Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 61 - The Pete Quiñones Show

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Speaker 1 (00:38):
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(00:58):
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(01:20):
that you can support me there. And I just want
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and I are doing together on kindinal philosophy, it's all
because of you. And yeah, I mean, I'll never be

(01:42):
able to thank you enough. So thank you. The Pekanyonashow
dot com. Everything's there. I want to welcome everyone back
to Part sixty one of our reading of two hundred
Years Together by Alexander Sulcanes and doctor Johnson. How are
you doing today?

Speaker 2 (02:00):
I forgot to take the garbage out, you know, on
garbage to day, and it's full. So now I don't
want to throw anything away. I'm living in paranoia here.
Oh and besides that, I'm doing my daily nationalist radio
Albion on the President of Mexico. It's shocking how little
there is about her for more people out there. But

(02:22):
it's her biography and her family biography. It's like if
I it's like I wrote it. It's so cliche. Yeah,
I mind, you know, I almost didn't believe it.

Speaker 1 (02:34):
She's like half Ashganazi, half Sephardic, right, something like that.

Speaker 2 (02:39):
Yeah, an uncle or something. But her family was involved
in some of these events. There was an article on
her on Jacobin awful with romanticizing her and her grandparents
was going back and forth, back and forth parents, no grandparents.

(03:00):
We're going back and forth from the US to the
Russian Empire. And they gave no explanation as to why.
And we've already discussed that they have been going back
and forth for financing, bringing men over and everything. So
she her family's actually involved in some of this stuff.

Speaker 1 (03:19):
Oh. I mean, I'm so shocked that she just, you know,
didn't come out of nowhere. You know, the family came
over here, worked twenty four hours a day for five years,
and then bought a city, you know, like Hartford, Like Hartford, Connecticut.
You know the story in Hartford, Connecticut. Two brothers came
over here for five years, they worked without fail and

(03:42):
without rest, and then they bought this They bought Hartford,
Connecticut while Americans were off fighting World War Two. Yeah.

Speaker 2 (03:54):
Well, I know, I know you're shocked, but I just
want you to take a deep breath. Don't don't let
us get to you know, we've been at this a
long time.

Speaker 1 (04:02):
Just be cool, all right, all right, flood pressurement. Okay,
I'm good, I'm good, all right, Yeah, all right, pick
it up where we left off last time. As early
as in the beginning of March, the prudent Vinever had
worn the Jewish public quote Apart from love for freedom,
self control is needed. It is better for us to

(04:23):
avoid highly visible and prominent posts, to not hurry to
practice our rights end quote. We know that Vinev and
also Dan Lieber and Branson at different times have been
offered minister positions, but all of them refused, believing that
Jews should not be present in Russian government. The attorney
Vinevar could not, of course, reject his sensational appointment to

(04:47):
the Senate, where he became one of four Jewish senators,
together with Ge Blumenfeld, O. G Rosenberg and I Gurevich.
There were no Jews among the ministers but for very
but for in ffaluential Jews occupied post as deputy ministers.
Vie Gerovich was a deputy OFV. Ketsentiev, the Minister of

(05:09):
Internal Affairs S. Leary was in the Ministry of Trade
and Industry. S. Schwartz and A. Ginsburg Naumov in the
Ministry of Labor and P. Ruttenberg should be mentioned here too.
From July A Galbern became the chief of the Administration
of the Provisional Government after VI Nabakoff. The director of

(05:30):
First Department in the Ministry of Affairs was A Mendelstam.
The assistance at the head of the Moscow Military District
was second Lieutenant Scher. From May, the head of Foreign
Supply Department at General Staff was A Mickelson. The Commissar
of the Provisional Government in the Field Construction Office was

(05:52):
Nam Glasberg. Several Jews were incorporated by Chernoff into the
Central Land Committee, responsible for everything related to a lotting
land to peasants. Of course, most of those were not
keep posts, having negligibly small influence when compared to the
principal role of the Executive Committee, whose ethnic competition would
Ethnic composition would soon become a hotly debated public worry.

Speaker 2 (06:18):
Well, in this first section here they're worried about being exposed.
And this happens all the time. One of my favorite
papers I've written was on the Soviet People's Republic of
Hungary right after World War One, and it was one
hundred percent Jewish. Stalin said, can you at least get

(06:42):
you know, have a meaningless like presidency that has no power,
but the media focuses on and get an an Jew
in there. And they took a while, but they found
one guy, I forget his name starts with an S.
And they kind of stand in doors or something like that,
and they stuck them there. My god, even even we've

(07:06):
been talking about in in uh Seinbaum's family and and
you know from the old Russian Empire where they came
at Cuba and Mexico, their communist parties were heavily Jewish
at the beginning. It's I can't even conceive of that,
but it's it's absolutely true. Lithuania has a different story.
Of course, there's there's was was totally Jewish. But they

(07:31):
come out here and say, we don't want to be
present in Russian government, We don't want people to notice us.
I guess enough people were worried, well enough people knew
their real names. They didn't like this idea. But it's
often been said that that, you know, the provisional state

(07:51):
was was it was kind of a Masonic state, and
the Bolsovik one was Jewish. No, they both were. But
if they had to refuse posts because you know, this
is this is a huge concern. They know, you know,
it's still a fairly healthy society, especially at the work
workers and peasants, and anything can happen to them if

(08:14):
they pushed too hard. So so, yeah, so they put
them in lower level positions, but given the fact of
their cohesiveness and over organization, they ran the place. You know,
they keep saying, you know, you know, Lenin was a

(08:34):
a tiny minority in his own party, and he was
aware of that to some extent. Kerensky was too, and
of course they couldn't admit it, but but there was
a lot of pressure on them. And then this concept
of the Central Land Committee. These people know zero, we

(09:00):
many times, how many hours have we spent on the
land trying to make them farmers, And now they're in
charge of agriculture. And it gets worse with the Bolsoviks,
people who know nothing about farming, hate farming, hate farmers,
now are normally in charge of it, but are claiming

(09:21):
to be the representatives of the soldiers, workers and peasants republic.
But among Jews. That's why it says that this is
a hotly debated public worry. Well, not anymore, but at
the time it certainly was. You know, this was as
much of a Jewish cultist state as anything else. But

(09:45):
the Free Masonic lodges were also very heavily involved. They
were kind of irrelevant as far as the Bolsoviks were concerned,
because they had gone beyond it. They weren't even necessary,
although I think Trotzky had joined a lodge, but joining
the lower level staff that makes a lot of sense

(10:05):
for them from their point of view, it's this, you know,
and at the time, so well, in nineteen hundred, this
is nineteen seventeen. But in nineteen hundred, the Jewish population
and the Jewish male population of the Russian Empire was
one point one percent of the total. So you add women,
it's it's it's you know, roughly double that, so around

(10:29):
two percent. So clearly this isn't a coincidence. They are
the revolutionary group, their other evolutionary sect. And it's a
shame that the Czar didn't get rid of him when
he could have. But as we said many times in
the past, he was stuck. You know, he was in
a terrible position with as far as the Jews were concerned,

(10:51):
getting bad advice from a lot of people also people
who were in Masonic lodges. Nicholas hated the lodges and
everything about them. But that's where we are here. This
is a very Jewish government despite and it's very Jewish government,
even though they were trying to hide that fact that
there was subjectively aware that we have to hide the

(11:15):
Jewish nature of this government.

Speaker 1 (11:18):
At the August Government conference dedicated to the disturbing situation
in the country, apart from the representatives of Soviets, parties
and guilds. A separate representation was granted to the ethnic
groups of Russia, with Jews represented by eight delegates, including J. S.
Lesberg and Lieber and Friedman, g Landau and Gruzenburg. The

(11:39):
favorite slogan of nineteen seventeen was expand the revolution. All
socialist parties were to implement it. Io eleven writes quote.
There is no doubt the Jewish representation in the Bolshevik
and other parties which facilitated expanding the revolution Menshevik, Socialist Revolutionaris, etc.
With great respects to both general Jewish membership and Jewish

(12:00):
presence among the leaders, greatly exceeds the Jewish share in
the population of Russia. This is an indisputable fact. While
its reasons should be debated, its factual veracity is unchallengeable,
and its denial is pointless end quote end quote. A
certainly convincing explanation of this phenomenon by Jewish inequality before

(12:22):
the March Revolution is still not sufficiently exhaustive end quote.
Members of central committees of the socialist parties are known. Interestingly,
Jewish representation in the leadership of Menshevik. The right and
the left Socialist revolutionaries and the anarchists was much greater
than among the Bolshevik leaders. At the Socialist Revolutionary Congress

(12:43):
which took place in the end of May and beginning
of June nineteen seventeen, thirty nine out of three hundred
and eighteen delegates were Jewish, and out of twenty members
of the Central Committee of the Party elected during the congress,
seven were Jewish. A. Gutz was one of the leaders
of the right wing faction in m Ntenson was among
the leaders of the left Socialist Revolutionaries. What a despicable

(13:04):
role awaited Nathansen the Wise Mark, one of the founders
of Russian neurad Nishdovo populism. During the war, living abroad,
he was receiving financial aid from Germany. In May nineteen
seventeen he returned to Russia and one of the extra
territorial trains across Germany. In Russia, he had immediately endorsed

(13:25):
Lenin and threw his weight in support of the latter's
goals at dissolving the Constituent Assembly. Actually it was he
who had voiced the idea first, though Lenin of course
needed no such nudge.

Speaker 2 (13:37):
Well, it should be pointed out that between let's say
March of nineteenth, summer of nineteen seventeen and nineteen twenty one,
those numbers will increase. Now, it's normally said that the

(13:58):
Civil War ended in nineteen twenty one, the White Armies
had been defeated. However, there was an endless and very
violent uprisings to the peasants everywhere and constantly all over Russia,
and I think that should be included in as a
Russian civil War. Some of these same people are welcomed

(14:22):
the Germans in nineteen forty one. So going back and forth,
we talked about this last time, from Britain to the
Russian Empire, the US, the Russian Empire, they're bringing more
Jews over. There's only so many of them. Now, I

(14:45):
think what this guy means, so, yeah, it's denial. It's pointless,
meaning you can't deny that these were And to say
that it greatly exceeds a Jewish share in the population,
that's a bit of an understatement. But what he means
by the trying to say what the reason is, well,

(15:06):
they're trying to justify. This happens all the time. But
whatever Jews were there were, because as are you know,
created the programs or something like that that's still being
said said today. You know, all the names are known.
You know, it's not like this is some and I
think I've said this before, but you know, you debate
this stuff with with people and you say, okay, listen,

(15:29):
if you don't think that this is true, if you
don't think that the Bolsheviks and the Men's Fix were
a overwhelming Jewish organization, I'll send you all their names.
And when you see that, you know from from Jewish sources,
I mean from their own there's no denying it. You'll
change your mind, right And of course they never will

(15:51):
because it has nothing to do with the truth of
the matter. Oh and I should note that the right
wing faction that's relative to Marxism, so the left wing
faction wanted to slaughter let's say, a thousand priests to day,
the right wing wan to slaughter twenty five priests to day.

Speaker 1 (16:10):
Local government elections took place in the summer. Overall socialist
parties were victorious. End quote. Jews actively participated in the
local and municipal work in a number of cities and
towns outside of the former Palast settlement end quote. For instance,
Socialist Revolutionary O Minor became head of the Moscow City Duma,
member of the Central Committee of the bund Avonstein Rachmiel

(16:33):
of the Minsk Duma, Menshevik I Polansky of the Ekatcharinoslav Duma,
bundest d Chertkoff of the Saratov Duma. G. Schrader had
become the mayor of Petrograd and Agensberg Namov was elected
a deputy mayor of Kiev.

Speaker 2 (16:51):
Now I want to point out that these elections, no
right wing party was allowed to compete. That goes for
the Assembly itself, and these elections were known for a
very low turnout, partially for that reason. You had just
a handful of people voting these people in and of

(17:11):
course the fraud, the intimidation factor was everywhere. I know
for the Constituent Assembly election, the one that they had
it in the it was in the low forties forty percent.
I could be wrong, it's it's something like that. I've
written on that before too. So these these weren't normal elections.

(17:33):
No one was elected here and anyone who wanted to
vote had a choice among different shades of Jewish socialism.

Speaker 1 (17:45):
But most of these persons were gone with the October Coup,
and it was not they who shaped the subsequent developments
in Russia. It would become the lot of those who
now occupied much lower posts, mostly in the Soviets. They
were numerous and spread all over the country. For instance, Kinchuk,
head of the Moscow Soviet of Workers Deputies, or Nassamovich

(18:07):
and m. Trilliser of the Erkutst Soviet. The latter would
later serve in the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets
of Siberia and become a famous Czechist all over the
provinces quote. Jewish socialist parties enjoyed large representation in the
Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies end quote. They were

(18:29):
also prominently presented at all Russian democratic conferences in September
nineteen seventeen, which annoyed Lenin so much that he had
even demanded surrounding the Alexandrinsky Theater with troops and arresting
the entire assembly. The theatre superintendent, Comrade Nashetir would have

(18:49):
to act on the order, but Trotzky had dissuaded Lenin,
and even after the October coup, the Moscow Soviet of
Soldiers Deputies had among its members, according to Bukhari and dentists, pharmacists,
et cetera, the representative of trades as close to the
soldier's profession as to that of the Chinese emperor.

Speaker 2 (19:08):
And that's the key fact. These people knew nothing about
the life of the labor and certainly knew nothing about
the life of the peasant. And I kind of kicked myself.
You know, in establishment history books, you know say, oh, well,
Bullshik's had support amongst the urban proletariat. No, they didn't that.
They never did. We already discussed this or in this

(19:33):
particular case, they had no choice. They had to go
with one or the other. And beyond all that, they
weren't telling the truth if they were gonna you know,
campaigning is not quite the same as we have today.
But when they were looking for votes, they're not going
to say that, you know, we're going to burn down
all the churches. I'm not gonna say that openly. So

(19:57):
so people didn't know really what they were voting on,
and they were crafting their message to whoever whatever group
they were talking to. So, you know, that's the situation
that he had Chinese Emperor, that's exactly right. They didn't
know the first thing. They were not soldiers, they were

(20:19):
not workers, they were not peasants. They were from the
upper class of the merchant classes in Poland, in New York,
and Ukraine, wherever else they were brought into the Russian Empire.
They had no connection to Russia, let alone any of
these other professions.

Speaker 1 (20:39):
But above all of that, above all of Russia from
the springs of the autumn of nineteen seventeen said the
power of one body, and it was not the provisional government.
It was the powerful and insular Executive Committee of the
Petrograd Soviet, and later after June, the successor to its power,
the All Russian Central Executive Committee. It was they who
had in fact ruled over Russia. While appearing solid and

(21:03):
determined from outside, in reality they were being torn apart
by internal contradictions and interfactional ideological confusion. Initially, the Executive
Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers and Soldiers Deputies
unanimously approved the Order number one, but later was doubtful
about the war, whether to continue destroying army or to

(21:24):
strengthen it. Quite unexpectedly, they declared their support for the
Freedom loan. Thus, they had incensed the Bolsheviks, but agreed
with the public opinion on this issue, including the attitudes
of liberal Jews. The Presidium of the First All Russian
CEC of the Soviets Workers and Soldiers Deputies, the first
governing Soviet body, consisted of nine men. Among them were

(21:48):
the social revolutionaries A. Gotz and M. Gendelman, the menshevik F.
Dan and the member of the Bund m liber In March,
at the All Russian Conference of the Soviets, Gendelman Steklov
had demanded stricter conditions by be imposed on the Tsar's family,
which was under house arrests, and also insisted on the

(22:09):
arrest of all crown princes. This is how confident they
were in their power. The prominent Bolshevik el Kemenev Kamenev
was among the members of the persidium. It also included
the Georgiana, the Armenian sakjan One, Khrushinsky most likely a

(22:29):
poll and Nikolsky likely a Russian. Quite an impudent ethnic
composition for the governing organ of Russia in such a
critical time.

Speaker 2 (22:40):
Well, the conclusion is obvious this had nothing to do
with Russia, but they had to put themselves out there.
This is a Russian keep. They keep using the phrase
or Russian Assembly or Russian committee, which I had to
have known was you know, was gets to them funny.
But as we get closer to the murder of the

(23:02):
royal family, you know, there was so much you know,
I have a book out on the topic I did
for the one hundredth anniversary. And they didn't just kill them,
you know, they sexually assaulted the girls. They did all
kinds of crazy things that noone knows about, and it's
extremely upsetting. And that he was handed over to them

(23:28):
by at some point by his own generals, who then
found themselves in a situation where they had to deal
with Order number one and the right wing was unorganized.
The close acts, I guess, we're the closest thing you
could find at this point. These elections were purely for leftists.

(23:50):
You didn't have you know, there was no attempt to
you know, get rid of these people. Here is a
one time where a pilgrim would have been useful, but
of course it was nowhere to be found.

Speaker 1 (24:06):
Apart from the CEC of the Soviet of Workers and
Soldiers Deputies, there was also the all Russian Executive Committee
of the Soviet of Peasants Deputies elected in the end
of May. Of its thirty members, there were only three
actual peasants, an already habitual sham of the pre Bolshevik Revolution.
Of those thirty, d pas Manic identified seven Jews. Quote

(24:29):
a sad thing. It was, especially considering Jewish interests, and
they had become an eye sort to everybody end quote.
Then this peasant organ put forward a list of its
candidates for the future Constituent Assembly. Apart from Kerensky, the
list contained several Jews, such as the boisterous Ilya Ribanovich
who had just arrived from Paris, the terrorist Abram Gotz,

(24:52):
and the little known Gurovich. In the same article, there
was a report on the arrest for desertion of warrant
officer M. Goh, the head of the Mogolev Gubernaya, a
peasant Soviet.

Speaker 2 (25:06):
I don't know off the top of my head who
these actual peasants were. I don't know. If he gets
into it, I should know this. Of course, It had
nothing to whatever they whatever they were, whether they were
real peasants, actual real peasants, or just you know, lunatics.
Or whatever. You know. Of course, they had zero power.

(25:28):
They were there to just put forward as a see
we really are a peasant a peasant group. But this
just adds as more and more evidence to the fact
that that all of their titles, all of their these
long if the all Russian Committee of the of the
Soviet of Petrograd and Moscow, these long things that they

(25:50):
were meant to deceive, they were meant to manipulate. And
he's right to say that the Petrograd Soviet was really
the ruling element that was divided. It wasn't elected by
anything we could imagine. The Constituent Assembly was simply too weak,
and Kerensky was torn between the two. Everyone knew it.

(26:12):
Who had a brain that he was going to go
at some point, but maybe he didn't know, but but
you know, he just you're talking about a very weak system.
Really wasn't much of a government at all except for that.
But that's really all they were. They had, They had

(26:32):
the Soviets in a few cities, Odessha and Petersburg, and
that was the there there. That's what they controlled at
the time.

Speaker 1 (26:41):
Of course, the actions of the executive committees can now
be solely explained by their ethnic composition, not at all.
Many of those personalities irreversibly distanced themselves from their native
communities and had ever had even forgotten the way to
their tittles. All of them sincerely believed that because of
their talents and re polutionary spirit, they would not have

(27:02):
They would have no problem arranging workers, soldiers, and peasants
matters in the best way possible. They would manage it
better simply because of them being more educated and smarter
than all this clumsy HOYPOLOI.

Speaker 2 (27:15):
I'm not going to say anything. If I start talking,
I'm not just keep going.

Speaker 1 (27:21):
Yet, for many Russians, from commoner to a general, this sudden,
eye striking transformation and the appearance among the directors and
orators at rallies and meetings in command and in government
was overwhelming. V Stankovich, the only officer Socialist in the
Executive Committee, provided an example quote. This fact of the

(27:41):
abundance of Jews in the committee alone had enormous influence
on the public opinion and sympathies. Noteworthy, when Kornilov met
with the committee for the first time, he had accidentally
sat in the midst of the Jews in front of
him sat two insignificant and plain members of the committee,
whom I remember merely because of their growth tesquely Jewish
facial features. Who knows how that affected corne Love's attitudes

(28:09):
towards Russian Revolution.

Speaker 2 (28:12):
Well, of course, pretty soon, you know, they're gonna send
him to jail. He will be freed, and he will
be one of the leaders of the early White Armies.
I have a whole lecture on the Ice March very early,
down to the Cossack the Cossack areas, and yeah, I

(28:33):
gotta remember this grotesquely Jewish. Yeah, the Russian Jews in
particular had that had that look like you know, the
guy with the with the hands, that's that's a very
Russian look.

Speaker 1 (28:49):
So happy I think Corney Love was the happy merchant.

Speaker 2 (28:53):
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. Corney Love was well aware of
all of this. But on the other hand, he was
still allied with the Onton. He still had to deal.
Well he thought, I mean, he was very naive. He
honestly thought throughout the West is going to come to
rescue him. Lude all the sacrifice is Russia made for
Britain and France during the war. Oh, they're gonna come
rescue us. Don't worry about it. So he had to.

(29:14):
He had to control what he said and what his
men did. And he continuously, no matter what matter how
many times he was betrayed, no matter how you know,
how may they delayed, they refuse to do anything for him,
he still thought, up until the day he was killed,
that that the un top was going to come and
rescue him. He you know, that's as far as it went.

(29:38):
And that's one of the things. That was one of
the things that killed him, and it's one of the
reasons that his faction at least lost the loss of war.

Speaker 1 (29:47):
Yeah, a lot of people have to be constantly reminded
that propaganda has to have truth. Propaganda really can't be
outright lies. It rarely works when it's just outright lies.
And a lot of those propaganda posters that had Jewish
faces on them. When you see pictures of especially the

(30:10):
Soviet or the early Soviet, they're not far off.

Speaker 2 (30:18):
Oh yeah, there's no doubt. And that's especially the case
in the Eastern European appearance. It was similar in the West,
but in the East it was even more pronounced.

Speaker 1 (30:31):
Yet the treatment of all things Russian by the new
regime was very tell taling tail telling. Here is an
example of the days of corner love. In the end
of August nineteen eighteen, Russia was visibly dying, losing the war,
with its army corrupted and the rear and collapse. General
corne Love, cunningly deceived by Kerensky, artlessly appealed to the people,

(30:53):
almost howling with pain. Quote, Russian people, our great motherland
is dying. The hour of her death is nigh. All
whose bosoms harbor a beating Russian heart, go to the
temples and pray to God to grant us the greatest
America of salvation for our beloved country. End quote. In
response to that, the ideologists of the February Revolution and
one of the leading members of the Executive Committee, Gimmer Sukanov,

(31:17):
chuckled in amusement. Quote, what an awkward, silly, clueless, politically
illiterate call. What a lowbrow imitation of suz Dalashina. Suz
Dalshina refers to resistance and sus dow to the Mongol invaders.

Speaker 2 (31:33):
I hate to say it, but that's not very very
far off. I mean, we might say that about him
for different, very different reasons. But the Jews realized that
he was a loose cannon, as naive as he was.
It is awkward and silly and politically lilliterate. Maybe so
that is not too far away. It's throughout his life.

(31:56):
He said, I have no ideology, which wasn't exactly true.
Russia is going to be governed by the Constituent Assembly,
which I will restore when we win the war. That
means he will be he fighting for them. He was
only fighting against the bulk of it.

Speaker 1 (32:13):
Yes, it sounded pompously and awkwardly, without a clear political position. Indeed,
Karnilov was not a politician. But his heart ached, And
what about Sukanov's heart? Did he feel any pain at all?
He did not have any sense of the living land
and culture, nor had he nor he had any urge
to preserve them. He served to his ideology only the

(32:36):
international seeing, in Karnilov's words, a total lack of ideological content. Yes,
his response was caustic, but note that he had not
only labeled Karnilov's appeal and imitation, he had also derogatorily
referred to Sustaushina, to Russian history, ancient art and sanctity,
and with such disdain to the entire Russian historical heritage,

(32:59):
all this international ilk Sukanov and his henchmen from the
malicious Executive Committee steered the February Revolution.

Speaker 2 (33:08):
Yeah, Sustina is you know, it's a just much longer
word for goyam.

Speaker 1 (33:16):
And it was not the ethnic origin of Tsukanov and
the rest. It was their anti national, anti Russian, and
anti conservative attitudes. We have seen similar attitudes on the
part of the Provisional Government too, with its task of
governing the entire Russia and its quite Russian ethnic composition.
Yet did it display a Russian worldview or represent Russian
interests if only a little, not at all. The government's

(33:38):
most consistent and patriotic activity was to guide the already
unraveling country. The Kronstad Republic was not the only place
which had seceded from Russia by that time, to the
victory in war, to the victory at any costs, with
loyalties to the allies. Sure, the Allies, their governments, public
and finance financers put pressure on Russia. For instance, in May,

(34:00):
Russian newspaper Sided the Morning Posts from Washington Quote America
made it clear to the Russian government that if Russia
makes a separate peace with Germany, the United States would
annul all financial agreements with Russia. Prince Levov Prince Georgie
Levov led the Russian Provisional Government during the Russian Revolution's

(34:20):
initial phase from March nineteen seventeen. Untily relinquished control to
Alexander Kerensky in July nineteen seventeen. Upheld the sentiment quote
the country must determinately send its army to battle end quote.
They had no concern about consequences of the ongoing war
for Russia, and this mismatched, This loss of sense of
national preservation could be observed almost at every meeting of

(34:43):
the provincial government cabinet, almost in every discussion.

Speaker 2 (34:48):
So the only real big problem that the Allies had
with the Bolsheviks was their treaty to pull the Russian
Empire out of the war. That was their big issue.
So their intervention was there to try to convince they
didn't do any damage to the Soviet who was right
there in Petersburg. They could have destroyed it in two seconds.

(35:10):
They didn't. Well, the war was still going on, maybe
went on to the very end of nineteen eighteen, you know,
and sometimes you forget when you're studying this stuff. That
the war is still going on. Russels are still being killed,
and they were quote losing the war because of things
like the Prisional Government's order won. But that's the only

(35:36):
reason that there was any bad blood between the Allies
and and the Soviets was that. And once the war
was over though, that went away.

Speaker 1 (35:48):
There were simply ridiculous incidents throwing millions of rubles left
and right and always keenly supporting cultural needs of ethnic minorities.
That sounds like just graft and just millions of dollars,
millions of rubles being sent overseas to me, sounds like Ukraine. Now, yeah,

(36:09):
start that again, throwing millions of rubles left and right
and always keenly supporting cultural needs of ethnic minorities. The
Provisional Government at April sixth meeting had rejected the requests
of the long established Great Russian Orchestra of Viv Andreev
to continue getting paid as before from the funds of
the former His Majesty's Personal chancery. The funds were confiscated

(36:31):
by the Provisional Government itself. The position the petition was
turned down despite the fact that the requested some thirty
thousand rubles a year was equivalent to the annual pay
of just three minister's assistants. Deny, why not dispend your
so called great Russian orchestra? What kind of name is that?

Speaker 2 (36:51):
Taken?

Speaker 1 (36:51):
Aback and believing that it was just a misunderstanding, Andrea
petitioned again, yet with an unusual for this Torpid government
determination was refused a second time too at the April
twenty seventh meeting.

Speaker 2 (37:05):
Yeah, this is a very small issue, the orchestra, but
he brings it up just to highlight how violently anti
Russian this was. That even the very inexpensive orchestra I
specialized in Russian classics will not be financed at all.
It seems to be almost out of nowhere and a

(37:26):
very minor thing. And yet it's just used here as
an example for that reason. So when you take that
and you expand it into everything Russian in the country,
you see where all this comes from.

Speaker 1 (37:37):
Milyyakov, a Russian historian administer of the provincial Provisional government,
did not utter a single specifically Russian sentiment during that year. Similarly,
the key figure of the revolution, Alexander Kerensky, cannot be
at any stage accused of possessing an ethnic Russian consciousness,
Yet at the same time the government demonstrated constant anxious

(37:58):
bias against any conservative circles and especially against Russian conservatives.
Even during his last speech in the Council of the
Russian Republic pre Parliament on October twenty fourth, when Trotsky's
troops were already seizing Petrograd building after building, Kerensky emphatically
argued with the Bolshevik newspaper Rabashi put Worker's Way and

(38:19):
the right wing Novaya rus New Russia, both of which
Kerensky had just shot down, shared similar political views.

Speaker 2 (38:28):
You know, when my first book came out, I got
a letter from the Russian Imperial Union Order in New
York that was the official Royalist you know, the relatives
of Nicholas was left to them, that was the official

(38:49):
organizer of everything. And in that letter, which I still have,
one of the things they said is that you know, you,
not being a Russian at all, have a very Russian
arm in the sense that these people have. You know,
they might be Russian ethnically, some of them, but that
didn't mean anything. They took it for granted. So that

(39:10):
means strangers like Sarah from Rose and me Vladimir Moss.
People like that are are going to help rebuild it
to some extent. It was the greatest compliment that, in fact,
pessially from the organization itself, which was the official group.

(39:32):
That was a big deal to me. I was a
young man, I was thirty, and I think when I
got that, I was a big That was a big boost.

Speaker 1 (39:41):
The darned incognito of the members of the Executive Committee
was of course noticed by the public. Initially it was
the educated society of Petrograd that was obsessed with this question,
which several times surfaced in newspapers. For two months, the
committee tried to keep the secret, but by May they
had no other choice but reveal themselves, and it published
the actual names of most of the pseudonym holders, except

(40:04):
for Steklov, Nakomkis and Boris Osopovich Bogdanov, the energetic permanent
chair of the Council. They had managed to keep their
identity secret for a while, the latter's names confused to
public by similarity with another personality Bogdanovich Bogdanovich Malinovsky. This

(40:24):
odd secrecy irritated the public and even ordinary citizens since
began asking questions. It was already typical in May that
if during a plenary meeting of the Soviets someone proposed
Zenoviyev or Kamenev for something, the public shot it from
the auditorium, demanding their true names.

Speaker 2 (40:43):
Yeah, that's how deep the divine was. These were leftists,
but not necessarily both of realizing that, you know they were,
they changed their name so as not to entirely Russian
Russian led party, And now you have ordinary people demanding
their true names. He is shutting down newspapers all the

(41:07):
time in the name of the free price, of course,
but that's exactly it. They were docks, and I think
this was the one and only time that occurred officially.

Speaker 1 (41:21):
Concealing true names was incomprehensible to the ordinary man of
that time. Only thieves hide and change their names. Why
is Boris kats ashamed of his name and instead calling
himself Kamkoff. Why does Larry hide under the alias Laren?
Why does Mandelsstem use the pseudonym Laadov. Many of these
had aliases that originated out of a necessity in the

(41:43):
past underground life. What had compelled the likes of Shotman
the socialist revolutionary from Tumpsk and not him alone to
become Danilov in nineteen seventeen. Certainly, the goal of a
revolutionary hiding behind a pseudonym is to outsmart someone, and
that may include not only the police and government. In
this way, ordinary people as well are unable to figure

(42:06):
out who their leader new leaders are.

Speaker 2 (42:10):
Well, we know why, and this is you know, remember
they were very image conscious, not just amongst you know,
in front of Russians, but especially in front of the West,
who was financing them. You know, you had a much
healthier society both in the West and in the East.
And if this was just a Jewish ethnic cult, you know,
Western financing might might be endangered, especially the good press

(42:35):
that they were getting. So they changed their names to
make it appear like this was a Russian revolution and
Russians are behind it. We all know that, but it
took a while for the fact that they were docksed
by the provisional government. That shows you just you know,
letting them realize they had to go. They had to
go anyway. But this was just one more step that's

(42:58):
going to force Kerensky in this runs.

Speaker 1 (43:00):
Out intoxicated by the freedom of the first months of
the February Revolution, many Jewish activists and orators failed to
notice that their constant fussing around prosidiums and rallies produced
certain bewilderment and rye glances. By the time of the
February Revolution, there was no popular anti semitism in the
internal regions of Russia. It was confined exclusively to the

(43:22):
areas of the palest Settlement. For instance, Abraham Kogan had
even stated in nineteen seventeen quote, we loved Russia despite
all the opposition from the previous regime, because we knew
that it was not the Russian people behind it, but Czarism.
But after just a few months following the February Revolution,
resentment against Jews had suddenly flared up among the masses

(43:44):
of people and spread over Russia, growing strongly with each
passing month, and even the official newspapers reported, for instance,
on the exasperation in the waiting lines in the cities.
Everything had been changed in that twinkle of the eye
that created a chasm between the old in the new Russia,
but its cues that had changed the most strangely. While

(44:06):
everyone has moved to the left, the food lines have
moved to the right. If you would like to hear
Black hundred propaganda, then go and spend some time in
a waiting line. Among Yeah, among other things, you will
find out that there are virtually no Jews in the lines.
They don't need it, as they have enough bread hoarded.

(44:27):
The same gossip about Jews who tuck away bread rolls
from another end of the line as well. The waiting
lines is the most dangerous source of counter revolution. The
author I yeah, that's a good one. The author Ivan
Naseevin noted that in the autumn of Moscow, anti Semitic
propaganda fell on ready ears in the hungry revolutionary cues.

(44:50):
Quote what rascals They wormed themselves onto the very top.
See how proudly they ride in their cars. Sure not
a single Yid can be found in the lines here.

Speaker 2 (45:00):
Wait, and all of this because the provisional government or
elements within it published their real names. We know why
they did it. Now people are starting to realize why
they did this was a Jewish movement. Now tomorrow on
Radio Albion, my lecture on the early Leninist legislation, well

(45:26):
his decrees against anti Semitism is my is a subject
and I go through all of these in detail and
explain word where you're coming from. And this is part
of it. They realize that any exposure as to who
we really are means more and more of these people.
I mean, they were burning down churches, they were you know,

(45:47):
they were doing very well. Of course, they always did
very well. And you notice that, you know, words like
proletariat or bourgeoisie had absolutely no meaning, know what were
they were supposed to have? Any Jews were almost inherently prolitarians,
no matter how many billions they may have had. And

(46:08):
that's that's typical of the day. And all of this
comes from the dock sing all as it took was
one article to one, one one speech, one piece that
exposed their their real names. I don't know if you
know this, but when I the Barnes Review, where I
was the editor for a while under Willis Cardo, Wills

(46:30):
never allowed pseudonyms ever. And I've never used a false
name ever in my life. Uh so, But of course
that was for a very different reason than than what
we have here. Of course, there was always, you know,
the Jews always distrusted everyone knows, you know, the Jews
were thrown out of Moscow four or five times up

(46:56):
until this point, Kiev many times up until this point,
going back, you know, entries. But I think by popular
anti semitism he's referring to like actual pogrim action, which
is not the way to define that, but I think
that's what he's he's referring to. Jews were never trusted
wherever you went. You know, I come from a fairly

(47:21):
heavily Jewish area, and I went to a college where
that was a very Jewish, not entirely, my University of
Hartford was was heavily Jewish by comparison with other places,
and and you know I can't I know them well,
you know, of course that's not a personal matter, but yes,

(47:43):
there was you know, popular anti semitism. I think that's
all he means is is you know violence, you know,
peasants just you know, pitchforking somebody. But the wedding in
lines is the best form of kind of revolution. Well,
there were no lines under this arm. There were no
lies up in lines, even in Kievan Rus that didn't exist.

(48:08):
The only time the economy collapsed was when the Zar
went away.

Speaker 1 (48:13):
Any revolution releases a flood of obscenity, envy and anger
from the people. The same happened among the Russian people
with their weakened Christian spirituality, and so the Jews, many
of whom has send it to the top to visibility,
and what is more, who had not concealed their revolutionary
jubilation nor waited in the miserable lines, increasingly became a
target of popular resentment. Many instances of such resentment were

(48:38):
documented in nineteen seventeen newspapers. Below her several examples. When
at the Appraxin market on Senaya Square, a horde of
goods was discovered in possession of Jewish merchants. People began
shout plunder Jewish shops because yids are responsible for all
the troubles, and this word yid is on everyone's lips.

(48:58):
A stockpile of flour and bacon was found in the
store of a merchant, likely a jew in Poltova Poltava bacon.
The crowd started plundering his shop and then began calling
for a Jewish pogrom. Later, several members of the Soviet
of Workers' Deputies, including Drubness, arrived and attempted to appease
the crowd. As a result, Drubness was beaten. In October

(49:22):
and at Katerinaslov soldiers trash small shops, shouting smashed to bourgeois,
smashed to Yids. In Kiev, at the Vladimirski market, a
boy had hit a woman who tried to buy flower
out of her turn on the head. Instantly the crowd
started yelling the Yids or beaten the Russians and a
brawl ensued. Note that it had happened in the same

(49:42):
Kiev where one could already see the steamers. Long lived
free Ukraine without Yids and poles by that time, smashed
the Yids could be heard in almost every street brawl,
even in Petrograd, and often completely without foundation. For instance,
in a Petrograd street car, two women called for disbanding
of the Soviet of workers and soldiers deputies filled according

(50:05):
to them exclusively by Germans and Yids. Both were arrested
and called to account.

Speaker 2 (50:12):
Now that's why, and I mentioned my lecture coming up
on Lenin's decrease, you know, fighting at u Semitism. This
is exactly why Lenin knew that he was essentially a
spokesman for a Jewish movement, and this stuff was already
I mean, people kind of knew. I don't think Americans

(50:35):
if they knew how many Jews were, they would do anything.
But something like this, slaughter and gazen and Yahoo, that
might be a different story. It would take more for
your typical American, but not back here. There was never
any love, never any love for them. And everything that
they said, you know, how do you remove Jewish merchants

(50:56):
from the bush was That's exactly what a bourgeois is.
There were the ultimate expression of that. And yet in
the twisted minds of the Leninists Marxists. I shouldn't even
say the Marxists, because in Judean Fraga Marx says the
same thing. How can you possibly, you know, exempt the

(51:17):
Jewish billionaires from your contempt of capitalism? And and you
had people who didn't like it. Essentially down with the rich,
that also means down with Jews. That's why all of
these laws had to be passed, People had to be
sent to prison, people had to be murdered. Because it
didn't take much for something like this to happen.

Speaker 1 (51:40):
Newspaper Ruskaya Volya Russian freedom reported right in front of
our eyes. Anti Semitism in its most primitive form re
arises and spreads. It is enough to hear too conversations
in street cars in Petrograd, or in waiting lines to
various shops, or in the countless fleeting rallies at every
corner and crossroad. They que Jews of political stranglehold, of

(52:02):
seizing parties and Soviets, and even of ruining the army,
of looting and hoarding goods. Many Jewish socialists agitators in
the front units enjoyed unlimited success during the spring months,
when calls for a democratic peace were tolerated and fighting
was not required. Then nobody blamed them for being Jewish.
But in June, when the policy the Executive Committee had

(52:23):
changed towards support and even propaganda for the offensive, calls
of smash to yids began appearing, and those Jewish persuaders
suffered battering by unruly soldiers time and time again.

Speaker 2 (52:36):
Yeah, you're referring to the end of coming, to the
end of World War One, no one would blame them
for being Jewish. That wasn't the issue whatsoever. But you know,
one of the funniest It's maddening on one hand and
hilarious on the other when Jewish authors try to explain

(52:57):
why antisemitism exists, especially in this era. You know, they
can't they know why antisemitism existed in Russia nineteen twenty five.
There was a lot of good reasons for it. It
wasn't accusations. It was simply the reality that they had.
So they can't say that, so they have to come
up with crazy, you know, a primitive tribalism, backwards peasants,

(53:21):
whatever it took. That was actually the Soviet official Soviet
line and provda was antisemitism is growing in mid nineteen
twenties Soviet Union because because so many peasants were being
brought into the cities to work, and because they're backwards

(53:41):
by definition, that's where you're getting your That's where this
comes from. That was there. That was their official explanation.
Nothing what they did, and the fact that they ran
this revolution not because everyone's standing in lines, the economy collapsed,
not because the church was violently persecuted, none of that.

(54:02):
That was It is because because ignorant peasants were coming
into the cities and going into the factories. That was
their best explanation. But of course it's the explanation that
you better say or else, And.

Speaker 1 (54:14):
I'm going to do these next two paragraphs and we'll
end it there. Okay, Rumors were spreading that the Executive
Committee in Petrograd was seized by yids. By June, this
belief had taken root in the Petrograd garrison in factories.
That is exactly what soldiers shouted to the member of
the committee Votinsky, who had visited an infantry regiment to

(54:36):
dissuade the troops from the looming demonstration conceived by Bolsheviks.
On June tenth, V. D. Nabokov, hardly known for antisemitism,
joked that the meeting of the foremen of the pre
Parliamentary in October nineteen seventeen could be safely called the Sanhedrin.
Its majority was Jewish. Of Russians, there were only Accentiev

(54:58):
me peshak Ko, Peha, Khanov and Tchaikovsky. His attention was
drawn to the fact that Mark Vishnayak was who was
present there.

Speaker 2 (55:10):
Also, Yeah, he's referring to himself, Nabokov. That's what we saw.
He's not talking as Eaton, obviously, but stuff like this
was said all the time. This is part of the
reason the Bolsheviks were so worried about their image, you
know the same thing the Hungarian Party. Yeah, the Hungarian

(55:31):
People's Republic was so I mean, it was absurdly Jewish
all the way down to your you know, traffic cops
that were replaced. And Stalin said, you've got to do
something about this. We can't have because the West was
still now they wouldn't worry about it. But the West
is going to see this is just a Jewish cult.
This has nothing to do with labor workers or farmers

(55:54):
or anyone else, know what. They don't care about this.
They can't have that. And there were enough people in
the West talking like that at the time. As World
War II it's going to cease. But that's why this this,
you know, that's why these this legislation had to be
passed and why people had to be murdered.

Speaker 1 (56:14):
Well, the the next episode should probably finish up this
chapter and then we will be moving on to let's
see what the next of the chapter after this is
called alongside the Bolsheviks. So oh boy, yeah, So I
think what a lot of people are waiting for. I

(56:35):
hope they're really I hope that they're getting a lot
out of this chapter, because this chapter is rich with
information that you're not. You're just not going to find
anywhere else.

Speaker 2 (56:45):
Yeah, it's an obscure time. The time between February and October.
What was happening. You know, the Jewish numbers in the
reds weren't all that high. I mean they were, they were,
they were dominated by them. But by the time in
a few months, because of this immigration from abroad, it
was overwhelming, you know. So all lots of stuff was happening,

(57:10):
and Lenin and the party was checking public opinion with stuff.
Just what we talked about, how far can we push
before we get pushed back? And what are we going
to do about it? And as Lenin said, well, we
were going to kill him. Propaganda is not going to
work on everybody. So the liquidation of the peasantry had
been conceived precisely in this era and was put into

(57:34):
practice when the Bolswicks took over.

Speaker 1 (57:37):
Alrighty, until the next time, I will encourage everyone to
go to the show notes and to the descriptions on
the videos and donate to doctor Johnson. Keep him. Let's
keep him unemployed and keep him studying and keep him
working and cranking out all this information that I think
that from all the feedback I'm getting is, uh yeah,

(58:01):
this is this is going to be one of those
series that people are going to listen to for a
for a very long time.

Speaker 2 (58:07):
I agree. I agree. Thank you, thank you, talk to
you in a couple of days.

Speaker 1 (58:11):
Thank you, Doctor Jack.

Speaker 2 (58:12):
All right, goodbye, m m h

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Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 61

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.css-14f5ked{margin:0;word-break:break-word;display:-webkit-box;-webkit-box-orient:vertical;box-orient:vertical;-webkit-line-clamp:2;overflow:hidden;}Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 61