August 16, 2025 • 55 mins
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Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.
Pete and Dr. Johnson continue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.
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The Orthodox Nationalist: Karl Marx “On the Jewish Question” (1844)
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PG-13
Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson is a researcher, writer, and former professor of history and political science, specializing in Russian history and political ideology.
Pete and Dr. Johnson continue a project in which Pete reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together," and Dr' Johnson provides commentary.
Dr Johnson's Patreon
Dr Johnson's CashApp - $Raphael71
RusJournal.org
THE ORTHODOX NATIONALIST
Dr. Johnson's Radio Albion Page
Dr. Johnson's Books on Amazon
Dr. Johnson's Pogroms Article
The Orthodox Nationalist: Karl Marx “On the Jewish Question” (1844)
Pete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'
Support Pete on His Website
Pete's Patreon
Pete's Substack
Pete's Subscribestar
Pete's GUMROAD
Pete's Venmo
Pete's Buy Me a Coffee
Pete on Facebook
Pete on Twitter
Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.
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Transcript
Episode Transcript
Available transcripts are automatically generated. Complete accuracy is not guaranteed.
Speaker 1 (00:38):
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(00:58):
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(01:18):
dot com. You'll see all the ways that you can
support me there. And I just want to thank everyone.
It's because of you that I can put out the
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I'm doing with doctor Johnson on two hundred Years Together
and everything else, the things that Thomas and I are
doing together on kindinal philosophy, it's all because of you.
(01:40):
And yeah, I mean, I'll never be able to thank
you enough. So thank you. The Pekanyonashow dot com. Everything's there.
Want to welcome everyone back to Part sixty two. Of
our reading of two hundred Years Together by Alexander Socials
and doctor Johnson. How are you today?
Speaker 2 (02:00):
I just discovered that the song Lawyer's Guns and Money
from Warren Zevonn is about the mercenaries fighting in the
Congo in nineteen sixty four.
Speaker 3 (02:10):
I'm embarrassed. I didn't know that.
Speaker 2 (02:12):
It's not really obvious in the lyrics, but there's a
couple of videos out there showing these guys, a lot
of them former German infantry, a very neglected topic, you know,
to think, with Rhodesia and everything else. And I discovered
it yesterday. So it's an embarrassing thing. But like you know,
(02:36):
the communist meetings of Paul pot I'm condemning myself, you know,
within the circle. And I apologize for not knowing that.
It's terribly embarrassing that I didn't know that. But it's
really weird that he would write a song about that,
of all things.
Speaker 3 (02:55):
In the seventies.
Speaker 2 (02:57):
It's actually a very good song, but I yesterday I
discovered what it was really about, and it's it's just
I feel terrible.
Speaker 1 (03:04):
I learned something new all the time, you know, when
you when you see that when you find out that
Israel was arming the uh, the white population in Rhodesia,
and that the Soviet Union was arming the black population
in Rhodesia. You realize, well, yeah, the Soviet Union wasn't
(03:29):
wasn't always very pro Jewish. As a matter of fact,
they went pro Israel. At least they went out of
their way to sometimes to fight against them just proxy wise,
as for just seems like just to do it.
Speaker 2 (03:48):
Well, things get complicated in Africa. I never got too
deep into a lot of that stuff because every every country,
you're really not really a country. In some in Africa,
they're always subdivided into a million different ethnic groups, different
religions that nor one would be slaughtering each other, enslaving
each other, which is you know, part of the reason
(04:13):
that they're always struggling. But things get very complicated in
South Africa is no different everything that we predicted, me
and you. I was actually interested in that issue in
college nineteen ninety ninety one. Everything we predicted that would
happen in South Africa actually happened even worse than we
thought it would.
Speaker 1 (04:34):
Yeah, all right, let's go to another horrifying time picking
up where we left off. Yeah, last time by autumn,
the activity of Jews and power had created such an
effect that even Erski Sparks, the illustrated supplement to the
surpassingly gentle Ruskoslova Russian word that would until then never
(04:56):
dare defying public opinion in such a way, had published
an abrasive anti Jewish caricature in the October ninth, twenty
ninth issue. That is, already, during fights of the October
coup in Moscow, the Executive Committee of the Soviet of
Workers and Soldiers' Deputies actively fought against antisemitism. I cannot
(05:18):
rule out that the shocked I cannot rule out that
the harsh refusal to accept the well deserved pluckenough into
the CEC in April nineteen seventeen was a kind of
revenge for his anti Bund referral to the tribe of Gad,
which was mentioned in Lenin's publications. Indeed, I cannot provide
(05:40):
any other explanation. On July twenty first, the First All
Russian Congress of Soviets had issued a proclamation about a
struggle against anti Semitism, about the only resolution approved by
the Congress unanimously without any objections or arguments. What in
the end of June eight in twenty ninth, the re
(06:01):
elected Bureau of the CEC had assembled. They had heard
a report on the rise of anti Semitic agitation, mainly
in the northwestern and southwestern Gubernaya's A decision was made
immediately to send a delegation of fifteen members of the
CEC with special powers there subordinating them to the direction
of the Department on the struggle against counter revolution.
Speaker 3 (06:26):
Well, that says it all.
Speaker 2 (06:29):
Sometimes, I don't think that they at the time they
realized the full implication of what they were saying. That
was also Lenin's argument over and over again at the time.
Lenin wrote that to be anti Semitic is to be
anti Soviet. To be anti Soviet is to be anti Semitic,
(06:52):
and being an anti semit however they defined it. You know,
we've spoken about that before, Lenin's definition of the term.
And of course you know it's on the rise in
those places former pale of settlement in Saint Petersburg, because
that's where their power was was growing. It's it's a
(07:16):
full and open admission that this was a Jewish movement.
And I did a whole show, as you know, on
the laws and the decrees that Lenin put out, you know,
actually small articles that eventually took the force of law,
saying what i've you know, to be anti Smittic is
(07:37):
to fight the revolution, which is a very odd thing
to say if it wasn't a almost entirely Jewish revolution.
Now it's someonet of a myth that they got shot. Initially,
the prison terms were a little you know, they were
(07:57):
they weren't very long. During wartime they were shot, but
at this point, where you're dealing with a lot of chaos,
the really weren't any trials going on.
Speaker 3 (08:08):
So it was simply assumed.
Speaker 2 (08:13):
That if you criticize the Jews, politically speaking, there's no
way you could be supportive of Lenin, the Revolution, Trotsky
and the Soviets. So at this point it wasn't in
law yet, but it will be very soon once Lenin
takes over in October.
Speaker 1 (08:35):
On the other hand, Bolsheviks, who advanced their agenda under
the slogan down with the Minister's Capitalists, not only did
nothing to alleviate the problem this problem, they even fanned
its flames along with the anarchists, despite the fact that
the latter were headed by one Blakeman. They claimed that
the Executive Committee was so exceptionally lenient towards the government
(08:56):
only because capitalists and Jews control everything. Isn't that reminiscent
of Nouranaya Volya the People as Will terrorist organization of
eighteen eighty one, And when the Bolshevik uprising of July
third through fourth broke out, it was in fact targeted
not against the already impotent provisional government, but against the
(09:17):
Bolshevik's true competitor, Executive Committee. The Bolsheviks slyly exploited the
anger of soldiers towards Jews by pointing them to that
very body. See there they are.
Speaker 3 (09:30):
Yeah, it's they don't really have principles. They'll use it.
Speaker 2 (09:34):
Of course, they were vehemently opposed to any anti Jewish
thinking whatsoever. But if they can use it at the
moment to hurt their enemies, they will. You know, you
have Ukrainians claiming to be national socialists fighting for Zelenski.
I mean, there's no principles with these people. And we
(09:59):
still have the problem and we've talked about it months ago, actually,
that the Bolsoeviks have to try to dance around the
issue that some of the most powerful capitalists and concentrations
of capital or under Jewish control. So how can you
be anti capitalists and not point out the Jews. They
clearly were a disproportionate share of the millionaires of the
(10:22):
old society, and this is part of the reason why
the laws had to be passed. And keep in mind
that the Bolsoviks on the one hand, the Executive Committee
or the Soviet and Peterford and the other they didn't
disagree on much. There was a lot of personality problems. Uh.
(10:44):
And they would they would, you know, if someone if
one of the one of the other powers did something
didn't like, they would say that this was against socialism.
They were very, very similar. And it was funny that
they mentioned the anarchists because as we know, Mikile Bakunin
was We talked about this too, one of the many
early leftists who said that Karl Marx was on the
(11:07):
Jewish payroll, on the Rothchile payroll. And the Jews have
created so much misery in society. In fact, if you're
for a listeners who don't know what we're talking about,
you go back to that. I don't even remember when.
Speaker 3 (11:20):
It was now a couple of weeks ago.
Speaker 2 (11:23):
All the founders, whether it be anarchism, socialism, Marxism, or
had a problem with the Jews.
Speaker 3 (11:30):
They talked just like we do.
Speaker 2 (11:33):
The Prudhon that blows me away the founder and he
actually gave created the name anarchism. But because the Jews
were very powerful, anarchists were going to have a problem
with them. So and yeah, it's also a Jewish movement. Blinkman,
(11:55):
I don't know who that is. He's not one of
the major names. But it was the anarchists who initially
pointed out Marx's background. That's why he was thrown out
of the First International, and anarchism became a very eccentric
competitor to Marxism. But of course as the years went on,
it became just another Jewish expression and i'msured, but Jewish expression.
Speaker 1 (12:18):
But when the Bolsheviks had lost their uprising, the CEC
had conducted an official investigation, and many members of the
Commission of Inquiry were Jews from the Presidium of the CEC,
and because of their socialist conscience, they dared not call
the Bolshevik uprising a crime and deal with it accordingly.
So the commission had yielded no results and was soon liquidated.
(12:42):
During the garrison meeting arranged by the CEC on October nineteenth,
just before the decisive Bolshevik uprising, one of the representatives
of one hundred and seventy six Infantry Regiment, a Jew,
warned that those people on the street screamed, the Jews
are responsible for all the wrongs. At the CEC meeting
during the night of October twenty fifth, Gendelman reported that
(13:02):
when he was giving a speech in the Peter and
Paul Fortress earlier that afternoon, he was taunted, you are Gendelman,
that is, you are a Yid and a rightist. When
on October twenty seventh, Guts and his delegations to Kerensky
tried to depart Sagatchina from the Baltiski rail terminal, he
(13:23):
was nearly killed by sailors who screamed that the Soviets
are controlled by Yids. And during the wine programs on
the eve of the glorious Bolshevik Revolution, the calls slaughter
Yids were heard also.
Speaker 2 (13:36):
Well from either one of the two sides mentioned, either
the Soviets on one side, the or the Leninist on
the other. That's the pot calling the kettle black. They
were both heavily Jewish, and when they say rightist is
be careful. They're talking about right wing relative to socialism,
not right wing like we use the We use the term.
Speaker 3 (14:01):
So.
Speaker 2 (14:02):
But if they could use it against their opponents, they will.
They knew that no one really liked them, They knew
that they dominated this movement. It was for their own interests,
but occasionally, when it suited their interest, they.
Speaker 3 (14:15):
Would use it.
Speaker 2 (14:17):
That didn't happen very much, and certainly didn't happen after October.
But this was one of the ways that really a
stalemate in the July days of nineteen seventeen.
Speaker 1 (14:31):
And yet there was not a single Jewish program over
the whole year of nineteen seventeen. The infamous outrageous programs
in Calusha and Turnipol were in fact the work of
frenzy drunk revolutionary soldiers retreating in disorder. They smashed everything
on their way, all shops and stores, and because most
of those were Jewish own the words spread about Jewish pograms.
(14:53):
A similar program took place in Stanislavov, with its much
smaller Jewish population, and quite re reasonably it was not
labeled a Jewish pogram.
Speaker 2 (15:04):
Yeah, these silly thing. I mean, the Jews tried to
call these programs. They need them, they need them for
the sake of their own cohesion. But all it was
was a couple of drunken I think it was sailors.
Speaker 3 (15:16):
I could be wrong.
Speaker 2 (15:19):
The smashing stores in general, they weren't targeting Jews, but
because some of them were Jewish owned, it got the
label of a program. They were looking for programs everywhere.
It was very important to them. They couldn't have it
be too large, but they needed it. Jews need a
certain level of anti Jewish thinking at any given time.
(15:41):
It's the only thing that keeps them together. That goes
back to the Kahal, where you know, poor Jews were said,
if you leave the Kahal, the gentiles are animals, they'll
kill you. They hate us for no reason. They kept
them in line. So there has to be a certain
level of even semi violent antishmitis amount there to keep
(16:06):
the Jews unified. And sometimes even that doesn't work. But
this still, as we all know, this was a Jewish movement.
But these so called programs have nothing to do with politics.
It has a lot to do with alcohol.
Speaker 1 (16:19):
Already, by the Midsummer of nineteen seventeen. The Jews felt
threatened by the embittered population or drunken soldiers, but the
ongoing collapse of the state was fraught with incomparably greater dangers. Amazingly,
it seems that both the Jewish community and the press,
the latter to a large extent identified with the former,
learned nothing from the formidable experiences in nineteen seventeen in general,
(16:41):
but narrowly looked at the isolated manifestations of pograms, and
so time after time they missed the real danger. The
executive power behaved similarly when the Germans breached a front
and turnople in the night of July tenth, the desperate
joint meeting of the CEC of the Soviet of Workers
and Soldiers Deputy and the Executive Committee of the Soviet
(17:02):
of Peasants Deputies had taken place. They had acknowledged that
should the revolution perish, the country crumbles down in that
exact order, and then names provisional government a government for
salvation of the Revolution, and noted in their appeal to
the people that dark forces are again prepared to torment
our long suffering motherland. They are setting backward masses upon
(17:25):
the Jews.
Speaker 2 (17:27):
Yeah, their motherland. Yeah, but one significant thing, the collapse
of the state, especially suddenly is a problem for them.
It wasn't a problem in nineteen ninety one, but the
society was much less healthy. People knew when we're talking
(17:49):
about the revolutionaries being Jewish, if the state goes away,
you know, Mosteks can count on really a handful of
Russians at first, US supporters, you know, throughout most of
their existence, less than one percent, partially because of its
ethnic background. They knew that they didn't have popular support,
(18:12):
They knew that people hated them, and they knew why
they lived with cognitive dissonance all the time. But I
guess that's pretty normal for them. They need a strong state, though,
because eventually they start believing their own propaganda about programs.
Without a strong state, we are vulnerable, even with self
(18:33):
defense organizations.
Speaker 1 (18:36):
On July eighteenth, that a panel session of the State Duma,
in an extremely small circle, Representative Maslnikov spoke against the
Executive Committee and, among other things, spelled out the real
names of its members on the very they.
Speaker 3 (18:54):
Hate that so much, yes, they do.
Speaker 1 (18:57):
On the very same evening at the factional meeting of
the Sea. They beaten alarm. This is a case of
counter revolution. It must be dealt with accordingly to the
recently issued decree of the Minister of Material Affairs Sarah
Tlly on suppression of counter revolution. The decree was issued
in response to the Bolshevik uprising, though it was never
(19:18):
used against Bolsheviks in two days, Maslnikov made excuses in
an article in the newspaper Wretch Speech. Indeed, he named Steklov, Kamanov,
and Trotsky, but never intended to incite anger against the
entire Jewish population in any way attacking them. I had
absolutely no wish to make Jewish people responsible for the
(19:38):
actions of these individuals.
Speaker 2 (19:41):
So this is clear proof they changed their names because
they needed to disguise the ethnic nature of the Bolshevik
Party as well as of the Soviets, the Soviets in Petersburg.
But we've talked about this before. I forget what newspaper
it was. We talked about it a few weeks ago
that published the real names of these people, which is
(20:05):
sort of a doxing, but in this case it's an
ethnic doxing. I think at this point people kind of knew,
but in nineteen seventeen, victory is going to be given
to those who had the most money and those who
had the most cohesion, the most focused.
Speaker 3 (20:24):
That was gonna win, not numbers.
Speaker 1 (20:28):
Then, in mid September, when all the games of the
February Revolution were already irreversibly ruined, on the eve of
the by now at minute Bolshevik coup, y A Kantarovich
warned and wretch about the danger that the dark forces
and evil geniuses of Russia will soon emerge from their
dens to jubilantly perform black masses. Indeed, it will happen soon.
(20:51):
Yet what kind of black masses of beast field pat
patriotism and pogrim loving truly Russian national life identity. In October,
in Petrograd, I Trumpeldor had organized Jewish self defense forces
for protection against programs, but they were never needed. Indeed,
(21:13):
Russian minds were confused, and so were Jewish ones.
Speaker 2 (21:18):
Remember the rick was the the rec I can't I
can't do the guttural like like you have in the
Semitic languages. Yeah, I can't do that without sounding ridiculous,
So we just say wrets, which is funny. That was
a liberal that was the Cadet publication was going to
(21:38):
be shut down pretty damned soon. So you had even there,
you had some worry that this is a Jewish movement
using the phrase black masses, I don't think he meant
beastial patriotism. I think this was a someone of an
admission that you wouldn't would use that phrase to refer
(22:01):
to truly Russian national identities, to the nationalists, you know,
engaging in programs. It doesn't make any sense. There's no
connection there. I think they were he was. He was
admitting something, and.
Speaker 3 (22:15):
This was good.
Speaker 2 (22:15):
This was a way to admit it without admitting it.
And I love the Jewish self defense force as well.
They've a already existed, and b the bullfics were very well armed.
The Red Armies didn't come out of nothing. So you
know that there was this more you know, self congratulation
than anything else. Yes, Russian minds were confused, but there's
(22:38):
there's good reason for that. This is an extremely confusing
and complex time in Russian history.
Speaker 1 (22:44):
Several years after the revolution, g Landau, looking back with sadness, wrote,
Jewish participation in the Russian turmoil had astonishingly suicidal over
itsnes in it, I am referring not only to their
role in Bolshevism, but to their involvement in the whole thing.
And it is just about the huge number of politically
active people, socialists and revolutionaries who have joined the revolution.
(23:06):
I am talking mainly about the broad sympathy of the
masses it was met with. Although many harbored pessimistic expectations
in particular and anticipation of pograms, they were still able
to reconcile such a foreboding with an acceptance of turmoil,
which unleashed countless miseries and pograms. It resembled the fatal
attraction of butterflies to fire, to the annihilating fire. It
(23:29):
is certain there were some strong motives pushing the Jews
into that direction, and yet those were clearly suicidal. Granted,
Jews were not different in that from the rest of
Russian intelligentsia and from the Russian society. Yet we had
to be different. We the ancient people of city dwellers, merchants, artisans, intellectuals.
We had to be different from the people of land
(23:51):
and power, from peasants, landowners, officials.
Speaker 2 (23:56):
Yeah, it's an interesting statement here. Landou obviously a Jewish name.
You didn't really have broad sympathy. And I don't know
if masses are such a dehumanizing I hate that word.
There's a use for it, but not in this context.
They were, however, sick of the war, that's for sure,
(24:19):
and they wanted some level of stability. It isn't like
the Bolsviks were going on the rostrum and saying that
we're going to burn down churches and take everything, and
we're going to steal everything from the farms. They weren't
saying this. They were saying the opposite. They were you know,
they never told the truth about their agenda in public.
(24:40):
This is part of the reason, not the whole reason.
This is part of the reason why the West liked
them so much. They saw a strong state, but a
westernized strong state in the Bolsheviks. There maybe have been
five people in the West at this point who knew
what a Bolsovic really was. It was the ethnic connection
that mattered a lot more So I think he's being
(25:03):
he's exaggerating a little bit there. But this comment would
only be true if the society was healthy, and it was,
I mean, especially compared to ours, especially compared to what
you know, in the sixties and seventies, and Russa it
still was a fairly healthy society, was suicidal because people
were starting to know they knew. Sultan Eistan talks about
(25:26):
this at great length in the Archipelago and not just there,
and essays all over the place that people began pretty
quickly to realize that the institutions that tormented them, they
all seemed to have something in common. They learned their
names weren't Russian names, and at this point many of
their pseudonyms had been exposed. There seemed to be sometimes
(25:50):
a Russian name or a Georgian name put in charge.
That's not who ran the group. And I think that's
what he means by suicidal today, or I don't have
to say today. In nineteen ninety one, the Jews took
over entirely, yet again created a very different kind of
pure oligarchy, and there really wasn't much of a an
(26:15):
organized revolution against them except from the old Soviet They
have the elderly Soviets, you know, the so called Coup
of nineteen ninety one, who at that point were very
anti Jewish, which is a whole separate, very complex issue,
but I think that's what He means that we have
to do this really fast. We have to nip this
(26:39):
in the bud now or else we're going to be
in very serious trouble.
Speaker 1 (26:44):
And let's not forget those who were different. We must
always remember that Jeury was is very heterogeneous, that attitudes
and actions very greatly among the Jews. So it was
with the Russian Jewy in nineteen seventeen and provinces and
even in the capitol there were circles with reasonable views,
and they were growing as October was getting closer. The
(27:06):
Jewish stance towards towards Russian unity during the months when
Russia was pulled apart, not only by other nations but
even by Siberians was remarkable. All over the course of
all over the course of revolution, Jews, together with Great
Russians were among the most ardent champions of the idea
of Great Russia. Now, when Jews had gotten their equal rights,
(27:28):
what could they have in common with different people on
the periphery of the form former empire? And yet the
disintegration of the United Country would fracture Jewry. In July,
the Ninth Congress of Constituent Constitutional Democrats Vinever and Nolde
openly argued against territorial partition of peoples and in favor
(27:48):
of Russian unity. Also in September, in the National Section
of the Democratic Congress, the Jewish Socialists spoke against any
federalization of Russia and that they had just had joined
the Centralists. Today, they write in an Israeli magazine that
Trumpeldor's Jewish detachments backed the provisional government and had even
foiled the court, foiled the corn corner Low's mutiny. Perhaps, However,
(28:13):
and rigorously studying events in nineteen seventeen, I did not
encounter any such information. But I am aware of opposite instances.
In early May nineteen seventeen and the thundering patriotic and
essentially counter revolutionary Black Sea delegation, the most successful order
calling for the defense of Russia was Jewish sailor Botkin.
Speaker 2 (28:33):
You know, this reminds me of when the Iraq War
began in nineteen ninety, and I see that war as
one from nineteen ninety really to you know, twenty eleven,
or to the you know, the killing of Hussein. I
think it was just one one war. All of a sudden,
(28:57):
you see these people who were I saw it an airport
one time, someone who was very obviously Jewish wearing the
American flag on his lapel. All of a sudden, these
are the same people that were torching rotc centers and
universities during Vietnam. Now because their interests are being supported
(29:19):
by American military action, suddenly they're patriots. And I remember
how angry it made me at the time. This wasn't
Royal Russia, this wasn't orthodox Russia. Now keep in mind
that the federalization idea that will be promoted by the
Bolsheviks during the Civil War, that was a way to
(29:40):
get the support of the various nations that comprised the federation,
the Great Russia idea, and you could interpret that whoever
you want. That was promoted by the White Armies. It
was a big problem. It caused a lot of problems
in Ukraine especially, So again this was just they changed
(30:01):
their opinion depending on their self interest. But Lenin would use,
you know, as today Ukrainian nationalism and pretended to support
it as a way to defeat the White Army. And
of course the minute he was secure in power, of
(30:21):
course that all ended. So it was phony, but that's
really what he was talking about here. But there was
a huge debate over this. But they both believed in
tight centralization, they just had very different ways of expressing it.
Speaker 1 (30:38):
Deepasmanic had published the letters of millionaire steamship owner Schulim
Bespalov to the Minister of Trade and Industry Shaikovski, dated
as early as September nineteen fifteen, Excessive profits made by
all industrialists and traders lead out lead our motherlands to
the imminent wreck. He had donated half a million rubles
(30:59):
to the state and proposed to establish a law limiting
all profits by fifteen percent. Unfortunately, these self restricting measures
were not introduced, as Rush to Freedom progressives such as
kon Konovalov and Rajabushinsky did not mind making one hundred
percent war profits. When Konovalov himself became the Minister of
(31:22):
Trade and Industry, Schulumbespolov wrote to him on July fifth,
nineteen seventeen, excessive profits of industrialists are ruining our country.
Now we must take fifty percent of the value of
their capitals and property and added that he is ready
to part with fifty percent of his own assets. Konovalov
paid no heed.
Speaker 3 (31:44):
Yes, they were quite noble.
Speaker 1 (31:47):
In August that the Moscow All Russian State Conference, oh Gruzenberg,
a future member of the Constituent Assembly, stated, these days,
the Jewish people are united in their allegiance to our
motherland in unanimous aspects to defend her integrity and achievements
of democracy, and were prepared to give for her defense
all their material and intellectual assets, to part with everything precious,
(32:11):
with the flower of their people, all their young.
Speaker 2 (32:15):
I still think of that guy, it's very obviously Jewish
guy with the American lapel pin. Whenever I read something
like this, it's the exact same phenomenon. The czar is gone,
their church has been dethroned, it's a revolutionary government. Everything
(32:36):
is changing, and Jews are making incredible profits. I mean,
even limiting them doesn't They're still going to be, you
know today, would be billionaires. Yeah, all of a sudden,
it's their motherland. You didn't have in Israel that existed
at the time. So it was the most phony kind
(32:59):
of patriis that was based exclusively on self interest, united
in their allegiance to our motherland. This is you know,
that has nothing to do with Russia, that's for sure.
Speaker 1 (33:12):
These words reflected the realization that the February regime was
the best for Russian jewelry, promising economic progress as well
as political and cultural prosperity, and that realization was adequate.
The closer it got to the October coup and the
apparent and the more apparent the Bolshevik threat, the wider
(33:32):
this realization spread among Jews, leading them to oppose Bolshevism.
It was taking root even among socialist parties, and during
the October cou many Jewish socialists were actively against it.
Yet they were debilitated by their socialist views, and their
opposition was limited by negotiations and newspaper articles until the
Bolsheviks shut the down those newspapers.
Speaker 2 (33:55):
Oh, that's true. The revolutionaries had many factions. Lenin saw
this as a handicap. The whites never saw it that way,
or they didn't understand it. Eventually, they will shut it down.
There'll be one movement, one party, one army, won everything.
(34:16):
But you had left this Jews, various types of socials,
anarchists all over the place that had problems with with Volsviks,
et cetera. Some of these people were eliminated when the
revolution actually occurred. Some of them just you know, joined
you know, it was it was over some emigrated elsewhere.
(34:37):
They were all still leftists. You know, it wasn't like
a patriotic opposition here. Bolsivism was a tiny really you know,
at the time, a bizarre cult around Lenin and Tronsky,
very Jewish, completely foreign controlled, a foreign financed, and when
you knew their real views, they were very extreme. Lenin
(34:59):
was no different than Stalin in policy, in his ideology.
They believe the exact same things. The only difference was
that Stalin had a much greater, much stronger economy and
far more you know, far better technology to work with.
You know, Lenin was still this confusing almost anarchy, and
he died, you know, just a few years later. So yeah,
(35:24):
Jews were all over the place on the left. It's
still that gets the case now. But Lenin, you know,
essentially the ultimatum was we've taken over. You have a
choice of what you're going to do. You know, that
doesn't remove the fact that the Bolsovic movement was Jewish.
But again, so were liberals, and so were the the
(35:46):
some of the anarchists, et cetera.
Speaker 1 (35:48):
It is necessary to sorry, it is necessary to state
explicitly that the October coup was not carried was not
carried by Jews, though it was under the general command
Neutrotsky and with energetic actions of young Grigory Tchudnovski during
the arrest of provisional government and the massacre of the
defenders of the Winter Palace. Broadly, speaking of the common
(36:11):
rebuke that one hundred and seventy million people could not
be pushed into Bolshevism by a small Jewish minority is justified. Indeed,
we had ourselves sealed our fate in nineteen seventeen through
our foolishness from February to October through December. The October
Coup proved a devastating lot for Russia. Yet the state
(36:32):
of affairs even before it promised little good to the people.
We had already lost responsible statesmanship, and the events in
nineteen seventy seventeen had proved it in excess. In excess
the best Russia could expect for an inept, feeble and
disorderly pseudo democracy, unable to rely on enough citizens with
developed legal consciousness and economic independence.
Speaker 2 (36:57):
Yeah, they the Bolsheviks weren't no owners being very good statesman.
Although I think it was. It wasn't Wilson, it was
the Prime Minister of Britain who said. It was Lloyd
George who said that Trotsky was the only statesman in Russia.
The Bolshevic behavior in the Winter Palace, what they did,
you know, spreading feces on things, and just this this
(37:19):
animalistic hatred that was, you know, part of the nature
of the party.
Speaker 3 (37:24):
This was about power.
Speaker 2 (37:26):
You know, Lenin was a very poor philosopher. He was
there to justify all of this. And keep in mind,
as I could keep saying, Lenin was a minority. He
was a essentially, I mean, he was partly Jewish, but.
Speaker 3 (37:43):
He wasn't a full Jew like a lot of these
other people.
Speaker 2 (37:46):
When the Soviet, when the Soviets actually were established, Soviet
Union took over and many of the people purged right away.
Many of them were Jews, you know, that's true. They
all hated Russia, they all hated the monarchy. And the
most frustrating thing, very frustrating, is that there was no
organized armed right wing power here nowhere it had this
(38:09):
massive support throughout the country, peasantry, Siberia, it didn't exist.
Speaker 3 (38:15):
No one fought back.
Speaker 2 (38:18):
And the army, of course was in such a bad state.
They had been propagandized beyond belief. By Lenin, there was
no the White Army was certain fragments of the White
Army was the best that they can do, and it
wasn't enough to defeat the Reds.
Speaker 1 (38:34):
After October fights in Moscow, representatives of the Bund and
Poile Zion had taken part in the peace negotiations, not
an alliance with the junkers of the Bolsheviks, but as
a third independent party. There were many Jews among junkers
of the Engineers school who defended the Winter Palace on
October twenty fifth, and the memoirs of sun Agob, a
(38:55):
palace defender, Jewish names appear regularly. I personally knew one
such an engine near from my prison experience, and during
the Odessa City Duma elections, the Jewish bloc had opposed
to Bolsheviks, and I, though only marginally.
Speaker 3 (39:10):
I love how he called it his prison experience.
Speaker 1 (39:14):
During the Constituent Assembly elections, more than eighty percent of
Jewish population in Russia had voted for Zionist parties. Lenin
wrote that five hundred and fifty thousands voted for Jewish nationalists.
Most Jewish parties had formed a united Nationalist of candidates.
Seven deputies were elected from the lists, six Zionists and Gruzenberg.
(39:36):
The success of Zionists was facilitated by the recently published
declaration of British Minister of Foreign Affairs Balfour on the
establishment of Jews of Jewish National Home in Palestine, which
was met with enthusiasm by the majority of Russian jewelry.
Celebratory demonstrations, rallies and worship services took place in Moscow, Petrograd, Odessa,
(39:57):
Kiev and many other cities. Prior to the October ku
Bolshevism was not very influential among Jews, but just before
the uprising, Natansen, Kamkof and Steinberg on behalf of the
left Socialist revolutionaries, had signed a combat pact with Bolsheviks
Trotsky and Kamenov, and some Jews distinguished themselves among the
(40:19):
Bolsheviks in their very first victories, and some even became famous.
The Kommissar of the famed Latvian regiments of the twelfth Army,
which did so much for the success of the bol
Bolshevik coup, was Semyon Nakimsen. Jewish soldiers paid a notable
Jewish soldiers played a notable role during preparation and execution
(40:40):
of the armed uprisings of October nineteen seventeen in Petrograd
and other cities, and also during suspension of mutinies and
armed resurgency it resurrections against the new Soviet regime.
Speaker 2 (40:54):
The Balfour Declaration was like a bomb dropped on all
of this. Now, of course it didn't happen until much later,
but the concept seemed to be in the minds now
of elite, the elites of England, that this might happen.
We're coming to the end of World War One, which
means we're coming to the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Speaker 3 (41:14):
Now it didn't happen. They British wanted to control the
entire area. There were plenty of Jews in.
Speaker 2 (41:20):
Palestine that the State of Israel was, you know, essentially
put on top of. But remember all of these Jews,
whether they supported the bolt Fix or not, were all leftists.
They all were one variant of leftists or another. The
poles Zion, as we've mentioned before, that was essentially the
Moses hes faction. These were as violently anti Russian as any.
Speaker 3 (41:45):
Of the rest of them.
Speaker 2 (41:47):
But if there's a concept that maybe we're going to
be able at least someone's going to be able to
leave for the Middle East, that's going to change things.
And it did upset Lenin, you know, being essentially a
front man at this point. But the Balfour Declaration, this
was huge at the time. The minute it was it
was put out, there was a huge split among the Jews,
(42:08):
even revolutionary Jews.
Speaker 1 (42:11):
It is widely known that during the historical session of
the Congress of Soviets on October twenty seven II, acts
the decreeon Land and the Decree on Peace were passed,
but it didn't leave a mark in history that after
the Decree on Peace, but before the decreeon Land, another
resolution was passed. It declared it a matter of honor
(42:31):
for local Soviets to prevent Jewish and any other programs
by dark forces. Programs by Red Forces of Light were
not anticipated. So even here at the Congress of Workers
and Peasants Deputies, the Jewish question was put ahead of
the peasant one.
Speaker 2 (42:51):
Yeah, there was a flurry of decrees, some of them
took some of them didn't. This even before the war began,
the Civil War began you had German forces in different
parts of Russia. After the you know, the the Restlotols
Treaty that that Lenin had negotiated, extremely unpopular. That was
(43:16):
something that turned the tide against the Jews to some extent,
but it was too late.
Speaker 3 (43:20):
By by then.
Speaker 2 (43:24):
But again, they knew that they were unpopular. I don't
care what faction they were a part of. They were
far and they were They agreed on far more than they.
Speaker 3 (43:31):
Just agreed on.
Speaker 2 (43:34):
But now you know, there's ours gone. The church isn't
the official church anymore. We have a tremendous amount of control,
at least in the city. We're making huge profits. We
want to go, you know, farther than this. All the
Jews are known for going farther than that. They're known
for this. They're known for for never being satisfied. And
of course it happened. Remember what the Soviet Union really
(43:58):
was up in till the nineteen seven up until the
nineteen seventies, the creation of a you know, if you
don't have a market economy in their mind anyway, you
have a planned economy. The other methods of organizing the
economy existed in Russia. You know, the commune that guilds,
(44:18):
all that that was immediately destroyed. That was part of
Russian prosperity. It wasn't a capitalist country for the most part.
Well you did, you know, it was industrializing very very rapidly.
I'm sorry, I lost my train of thought.
Speaker 3 (44:36):
What was I talking about? What I say? You were
talking about how it wasn't.
Speaker 1 (44:43):
It wasn't a capitalist you were talking about through the
nineteen seventies, up until the nineteen seventies.
Speaker 2 (44:50):
Yeah, well the Jews, you know, well at this point, yeah,
I lost it. Sorry about that, but it became absolutely
imperative for them to stomp out any anti Jewish action whatsoever,
(45:11):
even in the White Army. I mean, everyone knew what
the Jews were, of course, but you only had like
Dietrich's faction or Kappel's faction, the more orthodox groups who
were more than aware of what the Jews were. These
were the royalist parts of the White Army. The Cossacks
certainly knew, but the Cossacks didn't think in all Russian terms.
(45:33):
They thought it in their own areas, which turned out
to be a huge error on their part and part
of the reason the Whites wants the war.
Speaker 3 (45:41):
The Cossacks were.
Speaker 2 (45:42):
Hard as nails. But after the Ice March, and I
have a paper on that too. You know, Kunelov, who
was killed on that march, was very, very upset by
the fact that the Cossacks didn't think and we need
to build an anti communist movement, it has to be
(46:02):
all Russian. And yes, the Colossacks fought the Reds all
over the place and succeeded for the most part.
Speaker 3 (46:09):
They were always hard, they were always.
Speaker 2 (46:11):
Combat experienced, always oppressed during the Soviet era. But they
only considered their own section, Southern Russia. They wanted the
independence of their own region and that was it. It
was very hard to get them to think about anything else.
I do know what it was, you know, the fact
(46:31):
that Russia wasn't Russia anymore. You know, that is what
I was saying, was Monarch's gone, high profits are being made,
it's still a revolutionary government. The church is not official anymore.
You know, this is Russia to them, It's not Russia
as any normal person. So you're gonna have divisions there.
(46:56):
But when Lenin talked about the White forces and they
said Jews always need a little bit of anti Semitism.
They referred to even the more non anti Jewish whites
as black hundred clergy you know, Polgramas, and they really weren't.
(47:19):
Some of them certainly knew what was going on, but
on all of them. And so Lenin presented the whites
as just this fanatical anti Jewish movement. Well, in effect
they were, because that was the Bolshevik movement, and the
left in general was completely judaic and more than anything else.
(47:42):
I've said one hundred times, unity over all things, not
just in terms of command, but in terms of ideology.
White forces were all over the place. There was It
was so frustrating and reading thirty years I've been reading
about this Russian and English and Ukrainian. They made so
(48:02):
many mistakes which you know today, you know, I mean,
who were we.
Speaker 3 (48:07):
To judge them?
Speaker 2 (48:08):
But even at the time seemed to be absolutely, absolutely absurd,
Plus the fact that the Bolsviks were not honest as
to what they wanted to do. Lenin believed in a
command economy. It was hard to put that into practice
at the times what war communism was, but the economy
completely collapsed. Hence the new economic policy, which didn't last long.
(48:33):
Songe wasn't able to since he had established himself and
with far more power, was able to create the command economy.
But Trotsky and Lenin were all in favor of it.
As I said in my book The Russian Russian the
Soviet Experiment, the purpose the Bolshevik takeover from the Jewish
(48:54):
point of view, was to take all of the productive
Capacityrussian Empire for themselves. That's what a command economy is.
The party owns everything, the party controls everything. Workers were
exploited beyond anything in the factories of Britain at the time.
(49:14):
The exploitation they had no days off Sunday was abolished
pretty quickly, late late Lenin or early Stalin, so there
was only I think there was a five day week
in Stalin's world. There were no days off, no time off.
They were exploited beyond more than our words can say,
(49:36):
which was no problem for them. That labor was not
the issue, it was control. And the fact that it
was a Jewish movement to take over this required was
required pseudonyms, but also required these laws against anti Semitism.
Speaker 3 (49:57):
And the White Armies.
Speaker 2 (49:58):
Again, frustratingly, we're all over the place on this. I
think I said this before, but I think the British
at one point said to Kolchak, if you eliminate the
anti Semites in your group, we'll give you some assistance.
And in my article on the topic, I said, yeah,
well that means that there'll be an army of seven
(50:22):
because everyone knew all these pro semitic things that he
had to do, apologize to the Jews and put Jews
in strong command positions, disarm all these ridiculous things that
the British were trying to say, which is another way
of saying, we're not going to support you in any way.
Jews were always at the center, but even the White
(50:43):
Army was so fractured on all of these issues, and
Jews were no different. Everyone knew what the Jew was.
Whether or not that was a major part of the
army itself was a separate matter. Dietrichs, it was the pel.
Speaker 3 (50:58):
It was.
Speaker 2 (51:01):
The mainstream groups, you know, Denekon and and Colchak maybe not.
You know, Kolchak went to his grave thinking that the
Allies went to eventually side with him and bail him out,
even though that they were already financing the Red the
Red Army, and and he just had this naivete that
(51:21):
I can't explain in anyway, except maybe the war he
had fought in World War One. There was some level
of PTSD there that led him to believe that the
you know we fought, we're on the same side here.
But you know, on the Jewish question, it was it
(51:43):
was dominant only in certain parts of the of the
White Army itself, but like every like everything else. You know,
wherever the Soviets went, whatever they took over, there were
mass killings, and we don't have a market economy.
Speaker 3 (51:58):
They created a They just rid all actual socialism.
Speaker 2 (52:02):
I go into great detail in my book on that subject,
all kind of the communes, the artels, the brotherhoods. These
were ancient socialist institutions. You know that it's not a
legitimate socialist movement when the first thing they do is
destroy those. It was simply a matter of controlling all
(52:26):
forces of production from one place, which is a banker's dream,
of course, controlling all forces of production and living off it.
Every one of the Bosvik leaders, Jewish or not, were
millionaires at the time of their death, no one more
so than I think Trotsky in today's money would have
(52:46):
been a billionaire. And he was killed in Mexico. He
had two bank accounts that were finally uncovered, and they
were ridiculous, and this is all stolen from Russian labor
that they pretend to represent. It's shocking even you know,
when I was in college, I kind of took it
for granted that they or they supported labor, they wanted
(53:07):
a labor society. The way they went about it was wrong.
But and they had no interest in labor at all.
They had no connection to them. They didn't even know
them Jews were Jews had no were completely alienated from
any of that. And once Zionism, well, once Israel wasn't established,
you know, not until the end of World War two,
(53:28):
then they had to remain focused on.
Speaker 1 (53:33):
Russia.
Speaker 3 (53:34):
And they were all revolutionaries for the most part.
Speaker 2 (53:37):
It's to what extent they were willing to go, how
far they were willing to go, and many of them
were simply waiting for who won. You know, you had
plenty of Jews who went into exile because they were
either anarchists or more moderate or something. But they all
hated the monarchy and they all hated Russia. Because even
even the Polais zion We've we've heard that group a
(53:57):
few times now, that's essentially Moses has the combination of
Zionism and Jewish nationalism and socialism, deeply Occultish all that
was almost a Masonic cult itself, as Trotsky was. So
that's the level of complexity we're dealing with here, level
of complexity of this era. It's really hard to put
(54:20):
it all, you know, make a coherent list of things.
Speaker 1 (54:23):
All right, Well, you will begin chapter fifteen on the
next episode alongside the Bolsheviks. I encourage everyone to go
to the show notes and to go to the description
on the videos and donate to doctor Johnson. And yeah,
I'm sure that everyone is benefiting from this. Everyone I've
(54:47):
heard from has said they are benefiting from this. So
go pay your tuition on this college course, this college
course that you will not get in college.
Speaker 3 (54:59):
Thank you, Thank you, doctor Johnson.
Speaker 2 (55:01):
SATs in a few days, all right, ma'am,
If you want to get the show early and ad free,
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(00:58):
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(01:18):
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(01:40):
And yeah, I mean, I'll never be able to thank
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Want to welcome everyone back to Part sixty two. Of
our reading of two hundred Years Together by Alexander Socials
and doctor Johnson. How are you today?
Speaker 2 (02:00):
I just discovered that the song Lawyer's Guns and Money
from Warren Zevonn is about the mercenaries fighting in the
Congo in nineteen sixty four.
Speaker 3 (02:10):
I'm embarrassed. I didn't know that.
Speaker 2 (02:12):
It's not really obvious in the lyrics, but there's a
couple of videos out there showing these guys, a lot
of them former German infantry, a very neglected topic, you know,
to think, with Rhodesia and everything else. And I discovered
it yesterday. So it's an embarrassing thing. But like you know,
(02:36):
the communist meetings of Paul pot I'm condemning myself, you know,
within the circle. And I apologize for not knowing that.
It's terribly embarrassing that I didn't know that. But it's
really weird that he would write a song about that,
of all things.
Speaker 3 (02:55):
In the seventies.
Speaker 2 (02:57):
It's actually a very good song, but I yesterday I
discovered what it was really about, and it's it's just
I feel terrible.
Speaker 1 (03:04):
I learned something new all the time, you know, when
you when you see that when you find out that
Israel was arming the uh, the white population in Rhodesia,
and that the Soviet Union was arming the black population
in Rhodesia. You realize, well, yeah, the Soviet Union wasn't
(03:29):
wasn't always very pro Jewish. As a matter of fact,
they went pro Israel. At least they went out of
their way to sometimes to fight against them just proxy wise,
as for just seems like just to do it.
Speaker 2 (03:48):
Well, things get complicated in Africa. I never got too
deep into a lot of that stuff because every every country,
you're really not really a country. In some in Africa,
they're always subdivided into a million different ethnic groups, different
religions that nor one would be slaughtering each other, enslaving
each other, which is you know, part of the reason
(04:13):
that they're always struggling. But things get very complicated in
South Africa is no different everything that we predicted, me
and you. I was actually interested in that issue in
college nineteen ninety ninety one. Everything we predicted that would
happen in South Africa actually happened even worse than we
thought it would.
Speaker 1 (04:34):
Yeah, all right, let's go to another horrifying time picking
up where we left off. Yeah, last time by autumn,
the activity of Jews and power had created such an
effect that even Erski Sparks, the illustrated supplement to the
surpassingly gentle Ruskoslova Russian word that would until then never
(04:56):
dare defying public opinion in such a way, had published
an abrasive anti Jewish caricature in the October ninth, twenty
ninth issue. That is, already, during fights of the October
coup in Moscow, the Executive Committee of the Soviet of
Workers and Soldiers' Deputies actively fought against antisemitism. I cannot
(05:18):
rule out that the shocked I cannot rule out that
the harsh refusal to accept the well deserved pluckenough into
the CEC in April nineteen seventeen was a kind of
revenge for his anti Bund referral to the tribe of Gad,
which was mentioned in Lenin's publications. Indeed, I cannot provide
(05:40):
any other explanation. On July twenty first, the First All
Russian Congress of Soviets had issued a proclamation about a
struggle against anti Semitism, about the only resolution approved by
the Congress unanimously without any objections or arguments. What in
the end of June eight in twenty ninth, the re
(06:01):
elected Bureau of the CEC had assembled. They had heard
a report on the rise of anti Semitic agitation, mainly
in the northwestern and southwestern Gubernaya's A decision was made
immediately to send a delegation of fifteen members of the
CEC with special powers there subordinating them to the direction
of the Department on the struggle against counter revolution.
Speaker 3 (06:26):
Well, that says it all.
Speaker 2 (06:29):
Sometimes, I don't think that they at the time they
realized the full implication of what they were saying. That
was also Lenin's argument over and over again at the time.
Lenin wrote that to be anti Semitic is to be
anti Soviet. To be anti Soviet is to be anti Semitic,
(06:52):
and being an anti semit however they defined it. You know,
we've spoken about that before, Lenin's definition of the term.
And of course you know it's on the rise in
those places former pale of settlement in Saint Petersburg, because
that's where their power was was growing. It's it's a
(07:16):
full and open admission that this was a Jewish movement.
And I did a whole show, as you know, on
the laws and the decrees that Lenin put out, you know,
actually small articles that eventually took the force of law,
saying what i've you know, to be anti Smittic is
(07:37):
to fight the revolution, which is a very odd thing
to say if it wasn't a almost entirely Jewish revolution.
Now it's someonet of a myth that they got shot. Initially,
the prison terms were a little you know, they were
(07:57):
they weren't very long. During wartime they were shot, but
at this point, where you're dealing with a lot of chaos,
the really weren't any trials going on.
Speaker 3 (08:08):
So it was simply assumed.
Speaker 2 (08:13):
That if you criticize the Jews, politically speaking, there's no
way you could be supportive of Lenin, the Revolution, Trotsky
and the Soviets. So at this point it wasn't in
law yet, but it will be very soon once Lenin
takes over in October.
Speaker 1 (08:35):
On the other hand, Bolsheviks, who advanced their agenda under
the slogan down with the Minister's Capitalists, not only did
nothing to alleviate the problem this problem, they even fanned
its flames along with the anarchists, despite the fact that
the latter were headed by one Blakeman. They claimed that
the Executive Committee was so exceptionally lenient towards the government
(08:56):
only because capitalists and Jews control everything. Isn't that reminiscent
of Nouranaya Volya the People as Will terrorist organization of
eighteen eighty one, And when the Bolshevik uprising of July
third through fourth broke out, it was in fact targeted
not against the already impotent provisional government, but against the
(09:17):
Bolshevik's true competitor, Executive Committee. The Bolsheviks slyly exploited the
anger of soldiers towards Jews by pointing them to that
very body. See there they are.
Speaker 3 (09:30):
Yeah, it's they don't really have principles. They'll use it.
Speaker 2 (09:34):
Of course, they were vehemently opposed to any anti Jewish
thinking whatsoever. But if they can use it at the
moment to hurt their enemies, they will. You know, you
have Ukrainians claiming to be national socialists fighting for Zelenski.
I mean, there's no principles with these people. And we
(09:59):
still have the problem and we've talked about it months ago, actually,
that the Bolsoeviks have to try to dance around the
issue that some of the most powerful capitalists and concentrations
of capital or under Jewish control. So how can you
be anti capitalists and not point out the Jews. They
clearly were a disproportionate share of the millionaires of the
(10:22):
old society, and this is part of the reason why
the laws had to be passed. And keep in mind
that the Bolsoviks on the one hand, the Executive Committee
or the Soviet and Peterford and the other they didn't
disagree on much. There was a lot of personality problems. Uh.
(10:44):
And they would they would, you know, if someone if
one of the one of the other powers did something
didn't like, they would say that this was against socialism.
They were very, very similar. And it was funny that
they mentioned the anarchists because as we know, Mikile Bakunin
was We talked about this too, one of the many
early leftists who said that Karl Marx was on the
(11:07):
Jewish payroll, on the Rothchile payroll. And the Jews have
created so much misery in society. In fact, if you're
for a listeners who don't know what we're talking about,
you go back to that. I don't even remember when.
Speaker 3 (11:20):
It was now a couple of weeks ago.
Speaker 2 (11:23):
All the founders, whether it be anarchism, socialism, Marxism, or
had a problem with the Jews.
Speaker 3 (11:30):
They talked just like we do.
Speaker 2 (11:33):
The Prudhon that blows me away the founder and he
actually gave created the name anarchism. But because the Jews
were very powerful, anarchists were going to have a problem
with them. So and yeah, it's also a Jewish movement. Blinkman,
(11:55):
I don't know who that is. He's not one of
the major names. But it was the anarchists who initially
pointed out Marx's background. That's why he was thrown out
of the First International, and anarchism became a very eccentric
competitor to Marxism. But of course as the years went on,
it became just another Jewish expression and i'msured, but Jewish expression.
Speaker 1 (12:18):
But when the Bolsheviks had lost their uprising, the CEC
had conducted an official investigation, and many members of the
Commission of Inquiry were Jews from the Presidium of the CEC,
and because of their socialist conscience, they dared not call
the Bolshevik uprising a crime and deal with it accordingly.
So the commission had yielded no results and was soon liquidated.
(12:42):
During the garrison meeting arranged by the CEC on October nineteenth,
just before the decisive Bolshevik uprising, one of the representatives
of one hundred and seventy six Infantry Regiment, a Jew,
warned that those people on the street screamed, the Jews
are responsible for all the wrongs. At the CEC meeting
during the night of October twenty fifth, Gendelman reported that
(13:02):
when he was giving a speech in the Peter and
Paul Fortress earlier that afternoon, he was taunted, you are Gendelman,
that is, you are a Yid and a rightist. When
on October twenty seventh, Guts and his delegations to Kerensky
tried to depart Sagatchina from the Baltiski rail terminal, he
(13:23):
was nearly killed by sailors who screamed that the Soviets
are controlled by Yids. And during the wine programs on
the eve of the glorious Bolshevik Revolution, the calls slaughter
Yids were heard also.
Speaker 2 (13:36):
Well from either one of the two sides mentioned, either
the Soviets on one side, the or the Leninist on
the other. That's the pot calling the kettle black. They
were both heavily Jewish, and when they say rightist is
be careful. They're talking about right wing relative to socialism,
not right wing like we use the We use the term.
Speaker 3 (14:01):
So.
Speaker 2 (14:02):
But if they could use it against their opponents, they will.
They knew that no one really liked them, They knew
that they dominated this movement. It was for their own interests,
but occasionally, when it suited their interest, they.
Speaker 3 (14:15):
Would use it.
Speaker 2 (14:17):
That didn't happen very much, and certainly didn't happen after October.
But this was one of the ways that really a
stalemate in the July days of nineteen seventeen.
Speaker 1 (14:31):
And yet there was not a single Jewish program over
the whole year of nineteen seventeen. The infamous outrageous programs
in Calusha and Turnipol were in fact the work of
frenzy drunk revolutionary soldiers retreating in disorder. They smashed everything
on their way, all shops and stores, and because most
of those were Jewish own the words spread about Jewish pograms.
(14:53):
A similar program took place in Stanislavov, with its much
smaller Jewish population, and quite re reasonably it was not
labeled a Jewish pogram.
Speaker 2 (15:04):
Yeah, these silly thing. I mean, the Jews tried to
call these programs. They need them, they need them for
the sake of their own cohesion. But all it was
was a couple of drunken I think it was sailors.
Speaker 3 (15:16):
I could be wrong.
Speaker 2 (15:19):
The smashing stores in general, they weren't targeting Jews, but
because some of them were Jewish owned, it got the
label of a program. They were looking for programs everywhere.
It was very important to them. They couldn't have it
be too large, but they needed it. Jews need a
certain level of anti Jewish thinking at any given time.
(15:41):
It's the only thing that keeps them together. That goes
back to the Kahal, where you know, poor Jews were said,
if you leave the Kahal, the gentiles are animals, they'll
kill you. They hate us for no reason. They kept
them in line. So there has to be a certain
level of even semi violent antishmitis amount there to keep
(16:06):
the Jews unified. And sometimes even that doesn't work. But
this still, as we all know, this was a Jewish movement.
But these so called programs have nothing to do with politics.
It has a lot to do with alcohol.
Speaker 1 (16:19):
Already, by the Midsummer of nineteen seventeen. The Jews felt
threatened by the embittered population or drunken soldiers, but the
ongoing collapse of the state was fraught with incomparably greater dangers. Amazingly,
it seems that both the Jewish community and the press,
the latter to a large extent identified with the former,
learned nothing from the formidable experiences in nineteen seventeen in general,
(16:41):
but narrowly looked at the isolated manifestations of pograms, and
so time after time they missed the real danger. The
executive power behaved similarly when the Germans breached a front
and turnople in the night of July tenth, the desperate
joint meeting of the CEC of the Soviet of Workers
and Soldiers Deputy and the Executive Committee of the Soviet
(17:02):
of Peasants Deputies had taken place. They had acknowledged that
should the revolution perish, the country crumbles down in that
exact order, and then names provisional government a government for
salvation of the Revolution, and noted in their appeal to
the people that dark forces are again prepared to torment
our long suffering motherland. They are setting backward masses upon
(17:25):
the Jews.
Speaker 2 (17:27):
Yeah, their motherland. Yeah, but one significant thing, the collapse
of the state, especially suddenly is a problem for them.
It wasn't a problem in nineteen ninety one, but the
society was much less healthy. People knew when we're talking
(17:49):
about the revolutionaries being Jewish, if the state goes away,
you know, Mosteks can count on really a handful of
Russians at first, US supporters, you know, throughout most of
their existence, less than one percent, partially because of its
ethnic background. They knew that they didn't have popular support,
(18:12):
They knew that people hated them, and they knew why
they lived with cognitive dissonance all the time. But I
guess that's pretty normal for them. They need a strong state, though,
because eventually they start believing their own propaganda about programs.
Without a strong state, we are vulnerable, even with self
(18:33):
defense organizations.
Speaker 1 (18:36):
On July eighteenth, that a panel session of the State Duma,
in an extremely small circle, Representative Maslnikov spoke against the
Executive Committee and, among other things, spelled out the real
names of its members on the very they.
Speaker 3 (18:54):
Hate that so much, yes, they do.
Speaker 1 (18:57):
On the very same evening at the factional meeting of
the Sea. They beaten alarm. This is a case of
counter revolution. It must be dealt with accordingly to the
recently issued decree of the Minister of Material Affairs Sarah
Tlly on suppression of counter revolution. The decree was issued
in response to the Bolshevik uprising, though it was never
(19:18):
used against Bolsheviks in two days, Maslnikov made excuses in
an article in the newspaper Wretch Speech. Indeed, he named Steklov, Kamanov,
and Trotsky, but never intended to incite anger against the
entire Jewish population in any way attacking them. I had
absolutely no wish to make Jewish people responsible for the
(19:38):
actions of these individuals.
Speaker 2 (19:41):
So this is clear proof they changed their names because
they needed to disguise the ethnic nature of the Bolshevik
Party as well as of the Soviets, the Soviets in Petersburg.
But we've talked about this before. I forget what newspaper
it was. We talked about it a few weeks ago
that published the real names of these people, which is
(20:05):
sort of a doxing, but in this case it's an
ethnic doxing. I think at this point people kind of knew,
but in nineteen seventeen, victory is going to be given
to those who had the most money and those who
had the most cohesion, the most focused.
Speaker 3 (20:24):
That was gonna win, not numbers.
Speaker 1 (20:28):
Then, in mid September, when all the games of the
February Revolution were already irreversibly ruined, on the eve of
the by now at minute Bolshevik coup, y A Kantarovich
warned and wretch about the danger that the dark forces
and evil geniuses of Russia will soon emerge from their
dens to jubilantly perform black masses. Indeed, it will happen soon.
(20:51):
Yet what kind of black masses of beast field pat
patriotism and pogrim loving truly Russian national life identity. In October,
in Petrograd, I Trumpeldor had organized Jewish self defense forces
for protection against programs, but they were never needed. Indeed,
(21:13):
Russian minds were confused, and so were Jewish ones.
Speaker 2 (21:18):
Remember the rick was the the rec I can't I
can't do the guttural like like you have in the
Semitic languages. Yeah, I can't do that without sounding ridiculous,
So we just say wrets, which is funny. That was
a liberal that was the Cadet publication was going to
(21:38):
be shut down pretty damned soon. So you had even there,
you had some worry that this is a Jewish movement
using the phrase black masses, I don't think he meant
beastial patriotism. I think this was a someone of an
admission that you wouldn't would use that phrase to refer
(22:01):
to truly Russian national identities, to the nationalists, you know,
engaging in programs. It doesn't make any sense. There's no
connection there. I think they were he was. He was
admitting something, and.
Speaker 3 (22:15):
This was good.
Speaker 2 (22:15):
This was a way to admit it without admitting it.
And I love the Jewish self defense force as well.
They've a already existed, and b the bullfics were very well armed.
The Red Armies didn't come out of nothing. So you
know that there was this more you know, self congratulation
than anything else. Yes, Russian minds were confused, but there's
(22:38):
there's good reason for that. This is an extremely confusing
and complex time in Russian history.
Speaker 1 (22:44):
Several years after the revolution, g Landau, looking back with sadness, wrote,
Jewish participation in the Russian turmoil had astonishingly suicidal over
itsnes in it, I am referring not only to their
role in Bolshevism, but to their involvement in the whole thing.
And it is just about the huge number of politically
active people, socialists and revolutionaries who have joined the revolution.
(23:06):
I am talking mainly about the broad sympathy of the
masses it was met with. Although many harbored pessimistic expectations
in particular and anticipation of pograms, they were still able
to reconcile such a foreboding with an acceptance of turmoil,
which unleashed countless miseries and pograms. It resembled the fatal
attraction of butterflies to fire, to the annihilating fire. It
(23:29):
is certain there were some strong motives pushing the Jews
into that direction, and yet those were clearly suicidal. Granted,
Jews were not different in that from the rest of
Russian intelligentsia and from the Russian society. Yet we had
to be different. We the ancient people of city dwellers, merchants, artisans, intellectuals.
We had to be different from the people of land
(23:51):
and power, from peasants, landowners, officials.
Speaker 2 (23:56):
Yeah, it's an interesting statement here. Landou obviously a Jewish name.
You didn't really have broad sympathy. And I don't know
if masses are such a dehumanizing I hate that word.
There's a use for it, but not in this context.
They were, however, sick of the war, that's for sure,
(24:19):
and they wanted some level of stability. It isn't like
the Bolsviks were going on the rostrum and saying that
we're going to burn down churches and take everything, and
we're going to steal everything from the farms. They weren't
saying this. They were saying the opposite. They were you know,
they never told the truth about their agenda in public.
(24:40):
This is part of the reason, not the whole reason.
This is part of the reason why the West liked
them so much. They saw a strong state, but a
westernized strong state in the Bolsheviks. There maybe have been
five people in the West at this point who knew
what a Bolsovic really was. It was the ethnic connection
that mattered a lot more So I think he's being
(25:03):
he's exaggerating a little bit there. But this comment would
only be true if the society was healthy, and it was,
I mean, especially compared to ours, especially compared to what
you know, in the sixties and seventies, and Russa it
still was a fairly healthy society, was suicidal because people
were starting to know they knew. Sultan Eistan talks about
(25:26):
this at great length in the Archipelago and not just there,
and essays all over the place that people began pretty
quickly to realize that the institutions that tormented them, they
all seemed to have something in common. They learned their
names weren't Russian names, and at this point many of
their pseudonyms had been exposed. There seemed to be sometimes
(25:50):
a Russian name or a Georgian name put in charge.
That's not who ran the group. And I think that's
what he means by suicidal today, or I don't have
to say today. In nineteen ninety one, the Jews took
over entirely, yet again created a very different kind of
pure oligarchy, and there really wasn't much of a an
(26:15):
organized revolution against them except from the old Soviet They
have the elderly Soviets, you know, the so called Coup
of nineteen ninety one, who at that point were very
anti Jewish, which is a whole separate, very complex issue,
but I think that's what He means that we have
to do this really fast. We have to nip this
(26:39):
in the bud now or else we're going to be
in very serious trouble.
Speaker 1 (26:44):
And let's not forget those who were different. We must
always remember that Jeury was is very heterogeneous, that attitudes
and actions very greatly among the Jews. So it was
with the Russian Jewy in nineteen seventeen and provinces and
even in the capitol there were circles with reasonable views,
and they were growing as October was getting closer. The
(27:06):
Jewish stance towards towards Russian unity during the months when
Russia was pulled apart, not only by other nations but
even by Siberians was remarkable. All over the course of
all over the course of revolution, Jews, together with Great
Russians were among the most ardent champions of the idea
of Great Russia. Now, when Jews had gotten their equal rights,
(27:28):
what could they have in common with different people on
the periphery of the form former empire? And yet the
disintegration of the United Country would fracture Jewry. In July,
the Ninth Congress of Constituent Constitutional Democrats Vinever and Nolde
openly argued against territorial partition of peoples and in favor
(27:48):
of Russian unity. Also in September, in the National Section
of the Democratic Congress, the Jewish Socialists spoke against any
federalization of Russia and that they had just had joined
the Centralists. Today, they write in an Israeli magazine that
Trumpeldor's Jewish detachments backed the provisional government and had even
foiled the court, foiled the corn corner Low's mutiny. Perhaps, However,
(28:13):
and rigorously studying events in nineteen seventeen, I did not
encounter any such information. But I am aware of opposite instances.
In early May nineteen seventeen and the thundering patriotic and
essentially counter revolutionary Black Sea delegation, the most successful order
calling for the defense of Russia was Jewish sailor Botkin.
Speaker 2 (28:33):
You know, this reminds me of when the Iraq War
began in nineteen ninety, and I see that war as
one from nineteen ninety really to you know, twenty eleven,
or to the you know, the killing of Hussein. I
think it was just one one war. All of a sudden,
(28:57):
you see these people who were I saw it an airport
one time, someone who was very obviously Jewish wearing the
American flag on his lapel. All of a sudden, these
are the same people that were torching rotc centers and
universities during Vietnam. Now because their interests are being supported
(29:19):
by American military action, suddenly they're patriots. And I remember
how angry it made me at the time. This wasn't
Royal Russia, this wasn't orthodox Russia. Now keep in mind
that the federalization idea that will be promoted by the
Bolsheviks during the Civil War, that was a way to
(29:40):
get the support of the various nations that comprised the federation,
the Great Russia idea, and you could interpret that whoever
you want. That was promoted by the White Armies. It
was a big problem. It caused a lot of problems
in Ukraine especially, So again this was just they changed
(30:01):
their opinion depending on their self interest. But Lenin would use,
you know, as today Ukrainian nationalism and pretended to support
it as a way to defeat the White Army. And
of course the minute he was secure in power, of
(30:21):
course that all ended. So it was phony, but that's
really what he was talking about here. But there was
a huge debate over this. But they both believed in
tight centralization, they just had very different ways of expressing it.
Speaker 1 (30:38):
Deepasmanic had published the letters of millionaire steamship owner Schulim
Bespalov to the Minister of Trade and Industry Shaikovski, dated
as early as September nineteen fifteen, Excessive profits made by
all industrialists and traders lead out lead our motherlands to
the imminent wreck. He had donated half a million rubles
(30:59):
to the state and proposed to establish a law limiting
all profits by fifteen percent. Unfortunately, these self restricting measures
were not introduced, as Rush to Freedom progressives such as
kon Konovalov and Rajabushinsky did not mind making one hundred
percent war profits. When Konovalov himself became the Minister of
(31:22):
Trade and Industry, Schulumbespolov wrote to him on July fifth,
nineteen seventeen, excessive profits of industrialists are ruining our country.
Now we must take fifty percent of the value of
their capitals and property and added that he is ready
to part with fifty percent of his own assets. Konovalov
paid no heed.
Speaker 3 (31:44):
Yes, they were quite noble.
Speaker 1 (31:47):
In August that the Moscow All Russian State Conference, oh Gruzenberg,
a future member of the Constituent Assembly, stated, these days,
the Jewish people are united in their allegiance to our
motherland in unanimous aspects to defend her integrity and achievements
of democracy, and were prepared to give for her defense
all their material and intellectual assets, to part with everything precious,
(32:11):
with the flower of their people, all their young.
Speaker 2 (32:15):
I still think of that guy, it's very obviously Jewish
guy with the American lapel pin. Whenever I read something
like this, it's the exact same phenomenon. The czar is gone,
their church has been dethroned, it's a revolutionary government. Everything
(32:36):
is changing, and Jews are making incredible profits. I mean,
even limiting them doesn't They're still going to be, you
know today, would be billionaires. Yeah, all of a sudden,
it's their motherland. You didn't have in Israel that existed
at the time. So it was the most phony kind
(32:59):
of patriis that was based exclusively on self interest, united
in their allegiance to our motherland. This is you know,
that has nothing to do with Russia, that's for sure.
Speaker 1 (33:12):
These words reflected the realization that the February regime was
the best for Russian jewelry, promising economic progress as well
as political and cultural prosperity, and that realization was adequate.
The closer it got to the October coup and the
apparent and the more apparent the Bolshevik threat, the wider
(33:32):
this realization spread among Jews, leading them to oppose Bolshevism.
It was taking root even among socialist parties, and during
the October cou many Jewish socialists were actively against it.
Yet they were debilitated by their socialist views, and their
opposition was limited by negotiations and newspaper articles until the
Bolsheviks shut the down those newspapers.
Speaker 2 (33:55):
Oh, that's true. The revolutionaries had many factions. Lenin saw
this as a handicap. The whites never saw it that way,
or they didn't understand it. Eventually, they will shut it down.
There'll be one movement, one party, one army, won everything.
(34:16):
But you had left this Jews, various types of socials,
anarchists all over the place that had problems with with Volsviks,
et cetera. Some of these people were eliminated when the
revolution actually occurred. Some of them just you know, joined
you know, it was it was over some emigrated elsewhere.
(34:37):
They were all still leftists. You know, it wasn't like
a patriotic opposition here. Bolsivism was a tiny really you know,
at the time, a bizarre cult around Lenin and Tronsky,
very Jewish, completely foreign controlled, a foreign financed, and when
you knew their real views, they were very extreme. Lenin
(34:59):
was no different than Stalin in policy, in his ideology.
They believe the exact same things. The only difference was
that Stalin had a much greater, much stronger economy and
far more you know, far better technology to work with.
You know, Lenin was still this confusing almost anarchy, and
he died, you know, just a few years later. So yeah,
(35:24):
Jews were all over the place on the left. It's
still that gets the case now. But Lenin, you know,
essentially the ultimatum was we've taken over. You have a
choice of what you're going to do. You know, that
doesn't remove the fact that the Bolsovic movement was Jewish.
But again, so were liberals, and so were the the
(35:46):
some of the anarchists, et cetera.
Speaker 1 (35:48):
It is necessary to sorry, it is necessary to state
explicitly that the October coup was not carried was not
carried by Jews, though it was under the general command
Neutrotsky and with energetic actions of young Grigory Tchudnovski during
the arrest of provisional government and the massacre of the
defenders of the Winter Palace. Broadly, speaking of the common
(36:11):
rebuke that one hundred and seventy million people could not
be pushed into Bolshevism by a small Jewish minority is justified. Indeed,
we had ourselves sealed our fate in nineteen seventeen through
our foolishness from February to October through December. The October
Coup proved a devastating lot for Russia. Yet the state
(36:32):
of affairs even before it promised little good to the people.
We had already lost responsible statesmanship, and the events in
nineteen seventy seventeen had proved it in excess. In excess
the best Russia could expect for an inept, feeble and
disorderly pseudo democracy, unable to rely on enough citizens with
developed legal consciousness and economic independence.
Speaker 2 (36:57):
Yeah, they the Bolsheviks weren't no owners being very good statesman.
Although I think it was. It wasn't Wilson, it was
the Prime Minister of Britain who said. It was Lloyd
George who said that Trotsky was the only statesman in Russia.
The Bolshevic behavior in the Winter Palace, what they did,
you know, spreading feces on things, and just this this
(37:19):
animalistic hatred that was, you know, part of the nature
of the party.
Speaker 3 (37:24):
This was about power.
Speaker 2 (37:26):
You know, Lenin was a very poor philosopher. He was
there to justify all of this. And keep in mind,
as I could keep saying, Lenin was a minority. He
was a essentially, I mean, he was partly Jewish, but.
Speaker 3 (37:43):
He wasn't a full Jew like a lot of these
other people.
Speaker 2 (37:46):
When the Soviet, when the Soviets actually were established, Soviet
Union took over and many of the people purged right away.
Many of them were Jews, you know, that's true. They
all hated Russia, they all hated the monarchy. And the
most frustrating thing, very frustrating, is that there was no
organized armed right wing power here nowhere it had this
(38:09):
massive support throughout the country, peasantry, Siberia, it didn't exist.
Speaker 3 (38:15):
No one fought back.
Speaker 2 (38:18):
And the army, of course was in such a bad state.
They had been propagandized beyond belief. By Lenin, there was
no the White Army was certain fragments of the White
Army was the best that they can do, and it
wasn't enough to defeat the Reds.
Speaker 1 (38:34):
After October fights in Moscow, representatives of the Bund and
Poile Zion had taken part in the peace negotiations, not
an alliance with the junkers of the Bolsheviks, but as
a third independent party. There were many Jews among junkers
of the Engineers school who defended the Winter Palace on
October twenty fifth, and the memoirs of sun Agob, a
(38:55):
palace defender, Jewish names appear regularly. I personally knew one
such an engine near from my prison experience, and during
the Odessa City Duma elections, the Jewish bloc had opposed
to Bolsheviks, and I, though only marginally.
Speaker 3 (39:10):
I love how he called it his prison experience.
Speaker 1 (39:14):
During the Constituent Assembly elections, more than eighty percent of
Jewish population in Russia had voted for Zionist parties. Lenin
wrote that five hundred and fifty thousands voted for Jewish nationalists.
Most Jewish parties had formed a united Nationalist of candidates.
Seven deputies were elected from the lists, six Zionists and Gruzenberg.
(39:36):
The success of Zionists was facilitated by the recently published
declaration of British Minister of Foreign Affairs Balfour on the
establishment of Jews of Jewish National Home in Palestine, which
was met with enthusiasm by the majority of Russian jewelry.
Celebratory demonstrations, rallies and worship services took place in Moscow, Petrograd, Odessa,
(39:57):
Kiev and many other cities. Prior to the October ku
Bolshevism was not very influential among Jews, but just before
the uprising, Natansen, Kamkof and Steinberg on behalf of the
left Socialist revolutionaries, had signed a combat pact with Bolsheviks
Trotsky and Kamenov, and some Jews distinguished themselves among the
(40:19):
Bolsheviks in their very first victories, and some even became famous.
The Kommissar of the famed Latvian regiments of the twelfth Army,
which did so much for the success of the bol
Bolshevik coup, was Semyon Nakimsen. Jewish soldiers paid a notable
Jewish soldiers played a notable role during preparation and execution
(40:40):
of the armed uprisings of October nineteen seventeen in Petrograd
and other cities, and also during suspension of mutinies and
armed resurgency it resurrections against the new Soviet regime.
Speaker 2 (40:54):
The Balfour Declaration was like a bomb dropped on all
of this. Now, of course it didn't happen until much later,
but the concept seemed to be in the minds now
of elite, the elites of England, that this might happen.
We're coming to the end of World War One, which
means we're coming to the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Speaker 3 (41:14):
Now it didn't happen. They British wanted to control the
entire area. There were plenty of Jews in.
Speaker 2 (41:20):
Palestine that the State of Israel was, you know, essentially
put on top of. But remember all of these Jews,
whether they supported the bolt Fix or not, were all leftists.
They all were one variant of leftists or another. The
poles Zion, as we've mentioned before, that was essentially the
Moses hes faction. These were as violently anti Russian as any.
Speaker 3 (41:45):
Of the rest of them.
Speaker 2 (41:47):
But if there's a concept that maybe we're going to
be able at least someone's going to be able to
leave for the Middle East, that's going to change things.
And it did upset Lenin, you know, being essentially a
front man at this point. But the Balfour Declaration, this
was huge at the time. The minute it was it
was put out, there was a huge split among the Jews,
(42:08):
even revolutionary Jews.
Speaker 1 (42:11):
It is widely known that during the historical session of
the Congress of Soviets on October twenty seven II, acts
the decreeon Land and the Decree on Peace were passed,
but it didn't leave a mark in history that after
the Decree on Peace, but before the decreeon Land, another
resolution was passed. It declared it a matter of honor
(42:31):
for local Soviets to prevent Jewish and any other programs
by dark forces. Programs by Red Forces of Light were
not anticipated. So even here at the Congress of Workers
and Peasants Deputies, the Jewish question was put ahead of
the peasant one.
Speaker 2 (42:51):
Yeah, there was a flurry of decrees, some of them
took some of them didn't. This even before the war began,
the Civil War began you had German forces in different
parts of Russia. After the you know, the the Restlotols
Treaty that that Lenin had negotiated, extremely unpopular. That was
(43:16):
something that turned the tide against the Jews to some extent,
but it was too late.
Speaker 3 (43:20):
By by then.
Speaker 2 (43:24):
But again, they knew that they were unpopular. I don't
care what faction they were a part of. They were
far and they were They agreed on far more than they.
Speaker 3 (43:31):
Just agreed on.
Speaker 2 (43:34):
But now you know, there's ours gone. The church isn't
the official church anymore. We have a tremendous amount of control,
at least in the city. We're making huge profits. We
want to go, you know, farther than this. All the
Jews are known for going farther than that. They're known
for this. They're known for for never being satisfied. And
of course it happened. Remember what the Soviet Union really
(43:58):
was up in till the nineteen seven up until the
nineteen seventies, the creation of a you know, if you
don't have a market economy in their mind anyway, you
have a planned economy. The other methods of organizing the
economy existed in Russia. You know, the commune that guilds,
(44:18):
all that that was immediately destroyed. That was part of
Russian prosperity. It wasn't a capitalist country for the most part.
Well you did, you know, it was industrializing very very rapidly.
I'm sorry, I lost my train of thought.
Speaker 3 (44:36):
What was I talking about? What I say? You were
talking about how it wasn't.
Speaker 1 (44:43):
It wasn't a capitalist you were talking about through the
nineteen seventies, up until the nineteen seventies.
Speaker 2 (44:50):
Yeah, well the Jews, you know, well at this point, yeah,
I lost it. Sorry about that, but it became absolutely
imperative for them to stomp out any anti Jewish action whatsoever,
(45:11):
even in the White Army. I mean, everyone knew what
the Jews were, of course, but you only had like
Dietrich's faction or Kappel's faction, the more orthodox groups who
were more than aware of what the Jews were. These
were the royalist parts of the White Army. The Cossacks
certainly knew, but the Cossacks didn't think in all Russian terms.
(45:33):
They thought it in their own areas, which turned out
to be a huge error on their part and part
of the reason the Whites wants the war.
Speaker 3 (45:41):
The Cossacks were.
Speaker 2 (45:42):
Hard as nails. But after the Ice March, and I
have a paper on that too. You know, Kunelov, who
was killed on that march, was very, very upset by
the fact that the Cossacks didn't think and we need
to build an anti communist movement, it has to be
(46:02):
all Russian. And yes, the Colossacks fought the Reds all
over the place and succeeded for the most part.
Speaker 3 (46:09):
They were always hard, they were always.
Speaker 2 (46:11):
Combat experienced, always oppressed during the Soviet era. But they
only considered their own section, Southern Russia. They wanted the
independence of their own region and that was it. It
was very hard to get them to think about anything else.
I do know what it was, you know, the fact
(46:31):
that Russia wasn't Russia anymore. You know, that is what
I was saying, was Monarch's gone, high profits are being made,
it's still a revolutionary government. The church is not official anymore.
You know, this is Russia to them, It's not Russia
as any normal person. So you're gonna have divisions there.
(46:56):
But when Lenin talked about the White forces and they
said Jews always need a little bit of anti Semitism.
They referred to even the more non anti Jewish whites
as black hundred clergy you know, Polgramas, and they really weren't.
(47:19):
Some of them certainly knew what was going on, but
on all of them. And so Lenin presented the whites
as just this fanatical anti Jewish movement. Well, in effect
they were, because that was the Bolshevik movement, and the
left in general was completely judaic and more than anything else.
(47:42):
I've said one hundred times, unity over all things, not
just in terms of command, but in terms of ideology.
White forces were all over the place. There was It
was so frustrating and reading thirty years I've been reading
about this Russian and English and Ukrainian. They made so
(48:02):
many mistakes which you know today, you know, I mean,
who were we.
Speaker 3 (48:07):
To judge them?
Speaker 2 (48:08):
But even at the time seemed to be absolutely, absolutely absurd,
Plus the fact that the Bolsviks were not honest as
to what they wanted to do. Lenin believed in a
command economy. It was hard to put that into practice
at the times what war communism was, but the economy
completely collapsed. Hence the new economic policy, which didn't last long.
(48:33):
Songe wasn't able to since he had established himself and
with far more power, was able to create the command economy.
But Trotsky and Lenin were all in favor of it.
As I said in my book The Russian Russian the
Soviet Experiment, the purpose the Bolshevik takeover from the Jewish
(48:54):
point of view, was to take all of the productive
Capacityrussian Empire for themselves. That's what a command economy is.
The party owns everything, the party controls everything. Workers were
exploited beyond anything in the factories of Britain at the time.
(49:14):
The exploitation they had no days off Sunday was abolished
pretty quickly, late late Lenin or early Stalin, so there
was only I think there was a five day week
in Stalin's world. There were no days off, no time off.
They were exploited beyond more than our words can say,
(49:36):
which was no problem for them. That labor was not
the issue, it was control. And the fact that it
was a Jewish movement to take over this required was
required pseudonyms, but also required these laws against anti Semitism.
Speaker 3 (49:57):
And the White Armies.
Speaker 2 (49:58):
Again, frustratingly, we're all over the place on this. I
think I said this before, but I think the British
at one point said to Kolchak, if you eliminate the
anti Semites in your group, we'll give you some assistance.
And in my article on the topic, I said, yeah,
well that means that there'll be an army of seven
(50:22):
because everyone knew all these pro semitic things that he
had to do, apologize to the Jews and put Jews
in strong command positions, disarm all these ridiculous things that
the British were trying to say, which is another way
of saying, we're not going to support you in any way.
Jews were always at the center, but even the White
(50:43):
Army was so fractured on all of these issues, and
Jews were no different. Everyone knew what the Jew was.
Whether or not that was a major part of the
army itself was a separate matter. Dietrichs, it was the pel.
Speaker 3 (50:58):
It was.
Speaker 2 (51:01):
The mainstream groups, you know, Denekon and and Colchak maybe not.
You know, Kolchak went to his grave thinking that the
Allies went to eventually side with him and bail him out,
even though that they were already financing the Red the
Red Army, and and he just had this naivete that
(51:21):
I can't explain in anyway, except maybe the war he
had fought in World War One. There was some level
of PTSD there that led him to believe that the
you know we fought, we're on the same side here.
But you know, on the Jewish question, it was it
(51:43):
was dominant only in certain parts of the of the
White Army itself, but like every like everything else. You know,
wherever the Soviets went, whatever they took over, there were
mass killings, and we don't have a market economy.
Speaker 3 (51:58):
They created a They just rid all actual socialism.
Speaker 2 (52:02):
I go into great detail in my book on that subject,
all kind of the communes, the artels, the brotherhoods. These
were ancient socialist institutions. You know that it's not a
legitimate socialist movement when the first thing they do is
destroy those. It was simply a matter of controlling all
(52:26):
forces of production from one place, which is a banker's dream,
of course, controlling all forces of production and living off it.
Every one of the Bosvik leaders, Jewish or not, were
millionaires at the time of their death, no one more
so than I think Trotsky in today's money would have
(52:46):
been a billionaire. And he was killed in Mexico. He
had two bank accounts that were finally uncovered, and they
were ridiculous, and this is all stolen from Russian labor
that they pretend to represent. It's shocking even you know,
when I was in college, I kind of took it
for granted that they or they supported labor, they wanted
(53:07):
a labor society. The way they went about it was wrong.
But and they had no interest in labor at all.
They had no connection to them. They didn't even know
them Jews were Jews had no were completely alienated from
any of that. And once Zionism, well, once Israel wasn't established,
you know, not until the end of World War two,
(53:28):
then they had to remain focused on.
Speaker 1 (53:33):
Russia.
Speaker 3 (53:34):
And they were all revolutionaries for the most part.
Speaker 2 (53:37):
It's to what extent they were willing to go, how
far they were willing to go, and many of them
were simply waiting for who won. You know, you had
plenty of Jews who went into exile because they were
either anarchists or more moderate or something. But they all
hated the monarchy and they all hated Russia. Because even
even the Polais zion We've we've heard that group a
(53:57):
few times now, that's essentially Moses has the combination of
Zionism and Jewish nationalism and socialism, deeply Occultish all that
was almost a Masonic cult itself, as Trotsky was. So
that's the level of complexity we're dealing with here, level
of complexity of this era. It's really hard to put
(54:20):
it all, you know, make a coherent list of things.
Speaker 1 (54:23):
All right, Well, you will begin chapter fifteen on the
next episode alongside the Bolsheviks. I encourage everyone to go
to the show notes and to go to the description
on the videos and donate to doctor Johnson. And yeah,
I'm sure that everyone is benefiting from this. Everyone I've
(54:47):
heard from has said they are benefiting from this. So
go pay your tuition on this college course, this college
course that you will not get in college.
Speaker 3 (54:59):
Thank you, Thank you, doctor Johnson.
Speaker 2 (55:01):
SATs in a few days, all right, ma'am,
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