. Yeah again, I've asked you
how many people picking strawberries out there at lofts their jobs,
especially if you are white. In nineteen forty two, there
was somebody called the US Mexican Farm Labor Program, the
(14:43):
operation the Brasero program, and this was called Brasselo Manual Labor.
And what this was was a governmental program that effectively
funneled Mexicans into the US on a legal temporary basis,
a short visas day for the growing season to pick
(15:04):
fruits and vegetables in exchange for guaranteed wages and humane
treatment where they were able to actually earn far more
money than they would in Mexico. So the Mexican government
just like a real quick sideline. Texas was not part
of this program because Texas, Texas has a very interesting
(15:30):
seeing history, does not want to be part of the
It doesn't even want to be a state in the
United States, wants to be its own country. They're simply
back to that. And so you know where the word
wetback came from It was from Texas where you had
the illegal migrants cross the Rio grand or the Rio
gun Day. That is, they are quote, they are quote wetbacks.
(15:53):
And estimated four point six million Mexicans came into the
country legally through the Braserro program between nineteen forty two
and nineteen sixty four, and which date became dependent on
the Braussero workers of course California. And at the same
time where you had these four point six million Mexicans
(16:14):
entering the country legally, hundreds of thousands across the border
without permission and found jobs where in the agricultural industry.
And by nineteen fifty three, the government had enough. That's it,
We're done, and now we're going to start the program
of moving millions of people out. Ronald Reagan, by the way,
(16:40):
had a really interesting program and he gave the first amnesty.
For those of you who are Republicans and Republicans across
the board look at Ronald Reagan as the Republican deity.
Keeping in mind that Ronald Reagan was a moderate Republican.
He would be turning over in his grave if he
(17:02):
realized or looked at what was happening with the Republican Party.
Can you imagine a Donald Trump, not just Donald Trump,
a Donald Trump in the United States today deciding that
there are going to be two and a half million
people who are illegal are going to be granted amnesty
(17:23):
and given a path to citizenship. My housekeeper, Maria, right,
has been with us for what twenty five years, came
over to the United States in the trunk of a car,
and she was here when Ronald Reagan granted the first amnesty,
(17:46):
and man, she jumped on it and is now a
US citizen. And now when she and she goes back
and forth, and just for nostalgia's sake, she does it
in the trunk of a car. She just wants to
relive old times. So as she approaches the border, she
goes stop here, jumps in the trunk, and then goes
down to Mexico and the same thing back. Nostalgia rules.
(18:11):
All right, so much for that a little bit of history. Huh.
This is not the first time, and it's not the
first rodeo the US government has in picking up illegal
migrants and getting rid of them. All right. Now, California,
we're at the epicenter of the housing crisis across the country.
Do you know what we don't have in California, which
(18:32):
other states actually do, a statewide housing agency. We just
don't have one. Well, we have one, now, why did
it take so long? Earlier this year, Gavin Newsom introduced
a proposal to split up Business, Consumer Services and the
(18:53):
Housing Agency into two fresh agencies, one just for housing
and the homelessness related projects and one for everything else.
And the legislator the legislature had until July fourth to veto.
It didn't, which means it went into law and supporters.
And this is a new bureaucracy. Okay, people, God by god,
(19:13):
we don't need a new bureaucracy. Well, maybe we do
on this one. First of all, number one issue that
we have here in California that people are concerned with
housing costs, homelessness. And so the governor said, at cabinet
level secretary will sit with other cabinet secretary and the
(19:34):
purview of this secretary is just housing, elevating the agenda
to the highest level. Now, when someone is running, when
the governor ran on the housing crisis, you would think
that there would be a housing administration, a cabinet level
housing department, not even a little bit, because if you
(19:56):
look at what a god awful mess it is now,
it's what ended up happening. Is the what is the
BHS the previous housing organization part of other agencies always
seem to be the everything else wing of the governments.
(20:16):
Why because you have the grant makers, they gave money
for housing lenders, urban planning regulations, regular regulators all were together,
sharing the same letter head with cannabis and the alcohol industry.
The overseers, the professional licensing people including car mechanic watchdogs,
(20:38):
the California Racing Board, all were under the purview of
the same administration. And the governor said, we have to
split it up. You know why, Well, because the racing controllers,
the racing board, and the car mechanic licensing is not
quite as important as our housing crisis. So they're finally
(21:00):
bringing the housing crisis to the level it should be.
And right now, where people go for housing, the developers,
they go to one state organization for loans, another where
they go for the grants, a third where they apply
for federal tax credits that doesn't include one off programs
(21:24):
for veterans or transit oriented development. They have to go
someplace else. Short term housing for the homeless, they have
to go somewhere else to find funding for that. And
then you have tax credit and bond funding programs which
are needed for affordable housing. Those are run by the
(21:45):
elected treasure of the state, who is independent. And so
what happens is a developer, anybody trying to do a
housing project of any kind, is going to get nailed.
California Turner Center analysis. This is a big organization that
looks at this says the fragmentation of all of this
(22:09):
adds to the cost of construction and delays a project
by four months and adds an additional twenty thousand dollars
per unit in construction costs, just because all these organizations
have to deal with all of these agencies that are
all interconnected. One doesn't know what the other one is doing,
(22:30):
and the number of regulatory powers that each one has
is different, what they can do is different. So now
we have a new agency, a new state agency, makes
a lot of sense, doesn't it. I wanted to share
that with you. Oh wow, can you imagine this is
how long it took, even though well you tell me,
(22:53):
how long have we been talking about homelessness and housing
is a problem forever. All right, this is kfa AM
six forty. You've been listening to the Bill Handle Show.
Catch my show Monday through Friday six am to nine am,
and anytime on demand on the iHeartRadio app
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