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Speaker 1 (00:00):
The story of Katrine
D'Acosta is not just a grim true
crime mystery.
It is a case that reflectsSweden's complicated
relationship with sex work,addiction, gender, class and
power during the late 20thcentury.
Long before her name became amedia obsession or a national
scandal, katrine was simplyanother woman living on the
margins, forgotten until herdeath made her unforgettable.
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Welcome to this episode ofHuman W human wreckage.
Let's get into it.
Who is Katrine Da Costa?
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Katrine Beckström, later knownas Katrine Da Costa, was born in
1956 in Lulea, a smallindustrial town in northern
Sweden.
Her upbringing was reportedlyturbulent.
There's little publiclydocumented about her early years
, but, like many vulnerablewomen who end up in exploitative
environments, katrine facedchallenges that eventually led
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her down a difficult path.
She moved to Stockholm in herearly 20s, where she became
involved with drugs,specifically heroin, and
eventually engaged in sex workto support her addiction.
At some point in her 20s, sheadopted the surname Da Costa.
Whether this was a personalreinvention, an alias for work
or an affectation is unclear.
Katrine was a mother.
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She had two children, both ofwhom had been removed from her
custody due to her unstablelifestyle and drug use.
She remained intermittently incontact with her family,
especially her parents butstruggled with housing
relationships and keeping a job.
Like many sex workers of thetime, katrine operated mostly
from Mänskolnätskatten, awell-known red-light street in
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central Stockholm, close togovernment buildings, shopping
centers and hotels.
She was reportedly articulate,social and known to carry a
diary with her.
Several acquaintances describedher as bright and clever, if
troubled.
Her life was unstable, but shewas not invisible.
And yet when she disappeared inJune of 1984, no missing
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persons report was immediatelyfiled.
To understand why the Da Costacase exploded the way it did,
it's important to look at Swedenin the early 1980s.
It was a period of transition.
The country was increasinglyaffluent, progressive and
liberal on paper, but underneaththe surface moral
contradictions simmered,especially regarding issues like
sex, gender equality andcriminal justice.
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Prostitution in Sweden wasn'tyet illegal, but it was heavily
stigmatized.
Street-based sex workers wereharassed by police and seen as
both victims and perpetrators ofmoral decline.
Although Sweden prided itselfon gender equality, the lived
experience of women like Katrinsuggested a society that still
treated marginalized women asexpendable.
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Heroin use was also on the riseduring this time, and it was
often met with a mix of punitivepolicing and insufficient
social support.
Users were not viewed asindividuals needing treatment,
but as nuisances or criminals tobe cleared off the streets, but
as nuisances or criminals to becleared off the streets.
Katrine embodied the kind ofperson the state tried to ignore
a drug-using sex worker withouta permanent home, deeply
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entangled in systemic neglect.
The girl with the dragon tattoofact versus fiction.
In later years, as the Da Costacase became synonymous with
injustice, it was heavilyspeculated that Katrine inspired
Stieg Larsson's characterLisbeth Salander, the dark,
brilliant hacker in the Girlwith a dragon tattoo.
While Larsson never confirmedthis directly, he died before
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the books were published.
Literary scholars andjournalists have repeatedly
pointed to parallels betweenSalander's world and Da Costa's.
Like Katrine, salander ismarginalized and underestimated.
She experiences sexual abuseand violence at the hands of
powerful men, and societydismisses her pain until she
fights back.
Larson, a journalist who hadcovered sexual violence and
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right-wing extremism in Sweden,was likely familiar with Da
Costa's case, which had become anational scandal by the time he
was writing.
While Lisbeth survives andultimately triumphs, katrine did
not.
But her story, raw, unresolvedand steeped in structural
injustice, echoes in Larson'sfiction, reframed as a kind of
literary revenge for areal-world failure.
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In the weeks leading up to herdisappearance, katrine was
reportedly staying withdifferent acquaintances,
sometimes couch surfing orstaying in shelters.
Some reports suggest she wastrying to get clean.
Others claim she was stillactively using heroin.
She had been seen by socialworkers and at least one source
claims she may have had anargument with another sex worker
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shortly before she vanished.
On June 10, 1984, which wasPentecost Sunday, she was last
confirmed to be alive.
One witness claimed to havedropped her off near
Kunstradgården, a central parkin Stockholm.
Others say she was seen aroundGamla Brogatan near the Red
Light District.
After that she simplydisappeared.
Days turned into weeks and noformal missing person report was
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filed.
Part of the tragedy here is howunremarkable her disappearance
initially seemed.
Women like Katrine went missingall the time.
They were transient, oftenestranged from family and rarely
taken seriously by police,unless their deaths made
headlines.
It wasn't until parts of herdismembered body began appearing
in garbage bags weeks laterthat authorities and the country
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paid attention.
Katrine Da Costa became a symbolof many things, none of which
she could control.
To some, she was a victim ofsystemic misogyny, a stand-in
for every woman society deemedunworthy.
To others, especially inconservative media, she
represented the dangers of moraldecay, drugs, prostitution,
broken families, but above allher death and the failure to
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convict anyone for her murderexposed a gaping wound in
Sweden's self-image.
The country liked to believe itwas a bastion of fairness and
social progress.
Yet here was a woman brutallykilled, possibly by
professionals entrusted withpublic health and safety, and
the state could not deliverjustice.
Her body, literally dismemberedand scattered across Stockholm,
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became a metaphor for the wayshe had been treated in life
Broken up, compartmentalized anddiscarded, and in death.
As the media frenzied aroundbizarre child testimony, satanic
rumors and conflicting forensicevidence, her humanity was too
often lost in sensationalism.
Katrine Da Costa was not just amurder victim.
She was a person failed by thesystems meant to protect her
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health care, housing, addictiontreatment and law enforcement.
Her background, while oftenused to explain away or
sensationalize her death, tellsa deeper story about how society
looks at women on the margins.
Before her name became aheadline, katrine was a mother,
a daughter, a woman trying tosurvive.
Her case continues to hauntSweden, not only because it
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remains officially unsolved, butbecause it demands
uncomfortable reflection on howeasy it is to forget the
forgotten until it's too late.
Last seen around Pentecost, june10th 1984, either dropped off
at Kungstergarten or seen nearGamla Brogatton On July 18, two
black bin bags were found underCarlberg's Bridge by Solna, one
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with a torso, another with legs.
On August 7, additional bagswere found nearby containing
arms and hands.
Her head, internal organs,genitalia and one breast were
never recovered.
The body was identified byfingerprints.
Forensic examination by JavanRaj at Karolinska Institutet
determined dismemberment bysomeone with limited anatomical
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skill Using domestic tools.
Cause of death remainedundetermined.
In 1987, the investigation intoKatrin Da Costa's murder took a
dramatic and unexpected turn.
Police arrested two men who atfirst glance seemed the last
people anyone would suspect Twomedical doctors.
The first was Dr T Hiem, aforensic pathologist working at
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Karolinska Institutet, sweden'spremier medical university.
Hiem was well-versed in humananatomy and forensic procedures.
He routinely performedautopsies and dissections, a
fact that would later fuel theprosecution's theory.
If anyone knew how to dismembera body, it was him.
The second man was Dr ThomasAlgain, a general practitioner
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with a private practice.
Unlike Heum, algain'sbackground didn't include
pathology or forensic work.
His connection to the case camethrough a very different and
more personal channel.
Both men were arrested andcharged with the murder and
dismemberment of Doc Hosta, acharge that shocked Swedish
society.
Why were doctors suspected andwhat evidence brought the
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investigation to their doors.
Authorities argued that Hiem'smedical knowledge made him
capable of dismembering DocCosta with anatomical precision
and that Allgain's troubledpersonal life connected him to
the crime scene.
But beyond that, there waslittle hard evidence.
These men were respectedprofessionals.
Their arrests sent shockwavesthrough the medical community
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and ignited a media frenzy.
The prosecution's case hingedlargely on the testimony of one
unlikely witness, thomasAllgain's three-year-old
daughter, caught in thecrossfire of a bitter custody
battle.
The child was interviewedmultiple times by social workers
and psychologists.
Her statements were deeplydisturbing.
She spoke of seeing her fatherand another man dressed in white
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coats engaged in horrific actsA naked woman, blood everywhere,
a saw.
She even described being forcedto witness and participate in
acts of violence, some of whichprosecutors claimed included
cannibalism.
But there's a problem.
Children's memories, especiallyunder intense questioning, are
fragile and highly suggestible.
Experts later analyzed theinterviews and found patterns
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consistent with memorycontamination and false memory
syndrome.
The child's testimony evolvedunder pressure, with leading
questions and repeated sessionsshaping her narrative.
Despite this, the emotionalweight of a child describing
such trauma captivated thepublic and prosecutors alike.
It became a sensational story,feeding into the larger satanic
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ritual abuse panic sweepingthrough many Western countries
in the 1980s, the trial of THiem and Thomas Allgain was
arguably one of Sweden's mostcontroversial legal proceedings.
The prosecution laid out itscase leaning heavily on the
child's testimony, the suspicionaround Hiem's pathology
background and circumstantialdetails like the men's
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whereabouts during the allegedtime of the murder.
But the defense pushed backhard.
They argued that the timelinemade it impossible to commit
such a brutal, prolongeddismemberment in just 90 minutes
.
Forensic experts testified thatthe crude, jagged cuts found on
Da Costa's remains wereinconsistent with surgical
precision and more likely thework of an amateur.
Most importantly, the defensepointed out the lack of physical
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evidence no blood, no DNA, nofingerprints, no tools, nothing
connecting either man to thecrime scene or the victim.
The first trial collapsed aftera lay judge leaked information
to the press, compromising thejury's impartiality.
The second trial ended inacquittal on murder charges.
The court could not determinethe cause of death and there was
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insufficient evidence toconvict.
Yet the court's verdictremained ambiguous.
It stated there were strongindications that the men
dismembered Da Costa's body, butcould not prove murder beyond
reasonable doubt.
This left both men in legallimbo, cleared of murder, yet
professionally and publiclydestroyed.
Looking back at the case,several glaring holes in the
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prosecution's narrative becomeapparent.
First, the timeline.
Police claimed the murder anddismemberment happened during a
narrow 90-minute window.
For experts this simply didn'tadd up.
Dismembering a body, especiallywith any care, takes hours.
The cuts on Doc Costa werecrude, requiring even more time
as the perpetrators struggledwith tools not designed for
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precision.
Second, the absence of forensicevidence is striking.
No blood or tissue was found onHiem's clothing, in his car or
in his workplace.
No DNA linked the men to DaCosta.
No weapons or saws wererecovered, despite exhaustive
searches.
Third, the child's testimony.
Many later believed that thechild's story was shaped by her
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mother's hostility toward allgain and by suggestive
interviewing techniques.
Experts criticized the methodsused during her interviews,
calling them a textbook exampleof how easily false memories can
be implanted.
Finally, the question of motive.
What reason could two doctorshave to commit such a brutal
murder?
The prosecution's theory restedon innuendo, that the men were
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sexually deviant, possiblysadistic, incapable of
ritualistic violence.
Yet no solid motive was everestablished.
No witnesses came forwarddescribing unusual behavior, no
prior history of violence.
This lack of motive made thecase seem more like a witch hunt
driven by fear and moral panicrather than facts.
One of the most disturbing andcontroversial elements of the
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Katrine Da Costa case was theintroduction of a young child's
testimony, an event that wouldultimately blur the boundaries
between real evidence and masshysteria.
This element turned an alreadygrim murder investigation into
something resembling the satanicritual abuse moral panics that
gripped parts of the Westernworld in the 1980s.
Dr Thomas Allgain was not onlyone of the two primary suspects,
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but also the father of atwo-year-old daughter.
After his estranged wifeaccused him of sexually abusing
the child during a bittercustody dispute, psychologists
and social workers were broughtin to evaluate the claims.
In subsequent interviewsconducted through repeated
questioning over months, theyoung girl allegedly made
statements describing gruesomescenes Her father and another
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man later identified as Dr THeem, wearing white masks,
standing over a naked woman laidout on a table.
The child claimed to have seenblood, a saw dismemberment, even
references to cannibalism.
Some sessions noted her sayingshe had been forced to drink
blood.
Others included details such aschants, rituals and the woman
screaming To.
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Prosecutors and psychologistssteeped in the growing
international fear of ritualabuse, these details seemed
damning.
The idea took hold Two doctorspossibly Satanists using the
facilities of the KarolinskaInstituy to perform unspeakable
acts while forcing a child towitness it, but to many others,
including defense attorneys,independent forensic experts and
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later critics of the case, thistestimony was deeply flawed,
not only unreliable, butdangerously suggestive of
broader hysteria.
The child was only 26 months oldwhen she allegedly witnessed
the ritual and around threeyears old when the questioning
began in earnest.
Experts today would point outthat children at this age are
highly suggestible, especiallywhen repeatedly interviewed by
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authority figures who mayintentionally or unintentionally
lead the child toward desiredanswers.
One of the early psychologistsinvolved in lead the child
toward desired answers.
One of the early psychologistsinvolved in interviewing the
child reportedly used dolls anddrawings to prompt memory.
As questioning continued overmonths, the story grew more
elaborate.
Critics argue that what emergedwasn't a memory but an
imaginative narrative shapedthrough repetition, subtle
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leading and pressure.
Some of the more bizarredetails included a woman hung
upside down in a triangle room,blood being collected and drunk
from a chalice, masked menperforming chants, a skull being
drilled into.
At one point the girl claimedshe herself was placed on a
table and sawed, but when askedwhere her injuries were, she
pointed to imaginary wounds.
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Years later, child psychologyexperts would assert that this
kind of narrative is a textbookcase of implanted memory.
There was no forensic evidencethat the child had been
physically harmed or sexuallyabused.
The prosecutor's office,however, still treated the
child's statements as keycircumstantial evidence.
The global context, satanicpanic.
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To fully understand how thistestimony gained so much
traction, one must look at thebroader cultural context of the
1980s.
Across the United States,canada, the UK and parts of
Europe, a wave of hysteria tookhold, revolving around the
belief that organized cults wereritually abusing, sacrificing
and brainwashing children.
The McMartin Preschool Trial inCalifornia 1983-1990, one of
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the longest and most expensivecriminal trials in American
history, began with similarallegations that children were
molested and forced into satanicrituals involving animals,
tunnels and witches.
In the end, no convictionsresulted and the case is now
cited as a cautionary tale ofmass hysteria and flawed
interrogation methods.
Sweden was not immune to thisphenomenon.
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A 1980s book called Satan'sChildren claimed there were
hundreds of underground cultsoperating in Scandinavia.
Against this backdrop, the DaCosta case seemed to confirm
those fears Secret ceremonies inmedical facilities, mutilation,
cannibalism and masked doctorsabusing their power.
Media outlets in Sweden quicklyadopted the language of a
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satanic panic.
Headlines referred to a ritualmurder, demonic doctors and
sacrificial rites.
The idea of educatedprofessional scientists, no less
engaging in secret brutalitymade the public both fascinated
and terrified.
Despite the horrific nature ofthe child's testimony, no
physical evidence was ever foundto substantiate her claims.
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No bloodstains, ritual items,clothing, tools or fibers were
discovered in either doctor'shome or in the Karolinska
facilities.
The autopsy records showed nosigns of ritual markings or
satanic cuts.
In fact, the dismembermentappeared to have been done
crudely with basic tools, notwith surgical or symbolic
precision.
Yet the damage was done.
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Dr Algain's already contentiouscustody battle turned public
impunitive.
Both men, though acquitted ofmurder, were publicly branded as
perverse and monstrous.
Algain's ex-wife later became akey figure in campaigns against
him, publishing memoirs andletters affirming her belief in
the child's account.
In retrospect, critics arguedthat the use of the child's
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statements caused irreparableharm not only to the doctor's
reputations but also to publicunderstanding of how forensic
testimony should be handled.
Rather than being treated withthe skepticism and care such
interviews require, the child'saccount was absorbed into a
narrative already primed forhorror.
Over time, as Sweden and muchof the world moved away from the
ritual abuse panic, the DaCosta case has come to be viewed
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as a textbook example of whatcan go wrong when flawed
psychology, unreliable testimonyand public hysteria collide.
A 2002 academic review fromStockholm University concluded
that the Child's statements weretoo contaminated to be of
forensic value.
In later years, journalists anddocumentarians would revisit
the Child's sessions, noting theleading questions and lack of
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consistent narrative.
The tragedy is that by the timethis analysis emerged, the case
had long since poisoned thepublic record.
The Child's invented memory hadbecome part of a national
mythology.
Whether or not the doctors wereguilty of anything, their fate
had been sealed, at least in thepublic's mind, by the words of
a toddler.
The use of the child's testimonyin the Di Costa case reflects
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one of the darkest elements of1980s forensic history the
over-reliance onsuggestion-based child
psychology during a global waveof ritual abuse paranoia.
In trying to explain ahorrifying crime, investigators
may have amplified fear overfact-drawing conclusions not
from evidence but from culturalanxiety and confirmation bias,
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and in doing so they may havesteered the investigation away
from real suspects and justicefor Katrin Da Costa.
In April 27, the doctors filedfor damages 35 million SEK,
citing defamation and loss ofincome.
The Swedish Chancellor ofJustice redirected them to the
courts.
Though initially accepted,their claim was rejected in
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February 2010.
Appeals up to Sweden's SupremeAdministrative Court were denied
.
Many claims were deemed timebarred or unfounded.
On July 1, 2009, theinvestigation officially closed
due to the statute oflimitations on murder and corpse
desecration.
Prosecutors acknowledged thatno new evidence had emerged that
could alter the unresolvednature of the death.
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Stieg Larsson was deeplyinfluenced by the case when
crafting the girl with thedragon tattoo.
Lisbeth Salander's story echoesthemes of marginalized women,
violence and institutionalfailure.
Larsson referenced Da Costa'smurder as a formative
inspiration.
Generational reflections, booksby Hannah Olson 1990 and
Perlindeberg, 1999,documentaries and plays fueled
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ongoing debate.
No one was convicted for DaCosta's murder.
Perpetrators, if not him orAlgein, were never identified.
The dismemberment verdictblackened the doctor's
reputations.
Without criminal convictions.
Her case spotlighted societalneglect of sex workers and
addiction, prompting law changes.
Criminalizing purchase of sexcollars still debate whether a
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serial killer like Gonerka orOlausen was involved.
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Till next time, please takecare.