Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 82 - The Pete Quiñones Show

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Speaker 1 (00:37):
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(01:18):
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(01:40):
And yeah, I mean, I'll never be able to thank
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I want to welcome everyone back to our reading of
two hundred Years Together by Alexander Soulshanisan. This is episode
number eighty two. Doctor Johnson, how are you doing it?

Speaker 2 (02:01):
I'm doing a lot better. I'm I'm not quite one
hundred percent, but I'm very close. Unfortunately, you know, my
my big orange cat Stanley has become somewhat famous over
the years. His brother Marcel, uh Jet Black has mouth cancer.
So all you know, it's it's just but you know,

(02:24):
we're gonna fight this thing. And I had good news too,
but I forgot it. It's topped my head. However, we do.
I know I mentioned this before. We have huge announcement
at Radio Albion. Something big is coming. I think next month,
maybe the middle of next month, but yeah, it's uh.

(02:45):
Marcel at one time was the head of security for
Black Feeline Lives Matter. But once he realized I have
three black cats now, once he realized what it really meant,
he resigned his position. So he's one of us. And
I don't know how much is gonna cost me, but
I don't, I don't, I don't care. He's uh, he's

(03:06):
one of the best cats I've ever had. So yeah,
but we got it early. We got it early. That's
a good thing. He has a fighting chance. We got
it early.

Speaker 1 (03:15):
That's good to hear. That's good to hear. It's always
like two months after I moved in here, my cat
at Caliko, that I had for fifteen years, she passed
and had to be buried outside the window right here.
So yeah, it's always tough. You got three running around

(03:37):
here right now, and two of them are two of
them are aged and one is barely over one years old.
So the uh, it's a lot of it's a lot
of fun watching the older one try to keep up
with the younger one.

Speaker 2 (03:54):
Well, Stanley, you know, we get kittens. Stanley is very
for whatever reason, takes care of them. He's very paternal,
and he you know, does everything that a mother cat
would do with them, almost everything, I guess, And he
really has he stepped out, he really you know. One

(04:14):
of his little sisters is deaf, and he in hit
little brain realizes that this cat's sociology is very interesting,
and it's it never ends. I'd say these cats have
more intelligence a lot of people I know. They shout,
have more use in a lot of people I know.
They're cleaner than most a lot of people I know
you know these are these are valuable animals to me,

(04:35):
and I know to you too.

Speaker 1 (04:37):
Yeah, yeah, all right, let's jump in picking up where
we left off last time. Even sharper changes grip the
economic life of the country. Bakaran publicly announced that at a
Communist Party conference in nineteen twenty seven that during war
communism we purged a Russian petty and middle bourgeois along

(04:59):
with lead capitalists. When the economy was later opened up
to free trade, petty and middle Jewish bourgeoisie took the
place of the Russian bourgeoisie, and roughly the same happened
with our Russian intelligentsia, which bucked and sabotaged our efforts.
Its place has been taken by some areas of the
Jewish intelligentsia. Moreover, Jewish bourgeoisie and intelligentsia are concentrated in

(05:26):
our central regions and cities where they moved in from
Western provinces in southern towns. Here, even in the party ranks,
one often encounters anti Semitic tendencies. Comrades, we must wage
a fierce battle against anti Semitism.

Speaker 2 (05:44):
You know, you could. One of the things that drives
me crazy about the Communist Party back then, and to
a great extent even today, that their use of generalities
somehow labels substitute for knowledge. Yeah, they perds the Petty minibus.
I don't know why they were perds that Petty Bush was.

(06:05):
He petty means, you know, very very small business. I
don't know how in any way that threatens the party.
Something tells me that Petty Bouge was he means something else.
Leading capitalists now, not really, because leading capitalists were building
the society at the time. I think that's just a
code for powerful Russians now free trade. Of course, he's

(06:26):
referring to the new economic policy, the New Economic program,
which certainly did. He's right to say that it did
benefit the Jews to a great extent. He's right, at
least in that respect, the intelligentia. He's talking about intellectuals,
many of them by now were gone, many of them

(06:46):
were in exile. But of course, claiming that they're sabotaging things,
it's always a great excuse when things fail. Later on,
he is right to say that their place has been
taken by the Jewish and telling the Jewish intellectuals to
that are almost always on the left at least relative
to us and certainly relative to Russians. And you know,

(07:09):
Bukarin was a very different sort of sort of rider.
But the one thing you're going to note, you know,
I've read Soviet Communist writings since I was nineteen, and
it's it says something without saying anything. And the reasons
for that are these crazy generalities, these huge groups they

(07:33):
put a label on and it doesn't refer to anything empirically.
They're not really making any empirical statements here. But you know,
I did my dissertation on Michael Oakshott and the Great
British Hegelian Conservative late Neil Hegelian Conservative from London School
of Economics, and the thesis that I dealt with great

(07:56):
to a great extent. It's on my doctor dissertations online somewhere.
Website has a link to it. I think because this
language has no bearing on anything, when a revolutionary party
takes over, they have to force it to mean something.
And the relationship between these abstractions like petty and middle

(08:19):
Jewish bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, you know, that has to actually
take reality somehow. It's one thing when it's words on
a page, it sounds great, right not narxisn't necessarily or
any theory really sounds. You can make it sound rational,
you can make it sound wonderful. I can make anything
sound wonderful, you know. I think that's when I was

(08:39):
a professor, That's what I did. It was part of
my job. But when you then take over a country,
society is a bit more complicated. You have to force
these words, so to speak, onto a society that already exists.
And in this case, it doesn't even like you. Trying
to make words real is the cause of I mean,

(09:01):
the very abstract cause of political violence. And the minute
a theory on paper is actually imposed, it gets really dirty.
It doesn't have any bearing on anything. And and somehow
these intellectuals were very happy living in this fantasy world

(09:22):
where these labels actually meant something. And we've already as
far as anti Semitism is concerned, they will never define that.
There's been well, they actually did, but they're all over
the place on it, depending on who you read. Lenin
was bizarre. I think we talked about that already. I've
done several lectures on the question. Remember what we said

(09:47):
about how the early party defined it Anti Semitism generally
was defined as anything anti Soviet, So anti Semitism was
a way to attract Jewish money, Jewish sympathy, and hence
the sympathy of Western governments while destroying their political opponents
within the boundaries of the Empire. And it's just it's

(10:11):
maddening to read these guys refer to things like, yeah,
they never it's these aren't empirical statements. Yeah, the Middle
of course, in some case, like Middle Jewispor was too
to play the Russian busa. They well, that's certainly the case.
They were killed. Then EP did create a bourgeoisie, but

(10:31):
the only ones who were ever dispossessed later on tended
to be non h non Jews. Remember we said during
the Stalin era, Jews were never targeted as such, only
because they were so dominant in the early party. Stalin
enforced all the anti anti anti Semitic laws on the books.
Like anybody else. He believed in global government, he believed

(10:54):
in a global language. I have the citation for that somewhere.
I've published it a few times. So this little paragraph
here has a lot going on. And so that's one
thing you need to watch out for when you read it.
You know, there is nothing profound about what he's saying here.
Labels seem to take the place of actual empirical knowledge.

(11:15):
Marxists don't really have to know anything. They need to
have the right ideological slogans at the right time, and
they rearrange the same abstract concepts depending on what they're
talking about, and really, I want to punch them out.
Just drives me crazy.

Speaker 1 (11:31):
Bukaran described a situation that was obvious to all. Unlike
Russian bourgeoisie, the Jewish bourgeoisie was not destroyed. The Jewish
merchant must let much less likely to be damned as
a man of the past, found defenders relatives are a
sympathizers in the Soviet apparatus, warned about pending arrests or seizures,
and if he lost anything, it was just capital, not life.

(11:53):
Cooperation was quasi official through the Jewish Commissariate of the Savnarkum.
The Jews until now had been a repressed people, and
that meant naturally they needed help. Laron explained the destruction
of the Russian bourgeoisie as a correction of the injustice
that existed under the Csars before the revolution.

Speaker 2 (12:15):
Now we use the phrase mental gymnastics. Sometimes we use
the phrase special pleading, and that's what you have here.
This is a way, this is a really weird way
of admitting that Marxism is Jewish. Certainly Soviet Marxism is Jewish. Okay,

(12:39):
how do we explain someone's going to note, you claim
to be anti capital, private capital, and you here are
these Jews with all kinds of wealth serving the party
without having to give up anything. How do you explain
that other than saying this is a Jewish party and
this is really just about power. They have to say

(13:00):
something along the lines. While they're Jews, and because it's
ours hated them with such intensity, we leave them alone
because they are natural revolutionaries. And we'll do this because
we're correcting some kind of an injustice. Now we've spent
an awful lot of time explaining how ridiculous that statement is.
That as ours policy throughout the nineteenth century placed Jews

(13:23):
in a privileged position, and we know that, and it
came to bite them, came to destroy them. Privately. Of
course they knew who the Jews were, especially in the
second half of the nineteenth century, but they had a
lot of money and as we said one hundred times
the state within a rough position. So this is how
they explained it. This is how they justified it. And

(13:43):
so even just uttering the fact that you were and
I think the whole existence of this Jewish commissariat you
it's a Jewish party. What they need a commissariat for.
This was a very careful way of making sure you
had Jews who were able to point out Jewish areas,
Jewish regions, so in purges or attack you left these
people alone. I know we've mentioned the gold minement. We

(14:07):
talked about the gold, the gold, the lean of gold mine.
Right just before the revolution. The Ginsburg family, of course
controlled so much of the gold mining in the Russian Empire.
But when the Soviets nationalized it, they just took the
same Ginsburg family and put them in charge of it.
Nothing changed except they're working for the state, which was

(14:28):
Jewish anyway, So absolutely nothing changed. But now Ginsburg can
be called a proletarian. That's that's the logic of this
nonsense here.

Speaker 1 (14:39):
When an e P the new economic policy was crushed,
the blow fell with less force against Jewish an EP
men owing to connections in Soviet ruling circles. Lakaran had
been speaking an answer to a remarkable speech by Professor
y V. Kalishnikov. They say like Kalishnikov, but it's Kalishnikov,

(15:02):
a publicist and a former cadet. In December nineteen twenty sixth,
the professor spoke at a meeting on the Jewish question
at the Moscow Conservatory. We have isolated expressions of hooliganism.
It sources the hurt national feelings of the Russians. The
February Revolution established the equality of all citizens of Russia,

(15:22):
including Jews. The October Revolution went further with the nation,
with the Russian nation proclaiming self renunciation a certain yeah, jeez,
can you imagine.

Speaker 2 (15:34):
That's the first time'm hearing that. Okay, self renunciation. Yes,
we'll destroy ourselves, Oh my god.

Speaker 1 (15:40):
All right, I mean, it's just basically, you're not allowed
to be Russian anymore, just like yeah, you know, the West,
the quote unquote West is not allowed to be white anymore,
or Christian anymore, or.

Speaker 2 (15:51):
With the Russian nation. The Russian nation apparently is an
object I mean, is it is real optipum. But in
this mind, the October Revolution was the entire Russian nation
saying that we were in the wrong through history, so
now we're going to renounce ourselves. So they claiming this
has nothing to do with us. The Russian nation said this,
This is insane. This is maddening to read.

Speaker 1 (16:14):
A certain imbalance has developed with respect to the proportion
of the Jewish population in the country as a whole,
in the positions they have temporary, temporarily occupied in the cities.

Speaker 2 (16:23):
A certain imbalance, just a certain imbalance. It's just a
little imbalance.

Speaker 1 (16:29):
We are in our own cities and they arrive and
squeeze us out. When Russians see Russian women, elders and
children freezing on the street nine to eleven hours a day,
getting soaked by the rain in their tents at the market,
and when they see relatively warm covered Jewish kiosks with
bread and sausage, they're not happy. These phenomena are catastrophic

(16:50):
and must be considered. There's a terrible disproportion in the
government structure and daily life, and in other areas. We
have a housing crisis in Moscow. Masses of people are
crowding into areas not fit for habitation. At the same time,
people see others pouring in from other parts of the country,
taking taking up housing. These arrivals are Jews. A national
dissatisfaction is rising, and a defensiveness and fear of other nationalities.

(17:15):
We must not close our eyes to that a Russian
speaking to a Russian will say things that he will
not say to a Jew. Many are saying that there
are too many Jews in Moscow. This must be dealt with.
But don't call it anti semitism.

Speaker 2 (17:29):
Yeah, I can't. The pressure here is being very careful.
He's essentially, you know, warning, he's been warning at the
party let alone, you know, former cadet, meaning he was
a liberal, anti anti royalist. Hooliganism. Is this one of
these words that they use to describe as irrational, because

(17:50):
all anti Semitism is irrational. This is who is is,
you know, disorganized violence, lashing out at anybody. What he's
saying here is really became national socialists. They called it propaganda,
but this guy is saying it's real that here you
have in the Russian winter, you have Russian people who've

(18:11):
been kicked out of their houses by by Jews who
have no problem watching them on the street suffering. This
is why, you know, I say, these aren't a normal people.
If it was an individual doing this, you say you're
a sociopath. Now you have a group of people doing it, well,

(18:32):
what do you call it? Then the assumption that they're
just any old citizen, and there was no citizenship in USSR,
there was no concept of that. That was a bourgeois bourgeois.
Now he's got to be careful, he can't say too much,
but he's essentially going to the party saying, you know,
maybe maybe you've got to watch yourselves. Clearly, I don't

(18:53):
think he's a Jew. Given his last name. I could
be wrong, but I don't think he is. But you
have this sociopathy, you showing up throwing people onto the street,
using the state to do it, moving into their homes
and seeing them out their window suffering in the snow,
and thinking that's perfectly okay, this sort of thing. And

(19:14):
he's he's playing it down because he got you know,
this is nineteen twenty six. He's got to be very
careful what he says. So he's playing it down. In
other words, is much worse than that at the time,
What do you say to a group of people from
all over the country, the overwhelming majority of the Jews
living in in the boundaries of the of the Soviet Union,

(19:35):
or you know, within a little while. Anyway, they think
this is perfectly acceptable, and they're doing it all the time,
this is normal policy. They're not a normal people, and
you can't treat them as such an other any other
group unless you're just bitter enemies. And even then these
are innocent. They're not bitter enemies. They're they're ordinary people
that could look at this and say this is justice,

(19:57):
this is good, this is a positive thing, and then
tell them sell some story there were programs fifty years
ago that this are somehow organized against us, and therefore
the kids could freeze out there. There are not a
normal people. There's there's a short circuit in there. There
clearly is a short circuit of empathy that says, so

(20:18):
long as Jews are doing okay, there was a Jew
out there in this condition, it would be a different story.
But a group of people who have no problem doing
this right out their window is you know, we can't
treat them as they're just anybody else. You know, had Turks,
you had Armenians, you had Germans, all who in certain
circles had done quite well. Never were you never had

(20:41):
never had this kind of discussion because they weren't a sociopothy,
psychopoupathic people, but Russian Jews and nothing but sympathy outside
of the Soviet Union too. I said, I've been saying this,
they functioned like a mafia organization, But I don't know
even if a mafia organization would permit this to happen,

(21:04):
especially when it affects women and children.

Speaker 1 (21:09):
My favorite sentence, there is a Russian speaking to a
Russian will say things that he will not say to
a Jew. They always invert basically like would mean that
sentence should be a Jew speaking to a Jew will
say things that he will not say to a gentile.

Speaker 2 (21:24):
Oh yeah, thats very true.

Speaker 1 (21:28):
But Laren regarded Kalishnikov's speech as a manifestation of anti Semitism,
saying this speech serves as an example of the good
nature of Soviet power and its battle against anti Semitism,
because Kalishnikov was roundly criticized by speakers who followed at
the same meeting, but no administrative measures were taken against him.

(21:49):
Here it is the frustration of the communist activist. A
Gorski writes, one would expect Reprussians to swiftly follow for
such a speech in the twenties and thirties, but Lishnikov
got off. Maybe he received secret support from some quarters,
but why look for secret causes. It would have been
too much of a scandal to punish such a famous,

(22:10):
famous publicist who just returned from abroad and could have
harmed a reverse migration that was so important for Soviet authorities.

Speaker 2 (22:20):
The deal with that? Nothing? Nothing? Yeah, it well, I
don't know how to deal with it other than sarcasm. Clearly,
what the man said was perfectly normal, even in the
Soviet environment. But the very fact that he even brought
up this issue and people are saying, my god, why

(22:41):
this guy not in prison? Oh, that shows you how
merciful we do. I mean, Soviets are that will allow
you to say such clearly hot You could go on
a street and watch it. It's not like this is
these are theories. He could point you to it, and
because we're such a wonderful people that we will not

(23:02):
send him to the Gulag. See, there's full freedom of
speech in the uss arm.

Speaker 1 (23:07):
The twenties were spoken of as the conquest by the
Jews of Russian capital cities and industrial centers, where conditions
were better as well. There was a migration to the
better areas within the cities. Chief Fedotov describes Moscow at
the time, Well, the revolution deformed its soul, turning it
inside out, emptying out its mansions and filling them with

(23:27):
a foreign and alien people. Well, that's interesting, George Fvetotov.

Speaker 2 (23:35):
I've read George Fetotov for many years. So many Russians
at the time didn't get it. It's not deformed. That
was the revolution. That was the revolution. It was from
a foreign, alien people. Ftatov was an excellent writer as
an orthodox man. He wrote a lot of good things.
This was a period of time where conservative Russians even

(23:57):
were struggling with what the heck was going on. This
was such a shocked everybody, although by now it was
becoming the old happened deformed it. So this is what
the American left said under Stalin, not realizing that no,
this was a revolution, this is what it was supposed
to be. There is nothing nothing distorted about it. It
was alien, it was foreign, and it was not deformed.

(24:21):
This was what the revolution was supposed to do.

Speaker 1 (24:23):
A Jewish joke from the era, even from Burtashchef and
even the very old come to Moscow. They want to
die in a Jewish city.

Speaker 2 (24:32):
That's that's very sad.

Speaker 1 (24:36):
In a private letter, vi Vernotsky in nineteen twenty seven writes,
Moscow now is like Bertaschev. The power of Jewry is enormous,
and anti Semitism, including in communist circles, is growing unabated.

Speaker 2 (24:51):
It shouldn't shock anybody that in certain communist circles, Gentiles
and Marxist circles, who were told these may be true believers,
people who said, you know, we believe in in uh,
you know, workers control over industry. Yeah that they ever,
that never was even considered. We believe in a certain
level of equality, each according his uh, to his ability,

(25:12):
to his need. These kind of slogans, and now they're
looking at an oligarchy far worse than anything that they
had seen before. And Vernancy is a great historian. I've
been reading him for many years, and somewhat of a Eurasianist.
By the way, he eventually had was kicked out of
the country. This is where these local communist circles are

(25:36):
come from. Apparently we were duped this really, this wasn't
what we signed up for. And eventually they're going to
be themselves kicked out.

Speaker 1 (25:46):
Laren, we do not hide figures that demonstrate growth of
the Jewish population and urban censors. It is completely unavoidable
and will continue into the future. He forecasted the migration
from the Ukraine and and bil arrest of an additional
six hundred thousand Jews. We can't look upon this as
something shameful that the Party would silence. We must create

(26:07):
a spirit in the working class so that anyone who
gives a speech against the arrival of Jews in Moscow
would be considered a counter revolutionary working class.

Speaker 2 (26:19):
They wouldn't know what to do with the real worker
if one fell on their head. They had no connection
with where you know, we're talking about factory workers here.
That's the core of allegedly the core of Marxism. We
know they have no conception of it. None of them
came from this class. They distrusted this class. Sometimes they
hated this class. We've already discussed why the proletarian was

(26:41):
targeted had nothing to do with their condition or anything else.
Working class is one of these abstractions that mean absolutely nothing.
It's a plastic phrase that ultimately comes down to saying
someone who supports fanatically supports the work of the party
wherever it is. And again here we go. Anyone who

(27:04):
talks about and you know, if you're a Jewish family,
this is a time to have babies. You get whatever
you want, This is a perfect time. So it wasn't
explosion of the Jewish population. That makes sense to me.
And so anyone who even talks about the arrival of
Jews in Moscow, because this is you know, the capitol
had been moved there by now even talking about it,

(27:25):
even discussing it, means that you are a counter revolutionary. Well,
how does talking about, you know, a demographic change have
anything to do with the kind of being kind of revolutionary,
being anti Soviet. Well, this is kind of an accidental
thing to say. We talked about Lenin on Saturday saying
the same kind of thing. This is a tacit admission

(27:47):
that the Party was Jewish, because if you say anything
about the Jews, by definition, you're saying something about the party.
Hence your counter revolutionary. This was their kind of weird
way of admitting to the world. You know, it's hard
living with cognitive dissonance. Now sociopaths don't have to worry
about that. But some you know, you plenty of individual
Jews who had to deal with this. This is how

(28:09):
this is how they did it. They'd go roundabout and
not think too hard about it. But ultimately this Phrases
like this, which you come across constantly in this era,
are a way to admit to the world that, yes,
this is a Jewish party, this is a Jewish revolution morelan,
this is a Jewish movement. And the way they admit
it is saying this. If you give a speech against

(28:31):
demographic changes concerning only Jews arriving in the capital anywhere
else work with power, that by definition means you're a
counter revolutionary.

Speaker 1 (28:42):
And for counter revolutionaries there is nine grams of a lead.
That much is clear. But what's to do about anti
Semitic tendencies even in our party circles was a concern
in the upper levels of the party. According to official
official data reported in prov Than nineteen twenty two, Jews
made up five point two percent of the party em

(29:06):
m Agirsky quoting, but their actual influence was considerably more.
In the same year, at the eleventh Communist Party Congress,
Jews made up fourteen point six percent of the voting delegates,
eighteen point three percent of the non voting delegates and
twenty six percent of those elected to the Central Committee
at the conference. Sometimes one accidentally comes upon such data.

(29:28):
A taciturn memoirist from Moscow opens Pravda in July nineteen
thirty and notes quote the portrait of the twenty five
member persidium of the Communist Party included eleven Russians, eight Jews,
three from the Caucuses and three Latvians in large cities
close to areas of the former Palist settlement. The following

(29:49):
data in the early twenties. Party organizations in Mins, Goomel
and Vitepsk in nineteen twenty two were respectively thirty four
point eight percent, twenty one point one percent and sixteen
point six percent Jewish respectively. Laren notes quote, Jewish revolutionaries
play a bigger part than any others in revolutionary activity.

(30:11):
Thanks to their qualities, Jewish workers often find it easier
to rise to positions of local leadership.

Speaker 2 (30:19):
There's a few ways of dealing with this. First of all,
these are official numbers. They were very interested in playing
down numbers. I know these numbers are much higher, but
again you're talking about one percent of the population. You know,
there's only so many Jews to go around, but you
only need a fairly small number to have tremendous influence.

(30:39):
You have, you know, allegedly, nineteen twenty two, five point
two percent of the party. It's utter nonsense. We spent
a lot of time talking about Jews hiding their identities,
not reporting themselves as Jews. Plus the fact that the
Soviets did not like the idea, that people, especially abroad,
were starting to notice these facts at the same time.

(30:59):
It's now, and keep in mind, party membership doesn't mean
a whole lot. That's the whole point of this paragraph.
It's the positions of power that matter, especially in you know,
in kvg D, very early police institutions, the rule of

(31:19):
the camps, the law, that kind of thing judges these
positions of power. Well, I don't really care about party membership.
It didn't matter. Jews didn't really have to be a
member of the party. It could be a communist not
be a member of the party, especially if you were
part of that group. Now we're talk about one percent
of the population here in the West, where Jews were dominant,

(31:41):
they ran the party. So let's say it's accurate, So
thirty six percent in Mint, it's probably low. But even
if it's correct, that means the party is inherently Jewish
because that organized, very well armed group of Jews will
keep a lid on everybody else. As we already know,
they act in such a sociopathic way that Russians or

(32:05):
Belarusians or Ukrainians will keep their mouths shut. Hence the
concern about any Semitism within the party. But there's no
doubt in my mind these numbers are higher. But we
are talking about not necessarily quantitative issues, but qualitative ones.
It just really takes a handful of Jews to take
over an organization. Have they plenty of money, And that's

(32:27):
the point of this thing. Really doesn't matter. Party membership,
especially at this point, doesn't make a whole lot of difference,
especially since the numbers or Soviet numbers on everything are
to be broad under suspicion. But remember, you get to
get this thrown at you. You know how you trust
to prove the numbers on Jews. Jews don't want people
to know that this is a Jewish movement, so of

(32:51):
course you're going to play them down. The Jews are
expert at hiding their identity and not responding to senses. You.
We talked about this all the time, and yet how
do you plane on a twenty five member persidium? Eight
eight were Jews, eleven Russians I leisurely, although Jews would
change their name or simply people who said they weren't

(33:14):
and in fact they were. It gets very complicated, and
was even before the the Bulls takeover. It was complicated,
and we dealt with that at at great length the
western Belarusian areas and then of course eastern Ukraine too,
you know, the very western part of the empire. These

(33:35):
numbers make a lot more sense, and they would explain
the presidium numbers, and especially at a local level, where
in these areas you have completely Jewish party committees and
everything else. Party membership doesn't mean a whole lot Jews
can make up you. Let's say it's acurate, say probably
probably more like twenty five twenty percent of the voting
delegates let's say the eleventh eleventh Congress. Really, that's that's

(33:59):
all they need. You could take over an entire movement
that way. This fifteen percent, let's say twenty percent. They
have infinitely more money, infinitely more money than any of
the gentiles on that committee. They have far more connections.
They have connections abroad, They could run circles around. They're

(34:20):
Russian competitors, and they did see them as competitors, and
so it would have didn't make any difference. But you know,
in the early Revolutionary movement, we go through the names.
We've gone through the names one hundred times. Those low
numbers don't make a whole lot of sense. Now, the
Pedel Settlement did include, of course, you know Minskamel that
these are all in Belarus, and these numbers make a

(34:44):
lot more sense to me. Now central Russia. You're not
gonna get a whole lot. You know, there's really a
handful of Jews that are begin with, Jews are always
concentrated in the West. And so that's how you explain
this to anyone who may That's what he Solst's point
of view. How do you explain this to somebody who
throw these numbers at you. This is what Prova says,
you know, and of course we always believe what Prava says.

(35:05):
So that's how you answer it. There's a few different
ways to go about it, and I listed them all.

Speaker 1 (35:12):
In the same issue. Of Pravda. It is noted that
Jews at five point two percent of the party were
in the third place after Russians seventy two percent and
Ukrainians five point nine percent, followed by Latvian's two point
five percent, and then Georgian Starter's polls and Biloorussians. Jews
had the highest rate of per capita party membership seven
point two percent of Jews were in the party versus

(35:34):
three point eight percent for Great Russians. Emmagirsky correctly notes
that in absolute numbers the majority of Communists were, of
course Russians, but the unusual role of Jews in leadership
was dawning on the Russians. It was just too obvious.

(35:54):
For instance, Zenoviyev gathered many Jews around themselves in the
Petersburg leadership Agursky. This was what Laren was referring to
in his discussion of the photograph of the Presidium of
Petrograd Soviet in nineteen eighteen in his book. By nineteen
twenty one, the preponderance of Jews in Petrograd CP organization
was apparently so odious that the Polleit Bureau, reflecting on

(36:17):
the lessons of Kronstad and the anti Semitic mood of
Petrograd decided to send several ethnic Russian communists to Petrograd,
though entirely for publicity purposes.

Speaker 2 (36:28):
No, so good, that's it. There you go. That's exactly
what I said above. They're worried this night. I mentioned
the Hungarian example where you had one. Stalin said we
can't have that. Oh, wait, go ahead.

Speaker 1 (36:42):
So Uglianov took the place of zorin Homburg as head
of Gopkom, Kamarov replaced tril Trilisser, and Semyonov went to Cheka.
But Zenoviev objected to the decision of Pollet Bureau and
fought the new group, and as a result, Ugolinoff was
recalled from Petrograd and a purely Russian opposition group formed

(37:05):
spontaneously in the Petrograd Organization, a group forced to counter
the rest of the organization whose tone was set by Jews.

Speaker 2 (37:15):
I I'm one of the few people who spent a
lot of time on the lenning Grad affair. After World
War Two, the lening Graders, as they were called, were
or became somewhat within the confines of the Stalin Soviet Union.
The so called Russian Party. The Leningrad Purge is very

(37:35):
little known and for very good reason. Ultimately it was
a way to destroy the Siege of Leningrad and World
War Two. The propaganda that these people were almost gods
was everywhere, but the fact that they were all Russians
and said, you know, if we were gods like this,
how can we have to deal well, why are Russians
in you know, being exploited? The one place that you know,

(37:59):
commstansesn't seem to apply for better or for words. We
even have our own We don't have our own media,
We don't have anything everyone else does. Though, and the
Purge began. There's one thing that's gonna sent to a
camp is being, even in the confines of Marxism, a
Russian so called nationalist or someone who says that Russians

(38:20):
as an ethnic group are being exploited, which they were.
They they would produce and far more would be taken
from them and sent to broad than given to them.
They were one of the one of the only groups
that would produce and all their products be sent to
abroad or even outlying outlining the republics, and the Leningrad

(38:43):
Purge was Stalin's respecting Aryan and the Jews are surrounding them.
That I had a lot to say that, you know what,
these Russians are starting to talk like Russian nationalists. Yeah,
we're God's real. Well, how come we're not treated this way?
There were no Jews up there. Russians were up there,
and in Solomon eventually sent them to the camps. There

(39:04):
was a trial, but the West that would know what
to do with this, so it was ignored. Very few
people know about the Lending Grod trial. I have go
back to Radio Albion, maybe this time last year. Yeah,
I think this time last year. I did an hour,
at least an hour on the Lending Grod purge. You're
not going to find a lot of reference to that anywhere,
and even if you do, they're not going to really

(39:25):
talk about it in any kind of realistic way. But
keep in mind, and that was hushed up for a while.
I said before, the Soviet Union was very image concerts,
especially in this era. They had a lot of money
coming in from the West, so called anti communists West,
and you know, they were kind of rebuilding without really

(39:47):
the ability. They used to have the ability, but they
were all gone and so they needed Western assistants that
were very concerned with their image, and you had a
far healthier Western society. If it became clear that this
was a completely foreign Jewish group that was destroying Russians
and blowing up churches, this might be a problem for us.

(40:10):
And so they brought people like that idiot who was
running the Church of England, showing them all the churches
that they allowed to exist, saying see, and he went
back to England saying I can't think of his name now,
Directors of Canterbury say, see, you know he said there
was perfectly a full religious freedom in the US astarm
well he said it, so it must be true and

(40:33):
all that's where all these myths got started. But the
idea that this was so a Russian movement is absolutely absurd.
But this paragraph explains some of these numbers. You know,
these numbers are after all of these shuffling occurred. They're
very i misconscious. They can't have it look like they

(40:55):
I mean, they changed their name for a reason if
they use their real name. Can you imagine this the
list of people who of all the dictators, there was
only one one Jew that was in the drop of
who really didn't mineral that much. They were very careful
to make sure you didn't have Jews, you know, or

(41:15):
certainly Jews named Golstein or Goldberg or something like that
in positions of power that people would know, people would recognize.
But go to the police agencies, go to the camps,
and you're going to see nothing but Jewish names, both
those who were changed and both who kept the original ones.
So Noovia, of course himself being a Jew, Genovia is
not his real name.

Speaker 1 (41:37):
But not only in Petrograd. At the twelfth Communist Party
Congress nineteen twenty three, three out of six Pullet members
were Jewish. Pulp Bureau members were Jewish, three out of
seven were Jews in the leadership of the Komsomol and
in the presidium of the All Russia Conference in nineteen
twenty two. This was not tolerable to other leading Communists,

(41:58):
and apparently preparations were begun for an anti Jewish revolts
at the thirteenth Party Congress May nineteen twenty four. Quote.
There is evidence that a group of members of c
K were planning to drive leading Jews from the polit Bureau,
replacing them with Nogen Tryonofski and others, and that only
the death of Nogan interrupted the plot. His death literally

(42:22):
on the eve of the Congress, resulted from an unsuccessful
and unnecessary operation for a stomach ulcer by the same
surgeon who dispatched Frunds with an equally unneeded operation a
year and a half later.

Speaker 2 (42:36):
Well, I strongly doubt. I mean, there always was anti
Jewish thinking plans for a purge that like more than
likely this was a way to justify a purge of Russians. Yeah,
you have plenty, plenty of Russians and even those outside

(42:57):
the you know, lobbyans, Turks, whatever, who had enough of this,
Who had enough of this Jewish arrogance. I mean they
had power, direct political power, armed political power, the police agencies.
The first time we're talk in nineteen twenty three, twenty four,
this was still brand new to them. Yeah, they were

(43:19):
pissing everyone off. This is what they do. They have
no conception, for all their alleged intelligence, they have no
conception of thinking in the future. Everything is is what
they can grab at the moment. They didn't have to
do very much to applacate Russians, but they wouldn't even
dream of it now. I don't know about the doctors

(43:39):
and the later doctors plot and stuff like that. But
you know, there's so many problems with this. There's been
so much written, especially in Russian, on these questions. The
most I'll say there was no organization, however, but there
were plenty of Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, those you know, certain
parts of the balls far East that had just had enough.

(44:02):
They were already pissing off the wrong people. They're are
no communists, people who might actually have taken the ideology seriously,
who had now come to the realization that this isn't
really the words that I've been reading aren't really what
they mean, and I've been completely duped. And it's really

(44:23):
hard to admit that you've been fooled, or that this
isn't what you think it was, or that you were used.
And there is no accident that it is no accident
that I don't know, another five to ten years, I mean,
there's continual purchase of the party. Don't get me wrong,
Stalin was just you know, the best organized. In ten years,

(44:44):
You're not gonna hear about any of these guys anymore.

Speaker 1 (44:47):
I think we should stop right there because we're going
to start getting into the check a GPU and their numbers.

Speaker 2 (44:52):
Yeah something absolutely yeah. And this is what I've been saying.
You get into these groups totally different story. Party membership
these now, I don't you know. But as time went on,
people began to realize, matter what your ethnic background, if
you wanted a career, if you wanted an education, you
wanted anything, at least have a party membership card. It

(45:13):
meant absolutely nothing. And the Chinese Party in the late
seventies got to what it was like something like sixty
million people even more who had a party membership card.
How many of those sixty million actually fully believed in
Marx and Mao? You know, it wasn't It wasn't the
case people had a Communist party card because they realized

(45:36):
it was necessary for them to function in society, not
necessarily all the time. That was late. And Alexander Lukashenko,
for example, one of my favorite world leaders in Belarus
who functioned within the party, never had a Communist party card,
was never a Communist member of the party, but that
was very late in the game. At this point, people
began to realize, specially Gentiles Jews, didn't have to worry

(45:59):
so much. But Gentiles weed that if I want anything,
if I want my kids educated, if I want a career,
et cetera, I probably my best bet is to join
the party, even if I don't even know or care
or even hate communism as an ideology.

Speaker 1 (46:18):
Yeah. I mean, if you know, there's going to be
three kinds of people when they see this kind of
thing arise. There's gonna be those who are going to
try and get on the side of it, those who
are going to just try to completely ignore it, and
those who are going to fight it. The biggest group
is going to be the one in the middle. But

(46:38):
the ones who there will be ones who will accept
where it's going and be like, you know, survival calls
and you know, my survival instinct tells me to, you know,
do what I need to do to get along, and
you know, be on their side. And I think that
happens a lot.

Speaker 2 (46:58):
Don't judge these people, because these people already realized what's
going to happen. They had little kids or something like that.
They know what's going to happen to them. We all think, oh,
we'd be fighter, who'd be out there. We don't know
that we don't know that. We know what they would do,
We know what they did to their enemies, We know
how disgusting they were in terms of their enemies. If
you already you know, you have a family, you have

(47:19):
a lot going. You can't just get a rifle and
got into the woods. You have plenty of people doing that,
and no, they would never heard from again. There was
a movement, I'm pretty sure we're going to talk about
this in the future, trying to russianize the party. You
had an entire ideological movement. I mean earlier Ragianism. Amos
was based on this notion that you know what, no

(47:43):
matter how many Jews run this, there's only so many
of them, and we can russianize this party. Maybe Bolshivism
doesn't necessarily have to be Communism. Alexander Dugan said that
early in his career. I don't know if he says
it anymore, but Limonov says it or said it he's
dead now. That both of ism doesn't necessarily have to
be Jewish Marxism. We can russianize it. And those kind

(48:07):
of people were useful for a while. They're eventually all
wiped out, but they even know how to hold journal
which I wrote about age a million years ago. I
was first learning to read the language. I don't remember,
but before before Google Translate, and when Google Translate early
on was awful, especially in Russian. I had no choice.

(48:29):
I had to learn it. My kids were a little
remember that, but that, you know, that's you know, you
had a lot of You're absolutely right, you had a
whole different layer, set of layers of reactions. What are
we going to do? It's really hard going into exile,
you know, Well that was chosen by a lot of people.
Their exile organizations already abroad. Soviet hated them. You know,

(48:52):
they were writing a lot and everything else. You had
people who joined the party just for the survival's sake,
go along. You had people who stayed who wanted to
maybe move the party in their direction. You had tons
of those people, and ultimately, right up until the end
of the Khrusha era, they never made it. They were

(49:15):
either purgs or you keep your head down. Plenty of
people kept their head down, or if you lived in
places like Armenia or Georgia, they were kind of left alone.
I'm not saying that they weren't persecuted. They were. They
were sent to camps. I'm not saying that, but because
they were, they usually exceeded their quotas. Georgias and Armenians
were known for that because they produced so well. This

(49:35):
is much later in the empire that they were kind
of Yeah, they would the would give slogans about how
wonderful Lenin was and otherwise, you know, you know, in
the in the in the fifties and sixties, they were
kind of left alone. They didn't do half badly. Of
course they usually did it on the backs of Russians.
But you had a situation in Georgia where I mean,

(49:56):
to this day, like ninety six percent of Georgia live
in Georgia. Very rare to find that in any there's
a warfare, I can think of our Meniingons of course
a different story. It's not their fault. But so were
there were lots of ways of surviving it. I've read
so much, you know, biography and everything else. There's a
million different, very specific ways. If you were very valuable

(50:16):
to them, So you had very specific but you know,
Sultan Easton talks about in his early work, the goologs
weren't necessarily the people out there with pikes, you know,
the goologs often were laboratories, computer science labs. These were
normal guys, but they just were in prison. But they
had lab coats on, well educated. They were valuable to
the state. They didn't trust them. But was it the

(50:40):
red wheel or you know the red wheel? I think
it starts off I get to mixed up. Sometimes starts
off with a guy in a audio lab talking about
how to bug phones and everything else. He was in prison.
He was in a goolag. But if you were well educated,
I could just send you off to you know, die
in the in the tundra. They're going to use you

(51:00):
that way. So there was a million different ways. Their
life wasn't so bad. They were in prison, but their
life wasn't so bad. So there was a million ways,
depending on your background, who you were, what you're gonna do,
your personality. But I'm telling you, I don't like judging
the idea of these people didn't necessarily fight. You have
to ask yourself, what would you do a lot of
orthodox struggle with this, you know, would you sign the
nineteen twenty seven declaration, knowing full well that the party said,

(51:24):
if you don't sign this, if we're going to slaughter
the rest of the priest here, be careful who you judge,
and make sure you understand what would you do in
this situation if you knew, what would happen to you
and very possibly your family if you didn't sign of
course you don't mean it. We all know you didn't
mean it. There's no men's rede there. So judging people

(51:45):
because they went along is wrong because I have the
feelings some of these people judging would probably do the
same thing if that what they knew, what was going
to happen to them if they didn't.

Speaker 1 (51:54):
All right, encourage everyone to go over to the show
notes and go over to the description on the videos.
Donates to doctor Johnson's work here. We're glad he's feeling
a lot better, and go over there and you help
him out. I'm sure he's got some bills to bills
to pay in relation to your hospital. Stay there, we

(52:16):
do all right, Doctor Johnson. I appreciate you, and I'll
see you in a couple of days.

Speaker 2 (52:22):
Thank you all, my friend, Thank you m

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Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 82

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.css-14f5ked{margin:0;word-break:break-word;display:-webkit-box;-webkit-box-orient:vertical;box-orient:vertical;-webkit-line-clamp:2;overflow:hidden;}Reading Solzhenitsyn's '200 Years Together' w/ Dr Matthew Raphael Johnson - Part 82