June 11, 2025 • 31 mins
From behind federal prison walls, Chuckie Taylor delivers a powerful and meticulously detailed account of what he describes as one of America's most troubling miscarriages of justice. With scholarly precision, Taylor breaks down the legal irregularities, political motivations, and constitutional violations that led to his unprecedented 97-year sentence in America's first-ever torture case.
Taylor's petition begins by unveiling startling political connections: his prosecution was allegedly pushed by former Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf through her relationship with President George W. Bush, evidenced by Laura Bush's attendance at Sirleaf's inauguration. The timing strategically coincided with mounting international pressure on the US to prosecute under its anti-torture statute following controversies surrounding enhanced interrogation techniques after 9/11.
The most compelling aspect of Taylor's argument centers on a fundamental legal contradiction. The anti-torture statute (18 USC 2340) specifically targets "public officials acting under color of law." Taylor explains this created an irreconcilable conflict: his indictment was built on his status as a US citizen, yet to qualify as a "public official" under the statute, he would have needed to be a Liberian citizen. This contradiction, he argues, represents an unconstitutional application that violated his Fifth Amendment rights.
Through court document citations and transcript references that listeners can independently verify, Taylor methodically deconstructs his trial. He reveals how the judge imposed restrictive protective orders that made defense investigation in post-war Liberia nearly impossible. Perhaps most disturbing are allegations that prosecutors shared defense witness lists with Liberian authorities, resulting in threats and violence against witnesses' families. Meanwhile, prosecution witnesses received substantial payments—$5,000 each, equivalent to three years' salary in Liberia.
Taylor's voice carries the weight of someone who has spent years studying law from inside prison walls, determined to understand how the system failed him. His petition isn't just a plea for personal justice, but a warning about how media manipulation, political convenience, and prosecutorial overreach can combine to deprive anyone of liberty. Without clemency or pardon intervention, Taylor states plainly, "I will die in prison."
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Transcript
Episode Transcript
Available transcripts are automatically generated. Complete accuracy is not guaranteed.
Speaker 1 (00:00):
Hello LFTG audience.
This is Chucky Taylor, alsoknown as Gamayi Samel.
I wanted to take theunprecedented step, based upon
me asking for your support, toread to you the entirety of the
petition, the entirety of thecontents that I want to put in
the petition.
From there you'll be given achance to ask any questions in
(00:25):
relation to what I've stated,and it is my hope that, upon
hearing these two parts, thatyou'll be able to join the call
on the changeorg petition thatwill be created.
A well-placed source in theLiberian government at the time
relayed to individuals who wereclose to me years later, former
(00:50):
President of Liberia EllenJohnson Salif, pushed for my
prosecution based upon herrelationship with President
George W Bush.
Proof of this closeness wasbased upon Laura Bush attending
the Liberian inauguration.
In addition, there wereconfluence of factors that
contributed to my prosecution.
Number one at that time, USofficials were under pressure by
other Western allies toprosecute under 18 USC 2340
(01:14):
anti-torture statute, thelegislation that was enacted to
meet America's treaty obligationunder the Convention Against
Torture based upon the usage ofenhanced interrogation
techniques, ie waterboarding, byUS security officials.
At that time, Two human rightsgroups were pushing for action
to be taken for prosecutionunder that statute as well.
(01:35):
Three they sought a debrieffrom me based upon activities in
Africa.
The indictment was a way tocreate leverage, to force me or
create the pressure to encourageme to become an informant.
Two people came to see me aftermy initial arrest, One being
named Frank Fountain, former CIAcounsel, who also worked on the
(01:55):
prosecution for Charles Taylorduring the International
Criminal Court case, andMadeline Morris, a professor at
Duke University.
Both of them relayed this truthto me.
A professor at Duke University.
Both of them relayed this truthto me.
They warned me I'd be indictedor an indictment would occur
without me debriefing.
The prosecution from thebeginning went outside DOJ
guidelines, specificallyCriminal Resource Manual no 20,
(02:19):
which states Section 2340 ofTitle 18, United States Code
prohibits torture committed bypublic officials under color of
law against persons with publicofficials' custody or control.
The jurisdictional section ofthe statute that I was indicted
under, specifically 18 USC 2340,Section B1 and 2, requires for
(02:42):
prosecution a person is a USnational or found in the US.
This call is from a federalprison.
It was deceptive for theDepartment of Justice to approve
the indictment based upon mebeing a US national.
Only it required I be a publicofficial.
This indictment does notcontain any language.
I was a public official.
For me to have been a publicofficial, I could not have been
(03:05):
a US citizen, but rather aLiberian citizen.
The indictment was predicatedupon me being a US citizen.
Clear conflict.
The indictment, on page 4 of 19,states defendant and others
conspired to commit acts underthe color of law.
Again, no mention of publicofficial.
Further proof of this publicofficial requirement is the
(03:29):
congressional history of thestatute it reveals.
The statute was enacted to meetAmerica's treaty obligation
based upon the United NationsTreaty Convention Against
Torture, which was designed toregulate the conduct and to hold
account officials of variousgovernments, as only countries
and or nations can be members ofthe United Nations.
My commentary there was anunconstitutional application of
(03:54):
the statute, violating my rightsunder the Fifth Amendment back
in 2006.
A brief history for thisaudience.
Two people that played a rolein crafting this unethical,
unlawful and fraudulentindictment were, one, alex
Fisher and two, alex Acosta.
Both were part of the groupthat provided legal cover for
(04:15):
the waterboarding during 9-11,which was called the Bybee Memos
or the Torture Memos.
Alexander Acosta would later bedemoted to the United States
Attorney's Office where I wasindicted.
During that same time him asUnited States Attorney in the
Southern District of Florida, heapproved my legal indictment.
He provided Jeffrey Epstein asweetheart deal by not indicting
(04:39):
him federally, which led to himcontinuing his sex trafficking
crimes.
President Trump later firedAlex Acosta after the
revelations came out during hisfirst administration.
My case was prosecuted in thatSouthern District because he was
a United States attorney.
At that time, the SouthernDistrict of Florida United
(05:02):
States Attorney's Office had thehighest rates of prosecutorial
misconduct.
This is a fact that can beindependently corroborated.
The judge appointed wasnominated by George W Bush, who
had honored the request by theLiberian president based upon
all interests the Texas-basedcompany was pursuing in Liberia
at that time.
Pre-trial During the pre-trialphase, which was the preparation
(05:25):
for trial, the judge placedsome highly restrictive
protective orders on Bradymaterial.
Now for the audience.
Brady material is exculpatoryevidence, so evidence that you
can use based upon what thegovernment plans on using to
prosecute his case, making itimpossible for the defense to
investigate in Liberia.
(05:45):
In fact, the defense team madeonly one, maybe two trips to
Liberia to investigate a casethat went to trial six years
after indictment.
In a country wracked by civilwar, with massive internally
displaced people and tens ofthousands who had not returned
to Liberia after the Civil War.
(06:06):
We could not use the victims'names to investigate in any
particular way Trial During thetrial phase of the proceeding we
weren't aware.
We assumed that the governmentwould have been able to prove
the conspiracy to commit torturecount, which was the heart of
(06:26):
the indictment.
They did not.
I was placed in a one-manconspiracy, which is the heart
of the indictment.
Conspiracy requires two or more.
The allegation was Liberiangovernment officials and I
conspired, those being PresidentCharles Taylor, security
Director Benjamin Yeten,natu-based Commandant David
(06:48):
Campari.
None are indictable accordingto the jurisdictional part of
the statute 18 USC 2340, b1 and2.
I repeat none are indictableaccording to the jurisdictional
part of the statute, whichrequires you are a US national
or found in the United States.
I was indicted three timesunder this bogus conspiracy,
(07:12):
which means I had supersedingindictments with the government
expanding the conspiracyallegations every time.
Now for listeners any timeevidence is entered in trial it
needs to be entered under acourt rule.
All evidence at trial needs tobe entered under this standard.
To enter evidence that relatedto any conspiracy, it needs to
(07:32):
be entered under 801-D2E, whichis what is called co-conspirator
testimony.
No evidence was ever enteredunder 801-D2E.
Again, the co-conspirators werenever in the United States to
testify, not that PresidentCharles Taylor, security
Director Benjamin Yat-sen or thebase commandant would have
(07:53):
validated such an erroneousconspiracy.
The indictment was a sham.
Now I'm going to citetranscripts so, to make this
more interactive, the public caninvestigate and confirm in real
time what I'm saying via PACER,which is called public access.
This call is from a federalprison.
(08:16):
The public can reinvestigate,according to PACER, what I'm
saying, which means publicaccess to court electronic
records.
Okay, the information.
I was indicted in the SouthernDistrict of Florida under the
United States District Courtunder criminal case
106-CR-20758-CharlieMikeAlphaCMA.
(08:42):
Now anything can be found upona docket sheet once it's cited.
That is the heart of howanybody can track anyone's case.
The government essentially usedalleged victims to prove a
conspiracy.
Docket entry 592, page 8 states, and I quote we have five
victims that are going to comein and testify.
They were tortured and there'sa conspiracy to torture them to
(09:05):
keep Charles Tell in power.
End quote Commentary.
To rely on alleged victims toprove a conspiracy is not proof
of a conspiracy at all.
A total of nine agentstestified.
None could independentlycorroborate this conspiracy.
No Liberian governmentdocuments.
No Liberian official provideddeposition testimony.
No affidavits.
This was an indictment ofalleged victims' words against
(09:28):
mine.
Clearly not the way toprosecute the first torture case
in United States history.
My defense counsel sayssomething that's very
interesting and I feel ispertinent to what I'm sharing
with you all.
He said this in documentary 636, page 103, and I quote if
(09:52):
something happens tomorrow onforeign soil and the FBI is
asked to respond, they sendpeople over there, they gather
evidence immediately, they takestatements immediately and
people who are involved areindependent observers and they
begin and they bring that backhere.
Maybe a case like that youcould hear and make sense of,
but not this case, not this case.
(10:14):
This happened in liberia in1999 and 02, with the trial in
2008.
This case is warped, it isdisfig.
Because of that, your responsein that situation cannot be no,
let's give the government abreak.
It has to be no, let's tryharder, let's make sure we get
it right.
End quote my commentary Topursue a case six years after
(10:40):
supposed allegations underprosecutorial misconduct,
disregarding the Department ofJustice Criminal Resource Manual
no 20 guidelines, undermineddue process.
From the beginning, the judge inthe case aids the government
ensuring the jury did notaddress the conspiracy, which
requires two or more Docket,entry 600, page 122.
(11:01):
The court states, and I quote Idon't think it's a problem that
we tell them not to speculateabout something.
They're just told that it's nottheir concern.
The court goes on to state Ithink it's a fair instruction.
It's not one I wouldcustomarily give because I don't
think the party's ever proposedit and it's not in our standard
instructions, but it's acorrect statement.
(11:23):
They're not to speculate on whoelse is not here, the who else
is not here.
They were referring to thoseco-conspirators that couldn't
have been indicted because theywere neither US citizens nor
found in the United States.
The jury was instructed toinclude—was not instructed to
include the two or morerequirement as proof of a
(11:44):
conspiracy.
It is not enough to say thatthree people did something.
Evidence from co-conspirators,testimony documents, audio are
needed to prove a conspiracy.
That did not happen.
End of part one.
Part two During the trial thegovernment had defense
witnesses' families intimidatedto deter them from testifying on
(12:06):
my behalf.
My defense counsel states, andI quote, docket entry 594, page
4.
Interviewing our witnesses,quite a few said they had called
their families in Liberia Oneway or the other.
Their families had beenharassed, threatened because our
witnesses had come to testifyat Chuckie Taylor's trial.
(12:27):
No one has been physically hurtyet, but some have had to leave
home.
They are in hiding.
One witness told me a list ofour witnesses' names showed up
in the hands of the LiberianNational Police.
I contacted the governmentabout this over the week and
they gave me the name of theLiberian National Police.
I contacted the governmentabout this over the week and
they gave me the name of theLiberian National Police Officer
(12:48):
.
Docket entry 600, page 81,.
Defense counsel states, and Iquote good afternoon your honor
judge.
We have not been able to locatetwo witnesses.
I would like to put on therecord a request.
The two gentlemen are AlexanderZina and Jacob Madiv.
(13:09):
We've interviewed both of thesemen in Liberia.
They gave us relevantexculpatory evidence concerning
our client.
We brought them here along withother witnesses Shortly after
witnesses arrived, some of them,not these two gentlemen in
particular.
Shortly after witnesses arrived, some of them not these two
gentlemen in particular beganreceiving information from
(13:32):
Liberia that some of thewitnesses' families had been
threatened and harassed becausethey had come to testify on
Chuckie Taylor's trial.
End quote CommentaryOverzealous prosecutors deepened
the misconduct by providing theLiberian National Police a copy
of the defense witness list tohave the people who came to
America intimidated andfrightened to testify in
providing exculpatory evidenceby having their families
(13:52):
eventually beaten, stabbed, ifnot outrightly shot.
This was designed to gain anunfair advantage at trial shot.
This was designed to gain anunfair advantage at trial.
The government became concernedwhen the witness list of some
18 to 19 persons came to testifyon my behalf.
The question becomes why wouldthe prosecution give the
Liberian government that wasunder the control of Ellen
(14:13):
Johnson Salif, a longtimepolitical opponent of President
Charles Taylor, the person whorequested for President Charles
Taylor's extradition fromNigeria to face charges before
the criminal court, except togain an unfair advantage by
crippling the defense counsel?
The witness list had to havebeen released to the government
(14:35):
because they demanded it priorto trial and they knowingly
turned it over to a hostilegovernment in Liberia.
The government engineered.
Continued commentary.
The government engineered aguilty verdict, with the judge
providing the cover.
(14:59):
I'd like to move on to thewitnesses because in my Acosta
interview he doubted thevalidity of this conviction and
he sought to render theimpression that everything
stated by witnesses wasabsolutely true.
And I have this to say All ofthe witnesses had a motive to
(15:23):
exaggerate the facts, in somecases outrightly lie.
I challenge any objective trialattorney and seasoned jurist to
read the trial transcripts ofvictims' testimony.
In my case you will find atleast 40% was beyond what is
plausible or realistic.
Find at least 40% was beyondwhat is plausible or realistic.
(15:45):
40% goes way beyond the 10%margin of error, which means the
testimony was engineered.
Some of this 40% is simplyscientifically impossible.
And I'll repeat some of this40% is simply scientifically
impossible.
I want to exercise restraintfrom calling any names as not to
provide detractors fuelinformation, but I will say the
trial transcripts are availableon PASA.
(16:10):
Several individuals lied ontheir asylum applications to
gain priority on getting asylum.
Normally the way that it goesand the hustle.
Normally the way that it goesand the hustle.
The more severe the story andthe more prominent people's
names involved in a country, themore serious your claim is
taken.
Everyone in the immigrantcommunity uses this card when
(16:31):
available.
You know, and not to digress, Ihad an old chick that I was
smashing back in Liberia duringthe war.
She inevitably used my name.
This call is from a federalprison.
She inevitably used my name,and I had no problem with her
doing so, because I understoodthe hardship that was in Liberia
.
She's in Europe now, and sothis is a common tactic that's
normally applied, and I want togo on Interesting Ex-mayor Lori
(16:55):
Lightfoot of Chicago representeda victim in a criminal case.
Foot of Chicago represented avictim in the criminal case.
Apparently, vamoya was Cromart'snephew, a rebel leader who
fought then rebel leader CharlesTaylor, who fought during the
(17:16):
Civil War.
This was a man who contractedHIV and fled to America to
obtain life-saving treatmentafter infecting dozens of women
in Liberia, leaving a trail ofdestruction.
All of this Lori Lightfoot wasmore than likely aware of.
He used my name and PresidentTaylor's name to get asylum and
this is very important for theaudience to understand.
All of the witnesses received a$5,000 check from the DOJ, the
(17:39):
prosecutor's office, under aprogram called EWAP E-W-A-P, I
believe it stands for EmergencyWitness Assistance Program.
This is about $40,000 Liberiandollars, which is about three
years' salary.
So people were literally paidto come and testify at my trial.
(18:00):
So we have prosecutors thatcommitted several acts of
misconduct to secure thisconviction.
One, they went outside of DOJguidelines, misapplied the
statute against me, committedfraud, violated my
constitutional rights.
Two, they tied the defensehands, hindering the
investigation under a highlyrestricted protective order,
(18:23):
depriving defense from usingvictims' names to get to the
truth.
During their few times theywent to Liberia, no more than
two.
Three had defense witnesses'families intimidated, harassed,
stabbed, beaten, beaten, if notshot, during the course of this
trial.
Four, placing me in a one-manconspiracy.
(18:45):
Five manipulating juryinstructions.
In relation to the conspiracycount.
It is illegal under 28 usc 530Bfor any prosecutor to do the
following things A prosecutorcannot A conceal or knowingly
(19:06):
fail to disclose that which heor she is required by law to
reveal.
B knowingly use purgenttestimony or false evidence.
C knowingly make a falsestatement of law or fact.
B it is unprofessional conductfor a prosecutor to institute or
cause to be instituted or toperform the continued pendency
(19:27):
of criminal charges when it isknown that the charges are not
supported by probable cause.
E A lawyer shall not knowinglyoffer evidence that the lawyer
knows to be false.
If a lawyer has offeredmaterial evidence and comes to
know of its falsity, the lawyershall take remedial measures
under ABA rule of professionalconduct 3.3.
(19:49):
This did not happen.
I blew trial and received aninety nine I mean a 97-year
sentence and I went to trialsbased on principle.
Post-trial years later I fileda Freedom of Information Act
(20:09):
asking the DOJ to provide theevidence used to prove I
violated a conspiracy count theconspiracy count.
After a year they releaseddocuments under FOIA
FOIA-2016-02166.
The records were non-responsiveto my request.
(20:30):
I appeal and I state therecords released are
non-responsive to my request.
In other words, no evidencefrom the child transcripts have
been provided to prove where aconspiracy was committed.
I go on to state the FOIArequest is directly connected to
a substantive due processviolation and misconduct by
(20:54):
prosecution.
In essence, the FOIA releaseprovided no evidence from the
trial record that supported aguilty verdict.
I was denied by the OIP.
Now the OIP is a body that isintended to receive any appeals
when there's an objection to arelease of FOIA.
(21:15):
I received the DOJ appealnumber under the Office of
Information Policy, doj numberDOJ-AP-2017-005286.
In the first paragraph itstated you appeal the action of
the Executive Office of UnitedStates Attorneys on your Freedom
(21:36):
of Information Act request foraccess to records located in the
United States Attorney's Officefor the Southern District of
Florida concerningco-conspirators in your criminal
case and evidence relied on toprove violations of 18 USC 2340
AC conspiracy to commit torture.
They go on to state the records, excuse me.
(21:59):
They go on to state I havedetermined that the EOUSA
response was correct and that itconcluded an adequate,
reasonable search for reasons.
This call is from a federalprison.
(22:44):
Guarding your request fornotification to an investigatory
body that handles misconduct byprosecutors, as well as a
notification to the AttorneyGeneral's Office on the
violation of access toinformation pursuant to the FOIA
and the Privacy Act of 1974 bythe Justice Department.
This office does not have theauthority to review or assist
you in any criminal case.
I regret that I cannot be ofany further assistance.
Moving on, after I receivedthis denial, I decided to write
(23:06):
a letter directly to the AG'soffice.
At that time I submitted aletter and a package to the
Attorney General and I wasassigned a mail referral number,
number 386-4474.
This was intended to get aninvestigation launched based
upon misconduct by attorneysinvolved in the case.
Nine months of no action, Imoved on.
(23:32):
I proceeded to file at 2241.
A writ of habeas corpus basedupon a FOIA bringing new
evidence previously unavailablein relation to a 4001A violation
.
It was a long litigation.
I was denied, but there wassomething that came out that was
very interesting by theresponse from alternative
prosecutors.
They say this While thepetition could be liberally read
(23:52):
to assert that informationrecently obtained through FOIA
requests allegedly showsevidence that petitioner is
wrongfully convicted, theallegation is not properly
brought pursuant to 2241.
So what happens is this duringthe court process, courts are
known to use procedural bars inorder to avoid addressing the
(24:15):
merits of this case.
I had gone through extensivelitigation.
I had exercised almost everyavailable avenue being a pro se
inmate because I had received nohelp from anywhere out in the
world and they knew very wellthat I had already filed any
possible remedy under what iscalled a second or successive
(24:37):
petition under newly discoveredevidence or successive petition
under newly discovered evidence.
I was stonewalled, and I havebeen and was stonewalled in
every district court that Ifiled paperwork in.
My only hope now is a clemencyor a pardon from President Trump
.
If I don't receive that, I willdie in prison.
Thank you, hello, lfbg.
(25:01):
This is part three to the legalanalysis that I provided
earlier, and I just want to saythis After years of study,
reading multiple books, Ifinally feel like I have a
coherent theory as to whatreally happened.
(25:21):
As to what really happened andhere it is, here's my analysis I
feel like prosecutorsimplemented techniques of gray
and black propaganda, which isalso called covert propaganda.
Covert propaganda refers toinformation, ideas, symbolic
actions whose sponsors remainunknown.
(25:41):
Covert propaganda can be black,well-hidden, or gray,
disseminated with a thin veil ofcover.
Propaganda itself may betruthful or intentionally false.
Gray propaganda hides itssource from the uninitiated
public, but not from thesophisticated observers, and
this is essentially whathappened to me.
Over the years, I became asophisticated observer through
(26:01):
in-depth study and reading.
I've become an avid readerduring my time in prison.
So the source that I got thisfrom is from a book called Dirty
Tricks of Trump Cards US CovertAction and Counterintelligence
by Roy Godson.
He's actually one of myfavorite authors and he teaches
at a university I believeGeorgetown in relation to this
(26:24):
subject, a well-tenuredprofessor.
He goes on to state most covertpropaganda now is aimed at the
mass media formerly the printmedia by increasingly the
electronic media as well.
And I'll repeat this again Mostcovert propaganda now is aimed
at the mass media formerly theprint media, but increasingly
(26:45):
the electronic media as well.
Sometimes governments set upnewspapers or acquire
controlling interests in them,an expensive and usually
transparent mechanism.
A more common tactic is topersuade journalists to carry
gray or black propaganda byproviding them informational
(27:06):
money.
The interested party mayactually deliver the text of the
message to the journalist.
However, most journalists oftenbetter writers than them
operatives resist such crudemanipulation and prefer to write
up their own stories using anoutline.
(27:26):
The governments or governmentemploy the techniques before,
during and after trial, and withthe media, specifically within
the well-placed article by ajournalist named Johnny Dwyer.
(27:47):
Many who have followed my casewill know that in 2008, the
Rolling Stones actuallypublished a story a month before
I went to trial, called theAmerican Warlord.
Proof of it being a propagandapiece was the front page of the
article has my face plastered ona well-known photo of
then-Rebel leader Charles Taylorin a fatigued uniform holding
(28:09):
an AK-47.
The picture was literallydoctored All right, so the
entire trial had the hallmarksof an intelligence information
operation.
The entire trial had thehallmarks of an intelligence
information operation.
So the reason why I wanted toshare this with the LFTG
audience is this I wanted tounderscore how important it is
for podcasts and outfits thatare emerging to be an
(28:35):
alternative voice to the legacymedia.
When I saw what happened toPresident Trump, it was a
classic operation, and so I'm anindependent.
I'm not a Republican or Democrat.
The truth is the truth for me.
I'm a strategist, not anactivist.
I believe in results.
I'm results orientated, but itwas classic because I saw it
(29:00):
play out in my instance, it'sjust that I lack it play out.
In my instance, it's just thatI lacked the resources, the
(29:23):
timing of the indict itself,strategically placed in the
media that was taking its truthand fact all of that time to
produce an effect.
This was the essence ofpropaganda.
So when you hear fake news,there is some validity to that,
because I've lived it, I'menduring it right now, I've
gotten a life sentence for it,and these people want me to die
in jail.
Without your help, without thisLFTG audience supporting a
(29:46):
changeorg petition that I canattach toa clemency or pardon
papers, I'm going to die inprison.
I have a major contribution tomake on both sides of the
continent, everything fromsocial theories on a concept I
have called self-oppression toinventions, business ideas, you
name it.
Yet I languish based uponsomething that wasn't done, and
(30:09):
I'm going to have critics thatsay well, you know he had to
have done something.
Well, that's not how the lawworks.
The government is the mostwell-resourced government on the
planet Billions of dollarsavailable to them.
They're supposed to bringforward cases that they can
prove, not manufacture, andthat's what happened in my case.
Lftg is a very important site.
(30:31):
In fact, I was told from a goodfriend that the Alphabet Boys
actually came to see bro, andI'm not surprised because the
truth is being spoken.
But that's needed right now.
That's needed right now.
No legacy media would haveprovided me the ability to do
what I'm doing right now.
(30:52):
I was shut down in everyinstance.
I just wrote the wall streetjournal.
No, because my theory can'tprove it technically, but most
in the journalistic communitythat hear my story already
understand that this was a hitjob.
Nobody wants to undo a hit jobbecause the way journalists work
(31:13):
, they get a lot of theirstories from government
officials, prosecutors.
Nobody wants to be blackballedin receiving sources and
information, but because they doso, they're also subject to
disinformation.
This is how it works.
But I don't want to go too deepbecause it's better for me to
be underestimated thanoverestimated.
But listen, I want to thankeverybody now and hopefully in
(31:36):
the future.
This call is from a federalprison.
Thank everybody now and in thefuture who will potentially
support this, but understandthis.
Lftg is respected by the men inhere and I plan on passing this
information on to good men forthem to be able to get their
stories out to.
Thank you.
Hello LFTG audience.
This is Chucky Taylor, alsoknown as Gamayi Samel.
I wanted to take theunprecedented step, based upon
me asking for your support, toread to you the entirety of the
petition, the entirety of thecontents that I want to put in
the petition.
From there you'll be given achance to ask any questions in
(00:25):
relation to what I've stated,and it is my hope that, upon
hearing these two parts, thatyou'll be able to join the call
on the changeorg petition thatwill be created.
A well-placed source in theLiberian government at the time
relayed to individuals who wereclose to me years later, former
(00:50):
President of Liberia EllenJohnson Salif, pushed for my
prosecution based upon herrelationship with President
George W Bush.
Proof of this closeness wasbased upon Laura Bush attending
the Liberian inauguration.
In addition, there wereconfluence of factors that
contributed to my prosecution.
Number one at that time, USofficials were under pressure by
other Western allies toprosecute under 18 USC 2340
(01:14):
anti-torture statute, thelegislation that was enacted to
meet America's treaty obligationunder the Convention Against
Torture based upon the usage ofenhanced interrogation
techniques, ie waterboarding, byUS security officials.
At that time, Two human rightsgroups were pushing for action
to be taken for prosecutionunder that statute as well.
(01:35):
Three they sought a debrieffrom me based upon activities in
Africa.
The indictment was a way tocreate leverage, to force me or
create the pressure to encourageme to become an informant.
Two people came to see me aftermy initial arrest, One being
named Frank Fountain, former CIAcounsel, who also worked on the
(01:55):
prosecution for Charles Taylorduring the International
Criminal Court case, andMadeline Morris, a professor at
Duke University.
Both of them relayed this truthto me.
A professor at Duke University.
Both of them relayed this truthto me.
They warned me I'd be indictedor an indictment would occur
without me debriefing.
The prosecution from thebeginning went outside DOJ
guidelines, specificallyCriminal Resource Manual no 20,
(02:19):
which states Section 2340 ofTitle 18, United States Code
prohibits torture committed bypublic officials under color of
law against persons with publicofficials' custody or control.
The jurisdictional section ofthe statute that I was indicted
under, specifically 18 USC 2340,Section B1 and 2, requires for
(02:42):
prosecution a person is a USnational or found in the US.
This call is from a federalprison.
It was deceptive for theDepartment of Justice to approve
the indictment based upon mebeing a US national.
Only it required I be a publicofficial.
This indictment does notcontain any language.
I was a public official.
For me to have been a publicofficial, I could not have been
(03:05):
a US citizen, but rather aLiberian citizen.
The indictment was predicatedupon me being a US citizen.
Clear conflict.
The indictment, on page 4 of 19,states defendant and others
conspired to commit acts underthe color of law.
Again, no mention of publicofficial.
Further proof of this publicofficial requirement is the
(03:29):
congressional history of thestatute it reveals.
The statute was enacted to meetAmerica's treaty obligation
based upon the United NationsTreaty Convention Against
Torture, which was designed toregulate the conduct and to hold
account officials of variousgovernments, as only countries
and or nations can be members ofthe United Nations.
My commentary there was anunconstitutional application of
(03:54):
the statute, violating my rightsunder the Fifth Amendment back
in 2006.
A brief history for thisaudience.
Two people that played a rolein crafting this unethical,
unlawful and fraudulentindictment were, one, alex
Fisher and two, alex Acosta.
Both were part of the groupthat provided legal cover for
(04:15):
the waterboarding during 9-11,which was called the Bybee Memos
or the Torture Memos.
Alexander Acosta would later bedemoted to the United States
Attorney's Office where I wasindicted.
During that same time him asUnited States Attorney in the
Southern District of Florida, heapproved my legal indictment.
He provided Jeffrey Epstein asweetheart deal by not indicting
(04:39):
him federally, which led to himcontinuing his sex trafficking
crimes.
President Trump later firedAlex Acosta after the
revelations came out during hisfirst administration.
My case was prosecuted in thatSouthern District because he was
a United States attorney.
At that time, the SouthernDistrict of Florida United
(05:02):
States Attorney's Office had thehighest rates of prosecutorial
misconduct.
This is a fact that can beindependently corroborated.
The judge appointed wasnominated by George W Bush, who
had honored the request by theLiberian president based upon
all interests the Texas-basedcompany was pursuing in Liberia
at that time.
Pre-trial During the pre-trialphase, which was the preparation
(05:25):
for trial, the judge placedsome highly restrictive
protective orders on Bradymaterial.
Now for the audience.
Brady material is exculpatoryevidence, so evidence that you
can use based upon what thegovernment plans on using to
prosecute his case, making itimpossible for the defense to
investigate in Liberia.
(05:45):
In fact, the defense team madeonly one, maybe two trips to
Liberia to investigate a casethat went to trial six years
after indictment.
In a country wracked by civilwar, with massive internally
displaced people and tens ofthousands who had not returned
to Liberia after the Civil War.
(06:06):
We could not use the victims'names to investigate in any
particular way Trial During thetrial phase of the proceeding we
weren't aware.
We assumed that the governmentwould have been able to prove
the conspiracy to commit torturecount, which was the heart of
(06:26):
the indictment.
They did not.
I was placed in a one-manconspiracy, which is the heart
of the indictment.
Conspiracy requires two or more.
The allegation was Liberiangovernment officials and I
conspired, those being PresidentCharles Taylor, security
Director Benjamin Yeten,natu-based Commandant David
(06:48):
Campari.
None are indictable accordingto the jurisdictional part of
the statute 18 USC 2340, b1 and2.
I repeat none are indictableaccording to the jurisdictional
part of the statute, whichrequires you are a US national
or found in the United States.
I was indicted three timesunder this bogus conspiracy,
(07:12):
which means I had supersedingindictments with the government
expanding the conspiracyallegations every time.
Now for listeners any timeevidence is entered in trial it
needs to be entered under acourt rule.
All evidence at trial needs tobe entered under this standard.
To enter evidence that relatedto any conspiracy, it needs to
(07:32):
be entered under 801-D2E, whichis what is called co-conspirator
testimony.
No evidence was ever enteredunder 801-D2E.
Again, the co-conspirators werenever in the United States to
testify, not that PresidentCharles Taylor, security
Director Benjamin Yat-sen or thebase commandant would have
(07:53):
validated such an erroneousconspiracy.
The indictment was a sham.
Now I'm going to citetranscripts so, to make this
more interactive, the public caninvestigate and confirm in real
time what I'm saying via PACER,which is called public access.
This call is from a federalprison.
(08:16):
The public can reinvestigate,according to PACER, what I'm
saying, which means publicaccess to court electronic
records.
Okay, the information.
I was indicted in the SouthernDistrict of Florida under the
United States District Courtunder criminal case
106-CR-20758-CharlieMikeAlphaCMA.
(08:42):
Now anything can be found upona docket sheet once it's cited.
That is the heart of howanybody can track anyone's case.
The government essentially usedalleged victims to prove a
conspiracy.
Docket entry 592, page 8 states, and I quote we have five
victims that are going to comein and testify.
They were tortured and there'sa conspiracy to torture them to
(09:05):
keep Charles Tell in power.
End quote Commentary.
To rely on alleged victims toprove a conspiracy is not proof
of a conspiracy at all.
A total of nine agentstestified.
None could independentlycorroborate this conspiracy.
No Liberian governmentdocuments.
No Liberian official provideddeposition testimony.
No affidavits.
This was an indictment ofalleged victims' words against
(09:28):
mine.
Clearly not the way toprosecute the first torture case
in United States history.
My defense counsel sayssomething that's very
interesting and I feel ispertinent to what I'm sharing
with you all.
He said this in documentary 636, page 103, and I quote if
(09:52):
something happens tomorrow onforeign soil and the FBI is
asked to respond, they sendpeople over there, they gather
evidence immediately, they takestatements immediately and
people who are involved areindependent observers and they
begin and they bring that backhere.
Maybe a case like that youcould hear and make sense of,
but not this case, not this case.
(10:14):
This happened in liberia in1999 and 02, with the trial in
2008.
This case is warped, it isdisfig.
Because of that, your responsein that situation cannot be no,
let's give the government abreak.
It has to be no, let's tryharder, let's make sure we get
it right.
End quote my commentary Topursue a case six years after
(10:40):
supposed allegations underprosecutorial misconduct,
disregarding the Department ofJustice Criminal Resource Manual
no 20 guidelines, undermineddue process.
From the beginning, the judge inthe case aids the government
ensuring the jury did notaddress the conspiracy, which
requires two or more Docket,entry 600, page 122.
(11:01):
The court states, and I quote Idon't think it's a problem that
we tell them not to speculateabout something.
They're just told that it's nottheir concern.
The court goes on to state Ithink it's a fair instruction.
It's not one I wouldcustomarily give because I don't
think the party's ever proposedit and it's not in our standard
instructions, but it's acorrect statement.
(11:23):
They're not to speculate on whoelse is not here, the who else
is not here.
They were referring to thoseco-conspirators that couldn't
have been indicted because theywere neither US citizens nor
found in the United States.
The jury was instructed toinclude—was not instructed to
include the two or morerequirement as proof of a
(11:44):
conspiracy.
It is not enough to say thatthree people did something.
Evidence from co-conspirators,testimony documents, audio are
needed to prove a conspiracy.
That did not happen.
End of part one.
Part two During the trial thegovernment had defense
witnesses' families intimidatedto deter them from testifying on
(12:06):
my behalf.
My defense counsel states, andI quote, docket entry 594, page
4.
Interviewing our witnesses,quite a few said they had called
their families in Liberia Oneway or the other.
Their families had beenharassed, threatened because our
witnesses had come to testifyat Chuckie Taylor's trial.
(12:27):
No one has been physically hurtyet, but some have had to leave
home.
They are in hiding.
One witness told me a list ofour witnesses' names showed up
in the hands of the LiberianNational Police.
I contacted the governmentabout this over the week and
they gave me the name of theLiberian National Police.
I contacted the governmentabout this over the week and
they gave me the name of theLiberian National Police Officer
(12:48):
.
Docket entry 600, page 81,.
Defense counsel states, and Iquote good afternoon your honor
judge.
We have not been able to locatetwo witnesses.
I would like to put on therecord a request.
The two gentlemen are AlexanderZina and Jacob Madiv.
(13:09):
We've interviewed both of thesemen in Liberia.
They gave us relevantexculpatory evidence concerning
our client.
We brought them here along withother witnesses Shortly after
witnesses arrived, some of them,not these two gentlemen in
particular.
Shortly after witnesses arrived, some of them not these two
gentlemen in particular beganreceiving information from
(13:32):
Liberia that some of thewitnesses' families had been
threatened and harassed becausethey had come to testify on
Chuckie Taylor's trial.
End quote CommentaryOverzealous prosecutors deepened
the misconduct by providing theLiberian National Police a copy
of the defense witness list tohave the people who came to
America intimidated andfrightened to testify in
providing exculpatory evidenceby having their families
(13:52):
eventually beaten, stabbed, ifnot outrightly shot.
This was designed to gain anunfair advantage at trial shot.
This was designed to gain anunfair advantage at trial.
The government became concernedwhen the witness list of some
18 to 19 persons came to testifyon my behalf.
The question becomes why wouldthe prosecution give the
Liberian government that wasunder the control of Ellen
(14:13):
Johnson Salif, a longtimepolitical opponent of President
Charles Taylor, the person whorequested for President Charles
Taylor's extradition fromNigeria to face charges before
the criminal court, except togain an unfair advantage by
crippling the defense counsel?
The witness list had to havebeen released to the government
(14:35):
because they demanded it priorto trial and they knowingly
turned it over to a hostilegovernment in Liberia.
The government engineered.
Continued commentary.
The government engineered aguilty verdict, with the judge
providing the cover.
(14:59):
I'd like to move on to thewitnesses because in my Acosta
interview he doubted thevalidity of this conviction and
he sought to render theimpression that everything
stated by witnesses wasabsolutely true.
And I have this to say All ofthe witnesses had a motive to
(15:23):
exaggerate the facts, in somecases outrightly lie.
I challenge any objective trialattorney and seasoned jurist to
read the trial transcripts ofvictims' testimony.
In my case you will find atleast 40% was beyond what is
plausible or realistic.
Find at least 40% was beyondwhat is plausible or realistic.
(15:45):
40% goes way beyond the 10%margin of error, which means the
testimony was engineered.
Some of this 40% is simplyscientifically impossible.
And I'll repeat some of this40% is simply scientifically
impossible.
I want to exercise restraintfrom calling any names as not to
provide detractors fuelinformation, but I will say the
trial transcripts are availableon PASA.
(16:10):
Several individuals lied ontheir asylum applications to
gain priority on getting asylum.
Normally the way that it goesand the hustle.
Normally the way that it goesand the hustle.
The more severe the story andthe more prominent people's
names involved in a country, themore serious your claim is
taken.
Everyone in the immigrantcommunity uses this card when
(16:31):
available.
You know, and not to digress, Ihad an old chick that I was
smashing back in Liberia duringthe war.
She inevitably used my name.
This call is from a federalprison.
She inevitably used my name,and I had no problem with her
doing so, because I understoodthe hardship that was in Liberia
.
She's in Europe now, and sothis is a common tactic that's
normally applied, and I want togo on Interesting Ex-mayor Lori
(16:55):
Lightfoot of Chicago representeda victim in a criminal case.
Foot of Chicago represented avictim in the criminal case.
Apparently, vamoya was Cromart'snephew, a rebel leader who
fought then rebel leader CharlesTaylor, who fought during the
(17:16):
Civil War.
This was a man who contractedHIV and fled to America to
obtain life-saving treatmentafter infecting dozens of women
in Liberia, leaving a trail ofdestruction.
All of this Lori Lightfoot wasmore than likely aware of.
He used my name and PresidentTaylor's name to get asylum and
this is very important for theaudience to understand.
All of the witnesses received a$5,000 check from the DOJ, the
(17:39):
prosecutor's office, under aprogram called EWAP E-W-A-P, I
believe it stands for EmergencyWitness Assistance Program.
This is about $40,000 Liberiandollars, which is about three
years' salary.
So people were literally paidto come and testify at my trial.
(18:00):
So we have prosecutors thatcommitted several acts of
misconduct to secure thisconviction.
One, they went outside of DOJguidelines, misapplied the
statute against me, committedfraud, violated my
constitutional rights.
Two, they tied the defensehands, hindering the
investigation under a highlyrestricted protective order,
(18:23):
depriving defense from usingvictims' names to get to the
truth.
During their few times theywent to Liberia, no more than
two.
Three had defense witnesses'families intimidated, harassed,
stabbed, beaten, beaten, if notshot, during the course of this
trial.
Four, placing me in a one-manconspiracy.
(18:45):
Five manipulating juryinstructions.
In relation to the conspiracycount.
It is illegal under 28 usc 530Bfor any prosecutor to do the
following things A prosecutorcannot A conceal or knowingly
(19:06):
fail to disclose that which heor she is required by law to
reveal.
B knowingly use purgenttestimony or false evidence.
C knowingly make a falsestatement of law or fact.
B it is unprofessional conductfor a prosecutor to institute or
cause to be instituted or toperform the continued pendency
(19:27):
of criminal charges when it isknown that the charges are not
supported by probable cause.
E A lawyer shall not knowinglyoffer evidence that the lawyer
knows to be false.
If a lawyer has offeredmaterial evidence and comes to
know of its falsity, the lawyershall take remedial measures
under ABA rule of professionalconduct 3.3.
(19:49):
This did not happen.
I blew trial and received aninety nine I mean a 97-year
sentence and I went to trialsbased on principle.
Post-trial years later I fileda Freedom of Information Act
(20:09):
asking the DOJ to provide theevidence used to prove I
violated a conspiracy count theconspiracy count.
After a year they releaseddocuments under FOIA
FOIA-2016-02166.
The records were non-responsiveto my request.
(20:30):
I appeal and I state therecords released are
non-responsive to my request.
In other words, no evidencefrom the child transcripts have
been provided to prove where aconspiracy was committed.
I go on to state the FOIArequest is directly connected to
a substantive due processviolation and misconduct by
(20:54):
prosecution.
In essence, the FOIA releaseprovided no evidence from the
trial record that supported aguilty verdict.
I was denied by the OIP.
Now the OIP is a body that isintended to receive any appeals
when there's an objection to arelease of FOIA.
(21:15):
I received the DOJ appealnumber under the Office of
Information Policy, doj numberDOJ-AP-2017-005286.
In the first paragraph itstated you appeal the action of
the Executive Office of UnitedStates Attorneys on your Freedom
(21:36):
of Information Act request foraccess to records located in the
United States Attorney's Officefor the Southern District of
Florida concerningco-conspirators in your criminal
case and evidence relied on toprove violations of 18 USC 2340
AC conspiracy to commit torture.
They go on to state the records, excuse me.
(21:59):
They go on to state I havedetermined that the EOUSA
response was correct and that itconcluded an adequate,
reasonable search for reasons.
This call is from a federalprison.
(22:44):
Guarding your request fornotification to an investigatory
body that handles misconduct byprosecutors, as well as a
notification to the AttorneyGeneral's Office on the
violation of access toinformation pursuant to the FOIA
and the Privacy Act of 1974 bythe Justice Department.
This office does not have theauthority to review or assist
you in any criminal case.
I regret that I cannot be ofany further assistance.
Moving on, after I receivedthis denial, I decided to write
(23:06):
a letter directly to the AG'soffice.
At that time I submitted aletter and a package to the
Attorney General and I wasassigned a mail referral number,
number 386-4474.
This was intended to get aninvestigation launched based
upon misconduct by attorneysinvolved in the case.
Nine months of no action, Imoved on.
(23:32):
I proceeded to file at 2241.
A writ of habeas corpus basedupon a FOIA bringing new
evidence previously unavailablein relation to a 4001A violation
.
It was a long litigation.
I was denied, but there wassomething that came out that was
very interesting by theresponse from alternative
prosecutors.
They say this While thepetition could be liberally read
(23:52):
to assert that informationrecently obtained through FOIA
requests allegedly showsevidence that petitioner is
wrongfully convicted, theallegation is not properly
brought pursuant to 2241.
So what happens is this duringthe court process, courts are
known to use procedural bars inorder to avoid addressing the
(24:15):
merits of this case.
I had gone through extensivelitigation.
I had exercised almost everyavailable avenue being a pro se
inmate because I had received nohelp from anywhere out in the
world and they knew very wellthat I had already filed any
possible remedy under what iscalled a second or successive
(24:37):
petition under newly discoveredevidence or successive petition
under newly discovered evidence.
I was stonewalled, and I havebeen and was stonewalled in
every district court that Ifiled paperwork in.
My only hope now is a clemencyor a pardon from President Trump
.
If I don't receive that, I willdie in prison.
Thank you, hello, lfbg.
(25:01):
This is part three to the legalanalysis that I provided
earlier, and I just want to saythis After years of study,
reading multiple books, Ifinally feel like I have a
coherent theory as to whatreally happened.
(25:21):
As to what really happened andhere it is, here's my analysis I
feel like prosecutorsimplemented techniques of gray
and black propaganda, which isalso called covert propaganda.
Covert propaganda refers toinformation, ideas, symbolic
actions whose sponsors remainunknown.
(25:41):
Covert propaganda can be black,well-hidden, or gray,
disseminated with a thin veil ofcover.
Propaganda itself may betruthful or intentionally false.
Gray propaganda hides itssource from the uninitiated
public, but not from thesophisticated observers, and
this is essentially whathappened to me.
Over the years, I became asophisticated observer through
(26:01):
in-depth study and reading.
I've become an avid readerduring my time in prison.
So the source that I got thisfrom is from a book called Dirty
Tricks of Trump Cards US CovertAction and Counterintelligence
by Roy Godson.
He's actually one of myfavorite authors and he teaches
at a university I believeGeorgetown in relation to this
(26:24):
subject, a well-tenuredprofessor.
He goes on to state most covertpropaganda now is aimed at the
mass media formerly the printmedia by increasingly the
electronic media as well.
And I'll repeat this again Mostcovert propaganda now is aimed
at the mass media formerly theprint media, but increasingly
(26:45):
the electronic media as well.
Sometimes governments set upnewspapers or acquire
controlling interests in them,an expensive and usually
transparent mechanism.
A more common tactic is topersuade journalists to carry
gray or black propaganda byproviding them informational
(27:06):
money.
The interested party mayactually deliver the text of the
message to the journalist.
However, most journalists oftenbetter writers than them
operatives resist such crudemanipulation and prefer to write
up their own stories using anoutline.
(27:26):
The governments or governmentemploy the techniques before,
during and after trial, and withthe media, specifically within
the well-placed article by ajournalist named Johnny Dwyer.
(27:47):
Many who have followed my casewill know that in 2008, the
Rolling Stones actuallypublished a story a month before
I went to trial, called theAmerican Warlord.
Proof of it being a propagandapiece was the front page of the
article has my face plastered ona well-known photo of
then-Rebel leader Charles Taylorin a fatigued uniform holding
(28:09):
an AK-47.
The picture was literallydoctored All right, so the
entire trial had the hallmarksof an intelligence information
operation.
The entire trial had thehallmarks of an intelligence
information operation.
So the reason why I wanted toshare this with the LFTG
audience is this I wanted tounderscore how important it is
for podcasts and outfits thatare emerging to be an
(28:35):
alternative voice to the legacymedia.
When I saw what happened toPresident Trump, it was a
classic operation, and so I'm anindependent.
I'm not a Republican or Democrat.
The truth is the truth for me.
I'm a strategist, not anactivist.
I believe in results.
I'm results orientated, but itwas classic because I saw it
(29:00):
play out in my instance, it'sjust that I lack it play out.
In my instance, it's just thatI lacked the resources, the
(29:23):
timing of the indict itself,strategically placed in the
media that was taking its truthand fact all of that time to
produce an effect.
This was the essence ofpropaganda.
So when you hear fake news,there is some validity to that,
because I've lived it, I'menduring it right now, I've
gotten a life sentence for it,and these people want me to die
in jail.
Without your help, without thisLFTG audience supporting a
(29:46):
changeorg petition that I canattach toa clemency or pardon
papers, I'm going to die inprison.
I have a major contribution tomake on both sides of the
continent, everything fromsocial theories on a concept I
have called self-oppression toinventions, business ideas, you
name it.
Yet I languish based uponsomething that wasn't done, and
(30:09):
I'm going to have critics thatsay well, you know he had to
have done something.
Well, that's not how the lawworks.
The government is the mostwell-resourced government on the
planet Billions of dollarsavailable to them.
They're supposed to bringforward cases that they can
prove, not manufacture, andthat's what happened in my case.
Lftg is a very important site.
(30:31):
In fact, I was told from a goodfriend that the Alphabet Boys
actually came to see bro, andI'm not surprised because the
truth is being spoken.
But that's needed right now.
That's needed right now.
No legacy media would haveprovided me the ability to do
what I'm doing right now.
(30:52):
I was shut down in everyinstance.
I just wrote the wall streetjournal.
No, because my theory can'tprove it technically, but most
in the journalistic communitythat hear my story already
understand that this was a hitjob.
Nobody wants to undo a hit jobbecause the way journalists work
(31:13):
, they get a lot of theirstories from government
officials, prosecutors.
Nobody wants to be blackballedin receiving sources and
information, but because they doso, they're also subject to
disinformation.
This is how it works.
But I don't want to go too deepbecause it's better for me to
be underestimated thanoverestimated.
But listen, I want to thankeverybody now and hopefully in
(31:36):
the future.
This call is from a federalprison.
Thank everybody now and in thefuture who will potentially
support this, but understandthis.
Lftg is respected by the men inhere and I plan on passing this
information on to good men forthem to be able to get their
stories out to.
Thank you.
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