September 21, 2025 • 36 mins
Are you READY to unlock the mysteries of one of the world's most private communities? Forget everything you think you know about the Amish! We're diving deep behind the bonnets and beards to expose 10 jaw-dropping secrets that will leave you absolutely speechless! 🤫 You've seen the horse and buggies, but what REALLY goes on when the sun goes down? From forbidden choices to hidden rituals and a language that’s NOT what you expect, this series is your exclusive backstage pass into a world that deliberately shuns modern society... but holds MORE secrets than you can imagine!
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Episode Transcript
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Speaker 2 (00:17):
Now.
Speaker 1 (00:17):
When we picture the Amish, the images are often simple
and iconic. A horse and buggy clapping down a country road,
a farmer in a broad brimmed hat, a woman in
a bonnet and plaining dress. These snapshots, while accurate, only
show the surface of one of America's most misunderstood yet
fascinating cultures. They invite curiosity, but rarely reveal the profound
(00:41):
logic and deep seated faith.
Speaker 2 (00:44):
That governed this unique way of life.
Speaker 1 (00:46):
In this video, we hope to pull back the curtain
on the why behind the Amish world. We'll explore ten
practices and beliefs that may seem strange or secretive to outsiders,
but are in fact deliberate choices rooted in centuries of history, scripture,
and an unwavering commitment.
Speaker 2 (01:04):
To a set of core values.
Speaker 1 (01:06):
From the symbolism of a man's beard and the reason
for a child's faceless doll to their unique systems of
mutual aid and adult baptism, each secret is a piece
of a carefully constructed puzzle. Join us as we go
beyond the veneer of simplicity to understand the complex, intentional,
and deeply spiritual world of the Amish now. Of all
(01:33):
the aspects of Amish life that intrigue outsiders, perhaps the
most profound and misunderstood is the principle that being Amish
is not an accident of birth, but a deliberate, conscious
choice made in adulthood. This choice is facilitated by the
well known yet often sensationalized period known as Rumspringer. The
(01:54):
term from Pennsylvania Dutch transplates to running around, and it
marks the critical transition from adolescence to adulthood, typically beginning
around the age of sixteen. It's a time when the
strict rules of the Amish Ordnung or church ordinance are relaxed,
allowing young people to experience the English world before they
decide whether to commit to the Amish faith for life.
(02:17):
During Rumspringer, Amish youth are granted a level of freedom
that starkly contrasts with their sheltered upbringing. They may socialize
with non Amish peers, drive cars, wear contemporary clothing, use
forbidden technology, and engage in activities that are normally forbidden
within their community. The extent of this freedom can vary
significantly between different Amish affiliations, from more conservative groups, where
(02:41):
running around might simply mean attending different youth singings to
more liberal districts where teenagers might purchase a car and
live outside the home for a period. The fundamental purpose, however,
remains the same, to provide an opportunity for an informed decision.
The church and parents understand that a faith that is
forced is not a true faith. For the covenant of
(03:03):
baptism to be meaningful, it must be entered into freely,
with a full understanding of what is being embraced and
what is being relinquished. Now, this period is not merely
a hall pass for wild behavior, as it's often portrayed.
It's a time of profound internal questioning and social exploration.
The individual must weigh the allure of modern conveniences, personal freedom,
(03:26):
and worldly opportunities against the deep seated comfort of family,
the security of a close knit community, and the promise
of salvation. Through their ancestral faith. They witness firsthand the
complexities and challenges of the outside world, which can often
reinforce the appeal of the simplicity, structure and mutual support
inherent in homaged society. The culmination of Rumspringer is the
(03:50):
ultimate choice to return to the community and request baptism,
or to leave and live in the outside world. Needless
to say, this decision is minum mental. To choose baptism
is to make a life long vow to God in
the church gimende, voluntarily submitting to the authority of the
Ordinung for the rest of one's life. This aligns with
(04:11):
their core and a Baptist belief in adult baptism, which
posits that only a mature individual can make a true
confession of faith. Conversely, choosing to leave means severing the
deepest ties of family and community, a painful separation were
all involved. The fact that an estimated eighty five to
ninety percent of young Amish choose to be baptized is
(04:33):
a powerful testament not to a lack of choice, but
to the profound strength and appeal of the culture they
were raised in. It further underscores that the Amish community
is not a static relic, but a society continually renewed
by the conscious, deliberate commitment of each new generation. Now,
among the many visual cues that distinguish the Amish from
(04:56):
the outside world, the specific facial hair of the men
and is one of the most consistent and symbolic. The
rule is simple, yet absolute. After marriage, an Amish man
must grow beard, but he is strictly forbidden from ever
growing a mustache. This practice is far from a merest
stylistic preference. It's a deeply ingrained tradition that communicates a
(05:19):
man's marital status, his commitment to non violence, and his
community's historical identity. The beard or bart holds a revered
place in Amish culture as a public declaration of a
man's transition into adulthood and his role as a husband.
Upon marrying, a young man puts away his razor and
allows his beard to grow for the rest of his life.
(05:41):
This serves as an unambiguous outward sign to the community,
and he's no longer a single youth, but has taken
on the sacred responsibilities of hitting a household. It's a
symbol of his covenant with his wife and his commitment
to his family. The tradition is rooted in Biblical interpretations
that view a beard as a natural attribute of man,
given by God, distinguishing men from women. By letting it grow,
(06:05):
an Amish man is seen as accepting his god given
role with humility. The linked and fullness of the beard
are left in nature as trimming or styling, it would
be considered an act of vanity, a sin the Amish
assidiously avoid. Now, the prohibition against the mustache is equally
significant and is directly tied to the historical persecution of
(06:25):
the Anabaptist, the spiritual ancestors, and the Amish in sixteenth
and seventeenth century Europe. During that era, the mustache was
in fashion among the European military officers and aristocrats, the
very men who wielded swords and led the violent oppression
against the Pacifist and a Baptist. The mustache thus became
inextricably linked with the military, with worldly aggression, and with
(06:49):
the coercive power of the state. For the Amish, whose
faith is built upon the principles of non resistance or
calasanhite and absolute passivism, any associateation with the military as abhorn.
Shaving the upper lip is a deliberate act of separation
from this symbol of violence and pride. It's a quiet
but powerful daily statement of their conscientious objection to war
(07:12):
and their rejection of worldly power structures. By forbidding the mustache,
they continually honor their history and reaffirm withe their most
fundamental religious tenets. In essence, the clean shaven upper lip
is as much a part of their religious uniform as
the beard itself. Together they form a complex symbol, the
(07:32):
beard representing a commitment to their god given role within
the community, and the absent mustache representing a rejection of
the simple, violent ways of the outside world. While English
is the language of commerce and a necessity for the Amish,
the true voice of their community, home and heart is
Pennsylvania Dutch. Often misunderstood due to its name, this unique
(07:57):
language is not a dialect of Dutch from the Netherlands,
but as instead a vibrant German dialect that serves as
a cornerstone of Amish identity and a primary means of
preserving their separation from the modern world. Its persistence and
daily use are a testament to its vital role in
the cohesion and continuity of Amish society. The origins of
(08:17):
Pennsylvania Dutch, known to its speakers as Datsch, traced back
to the seventeenth and eighteenth century. It was carried to
North America by waves of German speaking immigrants fleeing religious
persecution in the Palatinate region of southwestern Germany, as well
as Switzerland and the alsasce in the fertile lands of
southeastern Pennsylvania. These dialects coalesced and evolved in relative isolation.
(08:43):
While its use has faded among the wider population of
German descent, it's been meticulously preserved by the plain communities
chickularly the Old Order Amish, and the Mennonites, for whom
it remains the mother tongue. Over centuries of life in America,
Deutsch has absorbed as an amount of English vocabulary and syntax,
transforming it into a uniquely American language, a living artifact
(09:07):
of their European origins adapted to their new world contact.
The function of Pennsylvania Dutch and Amish society is multifaested
and essential formost It's the language of the home and community,
acting as a powerful social adhesive. It's the language in
which children are raised, lullabizer sung jokes are told, and
(09:27):
daily life unfolds. This shared vernacular creates an immediate and
intimate sense of belonging and reinforces a collective identity from
their English speaking neighbors. It serves as a verbal fence,
if you will, providing a degree of privacy and insulating
the community from outside influences. When Amish individuals converse in Deutsch,
(09:49):
they are reinforcing the boundary between us delete for the
people and them the English. This linguistic separation is a
part of a broader trilingual reality that shapes the Amish
spiritual and social world. The community functions on what can
be described as a linguistic three legged stool. Pennsylvania Dutchess
for every day familiar conversation. Formal High German, which is
(10:13):
closely related to the language of Martin Luther's Bible, is
reserved for the most sacred aspects of life, church services,
scripture readings, and the singing of centuries old hymns from
the Ausbun. Finally, English has learned in their parochial schools
and is used pragmatically for business transactions and necessary interactions
with the non Amish world. Unlike many minority languages that
(10:37):
are facing extinction, Pennsylvania Dutch is thriving due to the
high birth rates and strong retention with Amish communities. The
number of speakers is actively growing. It's not merely a
relic of the past, but the linguistic lifeblood of a living,
expanding culture, ensuring that the Amish remain a people apart,
bound together by the familiar sounds of their ancestral tongue.
(11:02):
Now my dung or shunning is arguably one of the
most severe, controversial, and misunderstood practices within Amish society. From
an outsider's perspective, it can appear cruel and unforgiving for
the Amish. However, it's a deeply spiritual and biblically mandated ordinance,
viewed not as a punishment born of malice, but as
(11:23):
a final, painful act of tough love intended to save
a person's soul and protect the purity of the church.
It's crucial to understand that shunning only applies to individuals
who have made the voluntary adult decision to be baptized
into the Amish Church. By accepting baptism, a person makes
a sacred, lifelong vow to God and the community to
(11:45):
obey the rules of the church. The ordinung shunning is
the consequence of breaking that sacred vow. It's not used
on young people during their rum spring a period, nor
is it applied to those who simply decide not to
join the church in the first place. Is the community's
response to a baptized member who commits the serious transgression,
(12:05):
falls into sin and refuses to repent, or chooses to
leave the church after having made a covenant with it.
Speaker 2 (12:12):
The practice is.
Speaker 1 (12:13):
Rooted in their interpretation of scripture, particularly passages like First
Corinthians five eleven, which instructs believers not to associate or
even eat with a fellow believer who is living in
unrepentant sin. The goal is twofold, first to protect the
spiritual integrity the church Gaminde by removing the corrupting influence
of sin, and second to create a spiritual crisis for
(12:35):
the shunned individual, leading them to recognize their error, repent,
and return to the fold. When the band is enacted,
its application is systematic and deeply felt. Church members, including
the shunned person's own parents, spouse, and siblings, must see
social interactions that would imply fellowship. This most pointedly includes
(12:56):
not eating at the same table, a powerful symbol of
communal and familial bonds. While family members will ensure the
shun person is housed and fed, This ritual separation, it meals,
is a constant, painful reminder of their spiritual disconnection. Furthermore,
members cannot accept any gifts, money, or services from the
shunned individual, nor can they engage in business transactions with them.
(13:20):
This social and economic isolation is designed to make the
person feel the full weight of their separation from God's people.
The emotional toll is immense, both for the person being
shunned and for the family and friends who must enforce
the ban, often while grieving the broken relationship. It's an
act that requires immense discipline, and it's carried out with sorrow,
(13:41):
not anger. The hope is always that the pain of
isolation will lead to repentance. If an individual confesses their
sin and seeks forgiveness, they're welcome back into the community
with open arms and the mydngue is lifted. It's this
ultimate goal of restoration that, in the Amish view, justifies
the heartbreaking severity of the practice. Now, the common image
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of the Amish as a people frozen in time is
a fundamental misunderstanding of their relationship with the modern world.
Speaker 2 (14:13):
They do not.
Speaker 1 (14:13):
Reject technology out of ignorance or a blanket fear of
the new. Instead, they engage in a highly deliberate and
disciplined process of evaluation, asking not is it efficient or
is it new, but rather is it good for our community.
Their approach is one of careful selection, not wholesale rejection,
governed by a deep seated desire to preserve their family structure,
(14:36):
communal bonds, and separation from worldly values. The primary principle
guiding these decisions is the preservation of the community over
the convenience of the individual. Any piece of technology is
scrutinized for its potential to waken the family and the church.
Technologies that foster individualism, vanity, laziness, or pride are typically forbidden.
(14:59):
A example is the personal ownership of an automobile. The
Amish recognized the car's efficiency, but they also see it
as a symbol of status and a tool that would
allow individuals to easily leave the community for work or leisure,
thereby fracturing the local, interdependent society they strive to maintain.
In a similar fashion, television and internet access are universally
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rejected because they would create a direct and uncontrollable pipeline
for secular values, advertising, and entertainment to flow into the home,
eroding their core beliefs. This philosophy of separation is why
the Amish forbid connecting to the public power grid. This
connection represents a tangible umbilical link to the outside world. However,
(15:42):
this does not mean they reject power itself. Instead, they
have adapted using technology on their own terms. It's common
to see an Amish workshop or a dairy barn powered
by a diesel generator. They've also become masters of pneumatic
and hydraulic power, using compressed err or flue to run
sophisticated modern equipment from milking machines to woodworking tools. This
(16:05):
allows them to operate successful businesses and farms without compromising
the crucial principle of being in.
Speaker 2 (16:11):
The world but not of it.
Speaker 1 (16:13):
The homish telephone is another classic example of this nuanced adaptation.
A telephone inside the home is seen as an intrusion
that disrupts family life and conversation. However, recognizing its necessity
for business and emergencies, most communities permit a shared telephone
in a small shanty at the end of a lane
or on the edge of a property. The phone becomes
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a tool to be used with intention rather than a
constant demanding presence. One must walk to use it, which
eliminates frivolous calls and preserves the sanctity of the home
as a place of quiet and connection. Ultimately, decisions about
technology are made slowly and collectively by church leaders. Their
weigh the potential benefits against the long term spiritual and
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social cost. This thoughtful discernment stands in stark contrast to
the modern world's often frenzied embrace of innovation. For its
own sake, the Amish approach is not anti technology. Its
profoundly pro community, serving as a constant living experiment and
how to harness progress without becoming enslaved by it. Now,
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bundling is one of the most sensationalized and misunderstood customs
associated with the Amish. It's a historical courtship practice that,
for the modern mind seems brought with temptation according couple
spending the night together in the same bed. However, this
custom was not born of lacks morality, but of practicality,
and it was governed by strict rules intended to encourage
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emotional intimacy while preventing physical consummation. While its practice has
become exceedingly rare, its history offers a fascinating glimpse into
the social challenges of a bygone era. Now, the origin
of bundling are not uniquely Amish. The custom was widespread
in parts of Europe, and was particularly common in colonial
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America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, especially here in
New England. Its existence was a practical response to the
living conditions.
Speaker 2 (18:15):
Of the time.
Speaker 1 (18:16):
Homes were often small, consisting of just one or two rooms,
offering virtually no privacy for a courting couple. Furthermore, winters
were harsh, and heating a home required significant fuel and effort.
Bundling ingeniously solved both problems. It allowed a young man
who may have traveled a long distance to visit his
intended to stay the night, without the family needing to
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keep a separate parlor fire burning late into the night.
More importantly, it provided the couple with a private, warm,
and comfortable space to talk for hours, fostering the deep
personal connection deemed essential for a lifelong marriage. The practice
was far from a free for all. It was governed
by strict social expectations and often physical barriers. The couple
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was expect it to remain fully clothed at all times.
To enforce this and discourage any physical contact, a bundling
board or a center board, a long thick plank of
wood was often placed down the middle of the bed
to keep the couple physically separated. In some traditions, the
woman's mother might even sow her into a bundling sack
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or stitch the bottom of her nightgown closed before the
young man arrived. The entire arrangement was seen as a
profound test of character and self control for both individuals.
The goal was to build a relationship based on conversation, trust,
and shared values, not physical attraction. It was a chance
to determine true compatibility in the quiet hours of the night,
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away from the prying eyes and ears of the family.
Despite these precautions, bundling has always been controversial. Church leaders
and concerned parents worried about the obvious temptations that presented,
and instances of premarital pregnancies did occur, leading to communities.
As societal norms changed and homes became larger and offered
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more privacy, the practice largely died out in the mainstream world.
Within the Amish community, its prevalence has sharply declined. For
the same reason. Today, bundling is not practiced by the
vast majority of the Amish. It's often found only among
a small number of the most conservative low church affiliations.
(20:25):
Most modern Amish couples court in a manner more familiar
to outsiders, with a young man visiting the young woman
at her home on a Sunday evening, where they are
allowed to sit together and talk, often after the rest
of the family has gone to bed.
Speaker 2 (20:38):
While the legend of bundling.
Speaker 1 (20:39):
Persists, it's now more of a historical curiosity than a
common reality. In the world of children's toys, where dolls
often feature meticulously painted eyes, rosy cheeks, and cheerful smiles,
the traditional Amish doll is a stark and intriguing exception,
typically handmade from scrap cloth addressed in miniature Amish attire.
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Its most notable feature is a complete lack of a face.
This simple blank space is not an oversight or a
lack of artistry. It's a profound and delivered expression of
core Amish beliefs about idolatry, humility, and the nature of identity.
The primary reason for the faceless doll is theological, stemming
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from a literal interpretation of the second commandment in the Bible, Exodus,
Chapter twenty, verse four, thou shalt not make unto thee
any graven image, or any likeness of anything that is
in heaven above or that is in the earth beneath.
For the Amish, creating a doll with a detailed face
is seen as creating a graven image, an attempt to
capture the unique likeness of a human being, which is
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God's special creation. This is the very same religious principle
that prohibits the Homish from posing for photographs, hanging portraits
in their homes, or having their images captured in any form.
An individual's face is considered a personal and sacred thing,
not something to be replicated or displayed. Beyond this strict
biblical interpretation, the faceless doll serves as a powerful everyday
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lesson in humility, demot a cardinal virtue. In Amish culture,
a doll with a beautiful, specific face could inadvertently teach
a child to value outward appearance and foster pride or vanity.
The blank doll, however, shifts the focus inward. It suddenly
communicates the community's belief that everyone is equal in the
eyes of God. It teaches that a person's worth comes
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from their character, their actions, and their spirit, not from
their physical beauty. The doll is plain reflecting the identity
as a plain people. The absence of a fixed expression
also serves as an important developmental purpose. A doll with
a perpetual, molded smile can only ever be happy. A
faceless doll, however, as a blank canvas for a child's imagination,
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the child can decide if the doll is happy, sad, asleep, surprised,
or contemplated. The doll's emotion comes from the child's own
heart and the stories they create. Fustering a richer and
more dynamic form of imaginative play. It encourages children to
project feelings and develop empathy, as they are responsible for
bestowing the doll with its personality and emotional state. In
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this way, the Amish baseless doll is a perfect microcosm
of their worldview. It's a toy born from principles of thrift,
using scrap materials, religious conviction, no graven images, communal values,
humility over pride, and a quiet emphasis on the inner
life over outward show. It's far more than a plaything.
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It's a silent teacher, instilling the foundational tenets of the
Amish faith from the earliest age now. The Amish community's
approach to crisis and disaster is a profound rejection of
modern individualism embodied in their system of mutual aid.
Speaker 2 (23:59):
They do not purchase commercial insurance, whether.
Speaker 1 (24:01):
For property, health, or life, not because they can't afford it,
but because of a deeply held religious conviction. For the Amish,
their insurance policy is the community itself. The system of
collective support is a living, breathing application of the biblical
mandate to bear ye one another's burdens from Galatians Chapter six,
verse two, and it serves as one of the most
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powerful forces binding their society together. Their refusal to buy
insurance is rooted in the belief that relying on impersonal,
worldly corporation for security demonstrates a lack of faith in
God's providence and in the brotherhood of the Church. To
the Amish, paying a premium to a company is essentially
outsourcing a core Christian duty. Their security lives not in
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a legal contract, but in the social and spiritual covenant
they have with one another. This principle reinforces their interdependence
and their separation from the outside world. In times of trouble,
they turn inward to each other, outward to secular institutions,
strengthening their communal bonds and reaffirming their shared identity. This
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practice is also an expression of glosson height, the core
value of submission and humility. By foregoing self sufficiency through insurance,
individuals must only rely on their neighbors in times of need. Conversely,
when a neighbor's in crisis, community members must yield their
own time, labor, and financial resources to help. This constant
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give and take suppresses pride and fosters a spirit of
shared vulnerability and collective responsibility. The most iconic example of
Amish mutual aid is the barn raising. If a family's barn,
the economic heart of the farm, is destroyed by fire
or storm, the loss is catastrophic, yet the response is
immediate and on inspiring. Word spreads quickly through the church district,
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and within days, hundreds of men and boys from the
surrounding area arrive at dawn with pre signed tasks and
pre cut lumber. They work in a swarm of coordinated,
disciplined activity. As the men raise the massive timber frames,
the women of the community manage the equally monumental task
of preparing and serving food to feed the entire workforce,
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often by sundown a new barn now stands where only
ashes lay a day or two before. This same principle
applies to overwhelming healthcare costs. When a family faces a
medical crisis, the church deacons manage the community's responds. The
family is expected to pay what they can, but once
their resources are exhausted, the local church fund takes over.
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If the bills are exceptionally large, a wider appeal is
made to neighboring church districts. Money is collected quietly and
without fanfare, ensuring the family is not buried under a
mountain of medical debt. This system allows them to access
modern medical care without compromising their communal principles, from supporting
widows and orphans to rebuilding after a flood. The Amish
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system of mutual aid is far more more than a
quaint tradition. It's a powerful, practical and spiritual safety net
that ensures no member of the community has ever left
to face disaster alone. The Amish community's relationship with modern
health care is a complex tapestry woven from faith, tradition,
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and pragmatism. It's a common but incorrect assumption that they
reject modern medicine entirely. In reality, The Amish do utilize doctors, dentists,
and hospitals, but their path is seeking that care is
guided by a distinct cultural and spiritual philosophy that prioritizes
natural remedies, community consensus, and a belief in God's ultimate
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control over life and death. For the Amish, the first
line of defense against an illness is typically the home.
They possess a rich tradition of folk medicine and herbal
remedies passed down through generations. Elements are often first treated
with poultices, salves, and tonics made from local plants and
traditionally ingredients. They are also notably open to alternative medicine,
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frequently consulting chiropractors, natural paths, and reflexologies. This preference for
natural and less invasive treatments aligns with their emphasis on
a simple, nature centered lifestyle. When these methods are insufficient,
or for serious matters like traumatic injuries, complicated birth, or
life turning diseases, they will seek professional medical care. However,
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the decision making process is often communal and highly practical.
Cost is a significant factor. Because the Amish do not
carry commercial health insurance, the financial burden of medical care
falls upon the family, and, in the case of catastrophic expense,
the wider church community through the system of mutual aid.
This financial reality makes them discerning health care consumers. They
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are more likely to question the necessity of every expensive
test and procedure, and may travel significant distances to clinics
such as those in Mecha, Xico or specialized centers in
the US known for providing effective, lower cost treatments. Underpinning
their entire approach to health is a profound belief in
God's will. God's will, health, sickness, and healing are ultimately
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seen as being in God's hands. This leads to a
certain stoicism and acceptance of suffering that can seem foreign
to the outside world. While they seek cures, they are
less likely to pursue aggressive, high risk treatments with low
chances of success, especially at the end of life. Prolonging
life through extraordinary technological means can be viewed as interfering
(29:36):
with God's plan. Their perspective also influences their approach to
preventative care and genetics. Routine physicals and screenings are not
a cultural norm. They typically seek medical help when a
problem becomes apparent. Ironically, due to their closed communities and
limited gene pool known as the Founder effect, the Amish
have a higher instance of certain rare genetic disorders. This
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has led to a unique pragmatic relationship with the scientific community,
with some clinic specializing in genetic research and treatment for
the Plain people. This collaboration demonstrates their ability to selectively
engage with advanced medical science when it provides clear, tangible
benefits that align with their communities' needs, proving their approach
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is not one of ignorance, but of careful, considered choice. Now,
the practice of adult baptism is the spiritual and social
bedrock of the Amish Church. Far from being a mere ritual,
it's the defining moment when an individual voluntarily moves from
being a child of the community to a full fledged
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member of the faith. This deliberate, conscious choice, made by
young adults who fully comprehend the lifelong commitment they are undertaking,
is a foundational tenet that separates the Amish from many
other Christian denominations and lies at the very heart of
their Anabaptist identity. To understand the Amish emphasis on adult baptism,
one must look back to the Radical Reformation of the
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sixteenth century, the term Anabaptist was a label meaning rebaptizer,
given to a group of reformers who rejected the widespread
practice of infant baptism. They argued that baptizing an infant
was meaningless as a baby is incapable of understanding sin, repentance,
and faith. Based on their reading of the New Testament,
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they insisted that baptism must follow a personal confession of faith. Therefore,
only an adult who could consciously choose to follow the
teachings of Jesus was a candidate for the right. This
belief was considered heresy and sedition by both Catholic and
Protestant authorities. The Anabaptist's insistence that the true Church was
a voluntary body of committed believers separate from the state
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was a radical threat to the established social order. For
this conviction, tens of thousands were tortured and executed this history.
It martyred him for the principle of a believer's baptism,
abused the act with profile own significance for the Amish today.
In the Amish world, baptism is the solemn cumbination of
Rumspringer after a period of experiencing the outside world. A
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young person who decides to commit to the Amish way
of life will make a start and request instruction for baptism,
typically between the ages of eighteen and twenty two. This
begins a formal period of catastus, where the applicants attend
classes led by church leaders over several months. They study
the Bible, the articles of the sixteen thirty two Dark
(32:32):
Decked Confession of Faith, which is a key at a
Baptist doctrinal statement, and the specific rules and expectations of
their local church, the Ordnung. The baptism ceremony itself is
a simple but deeply moving event held during a regular
church service. The applicants deal before the congregation, and the
bishop asked them a series of probing questions to confirm
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their faith and their promise to forsake the world. The
central vow is a promise to God in the assembled
church to uphold the faith, to submit to the discipline
of the community, and to remain faithful until death. Upon
their affirmation, the bishop performs the baptism by pouring a
small amount of water from a cup over their head.
Speaker 2 (33:13):
By taking this step, the.
Speaker 1 (33:14):
Individual is no longer just a member of a family,
but a full covenant member of the church, he might
day forever bound to its sacred duties and subject to
its discipline. It is this conscious adult choice that gives
the Amished Church its remarkable strength and unity. Now having
journeyed through these ten distinct facets of Amish life, a
(33:37):
central truth emerges. Nothing is arbitrary. What may initially appear
as strange is revealed to be a thread in a
tightly woven fabric of faith, community, and identity. The absence
of a mustache, the rejection of public electricity, the practice
of adult baptism. Each is a conscious affirmation of a
worldview that prioritizes the collective of the individual, humility over pride,
(34:03):
and separation from a world they believe is filled with temptation.
We've seen that their life is not a rejection of progress,
but a careful negotiation with it, guided by the question
of how each choice will impact the family and the church.
Their system of mutual aid is not just a replacement
for insurance, but a living expression of their covenant to
(34:23):
bear one another's burdens. Their faithless dolls are not just
simple toys, but powerful lessons in theology and humility for
the next generation. Ultimately, to understand the Amish is to
understand the power of a deliberate life In a modern
culture that often adopts new things without question. The Amish
offer a striking counter narrative, a world built not on
(34:47):
what is possible, but on what is deemed good and righteous.
Their secrets, therefore, are not meant to conceal, but to
preserve a way of life they believe is the truest
path to salvation, a path they chuld. It was a
new with every generation. I'm Steve Stockton. Thank you for listening.
Now.
Speaker 1 (00:17):
When we picture the Amish, the images are often simple
and iconic. A horse and buggy clapping down a country road,
a farmer in a broad brimmed hat, a woman in
a bonnet and plaining dress. These snapshots, while accurate, only
show the surface of one of America's most misunderstood yet
fascinating cultures. They invite curiosity, but rarely reveal the profound
(00:41):
logic and deep seated faith.
Speaker 2 (00:44):
That governed this unique way of life.
Speaker 1 (00:46):
In this video, we hope to pull back the curtain
on the why behind the Amish world. We'll explore ten
practices and beliefs that may seem strange or secretive to outsiders,
but are in fact deliberate choices rooted in centuries of history, scripture,
and an unwavering commitment.
Speaker 2 (01:04):
To a set of core values.
Speaker 1 (01:06):
From the symbolism of a man's beard and the reason
for a child's faceless doll to their unique systems of
mutual aid and adult baptism, each secret is a piece
of a carefully constructed puzzle. Join us as we go
beyond the veneer of simplicity to understand the complex, intentional,
and deeply spiritual world of the Amish now. Of all
(01:33):
the aspects of Amish life that intrigue outsiders, perhaps the
most profound and misunderstood is the principle that being Amish
is not an accident of birth, but a deliberate, conscious
choice made in adulthood. This choice is facilitated by the
well known yet often sensationalized period known as Rumspringer. The
(01:54):
term from Pennsylvania Dutch transplates to running around, and it
marks the critical transition from adolescence to adulthood, typically beginning
around the age of sixteen. It's a time when the
strict rules of the Amish Ordnung or church ordinance are relaxed,
allowing young people to experience the English world before they
decide whether to commit to the Amish faith for life.
(02:17):
During Rumspringer, Amish youth are granted a level of freedom
that starkly contrasts with their sheltered upbringing. They may socialize
with non Amish peers, drive cars, wear contemporary clothing, use
forbidden technology, and engage in activities that are normally forbidden
within their community. The extent of this freedom can vary
significantly between different Amish affiliations, from more conservative groups, where
(02:41):
running around might simply mean attending different youth singings to
more liberal districts where teenagers might purchase a car and
live outside the home for a period. The fundamental purpose, however,
remains the same, to provide an opportunity for an informed decision.
The church and parents understand that a faith that is
forced is not a true faith. For the covenant of
(03:03):
baptism to be meaningful, it must be entered into freely,
with a full understanding of what is being embraced and
what is being relinquished. Now, this period is not merely
a hall pass for wild behavior, as it's often portrayed.
It's a time of profound internal questioning and social exploration.
The individual must weigh the allure of modern conveniences, personal freedom,
(03:26):
and worldly opportunities against the deep seated comfort of family,
the security of a close knit community, and the promise
of salvation. Through their ancestral faith. They witness firsthand the
complexities and challenges of the outside world, which can often
reinforce the appeal of the simplicity, structure and mutual support
inherent in homaged society. The culmination of Rumspringer is the
(03:50):
ultimate choice to return to the community and request baptism,
or to leave and live in the outside world. Needless
to say, this decision is minum mental. To choose baptism
is to make a life long vow to God in
the church gimende, voluntarily submitting to the authority of the
Ordinung for the rest of one's life. This aligns with
(04:11):
their core and a Baptist belief in adult baptism, which
posits that only a mature individual can make a true
confession of faith. Conversely, choosing to leave means severing the
deepest ties of family and community, a painful separation were
all involved. The fact that an estimated eighty five to
ninety percent of young Amish choose to be baptized is
(04:33):
a powerful testament not to a lack of choice, but
to the profound strength and appeal of the culture they
were raised in. It further underscores that the Amish community
is not a static relic, but a society continually renewed
by the conscious, deliberate commitment of each new generation. Now,
among the many visual cues that distinguish the Amish from
(04:56):
the outside world, the specific facial hair of the men
and is one of the most consistent and symbolic. The
rule is simple, yet absolute. After marriage, an Amish man
must grow beard, but he is strictly forbidden from ever
growing a mustache. This practice is far from a merest
stylistic preference. It's a deeply ingrained tradition that communicates a
(05:19):
man's marital status, his commitment to non violence, and his
community's historical identity. The beard or bart holds a revered
place in Amish culture as a public declaration of a
man's transition into adulthood and his role as a husband.
Upon marrying, a young man puts away his razor and
allows his beard to grow for the rest of his life.
(05:41):
This serves as an unambiguous outward sign to the community,
and he's no longer a single youth, but has taken
on the sacred responsibilities of hitting a household. It's a
symbol of his covenant with his wife and his commitment
to his family. The tradition is rooted in Biblical interpretations
that view a beard as a natural attribute of man,
given by God, distinguishing men from women. By letting it grow,
(06:05):
an Amish man is seen as accepting his god given
role with humility. The linked and fullness of the beard
are left in nature as trimming or styling, it would
be considered an act of vanity, a sin the Amish
assidiously avoid. Now, the prohibition against the mustache is equally
significant and is directly tied to the historical persecution of
(06:25):
the Anabaptist, the spiritual ancestors, and the Amish in sixteenth
and seventeenth century Europe. During that era, the mustache was
in fashion among the European military officers and aristocrats, the
very men who wielded swords and led the violent oppression
against the Pacifist and a Baptist. The mustache thus became
inextricably linked with the military, with worldly aggression, and with
(06:49):
the coercive power of the state. For the Amish, whose
faith is built upon the principles of non resistance or
calasanhite and absolute passivism, any associateation with the military as abhorn.
Shaving the upper lip is a deliberate act of separation
from this symbol of violence and pride. It's a quiet
but powerful daily statement of their conscientious objection to war
(07:12):
and their rejection of worldly power structures. By forbidding the mustache,
they continually honor their history and reaffirm withe their most
fundamental religious tenets. In essence, the clean shaven upper lip
is as much a part of their religious uniform as
the beard itself. Together they form a complex symbol, the
(07:32):
beard representing a commitment to their god given role within
the community, and the absent mustache representing a rejection of
the simple, violent ways of the outside world. While English
is the language of commerce and a necessity for the Amish,
the true voice of their community, home and heart is
Pennsylvania Dutch. Often misunderstood due to its name, this unique
(07:57):
language is not a dialect of Dutch from the Netherlands,
but as instead a vibrant German dialect that serves as
a cornerstone of Amish identity and a primary means of
preserving their separation from the modern world. Its persistence and
daily use are a testament to its vital role in
the cohesion and continuity of Amish society. The origins of
(08:17):
Pennsylvania Dutch, known to its speakers as Datsch, traced back
to the seventeenth and eighteenth century. It was carried to
North America by waves of German speaking immigrants fleeing religious
persecution in the Palatinate region of southwestern Germany, as well
as Switzerland and the alsasce in the fertile lands of
southeastern Pennsylvania. These dialects coalesced and evolved in relative isolation.
(08:43):
While its use has faded among the wider population of
German descent, it's been meticulously preserved by the plain communities
chickularly the Old Order Amish, and the Mennonites, for whom
it remains the mother tongue. Over centuries of life in America,
Deutsch has absorbed as an amount of English vocabulary and syntax,
transforming it into a uniquely American language, a living artifact
(09:07):
of their European origins adapted to their new world contact.
The function of Pennsylvania Dutch and Amish society is multifaested
and essential formost It's the language of the home and community,
acting as a powerful social adhesive. It's the language in
which children are raised, lullabizer sung jokes are told, and
(09:27):
daily life unfolds. This shared vernacular creates an immediate and
intimate sense of belonging and reinforces a collective identity from
their English speaking neighbors. It serves as a verbal fence,
if you will, providing a degree of privacy and insulating
the community from outside influences. When Amish individuals converse in Deutsch,
(09:49):
they are reinforcing the boundary between us delete for the
people and them the English. This linguistic separation is a
part of a broader trilingual reality that shapes the Amish
spiritual and social world. The community functions on what can
be described as a linguistic three legged stool. Pennsylvania Dutchess
for every day familiar conversation. Formal High German, which is
(10:13):
closely related to the language of Martin Luther's Bible, is
reserved for the most sacred aspects of life, church services,
scripture readings, and the singing of centuries old hymns from
the Ausbun. Finally, English has learned in their parochial schools
and is used pragmatically for business transactions and necessary interactions
with the non Amish world. Unlike many minority languages that
(10:37):
are facing extinction, Pennsylvania Dutch is thriving due to the
high birth rates and strong retention with Amish communities. The
number of speakers is actively growing. It's not merely a
relic of the past, but the linguistic lifeblood of a living,
expanding culture, ensuring that the Amish remain a people apart,
bound together by the familiar sounds of their ancestral tongue.
(11:02):
Now my dung or shunning is arguably one of the
most severe, controversial, and misunderstood practices within Amish society. From
an outsider's perspective, it can appear cruel and unforgiving for
the Amish. However, it's a deeply spiritual and biblically mandated ordinance,
viewed not as a punishment born of malice, but as
(11:23):
a final, painful act of tough love intended to save
a person's soul and protect the purity of the church.
It's crucial to understand that shunning only applies to individuals
who have made the voluntary adult decision to be baptized
into the Amish Church. By accepting baptism, a person makes
a sacred, lifelong vow to God and the community to
(11:45):
obey the rules of the church. The ordinung shunning is
the consequence of breaking that sacred vow. It's not used
on young people during their rum spring a period, nor
is it applied to those who simply decide not to
join the church in the first place. Is the community's
response to a baptized member who commits the serious transgression,
(12:05):
falls into sin and refuses to repent, or chooses to
leave the church after having made a covenant with it.
Speaker 2 (12:12):
The practice is.
Speaker 1 (12:13):
Rooted in their interpretation of scripture, particularly passages like First
Corinthians five eleven, which instructs believers not to associate or
even eat with a fellow believer who is living in
unrepentant sin. The goal is twofold, first to protect the
spiritual integrity the church Gaminde by removing the corrupting influence
of sin, and second to create a spiritual crisis for
(12:35):
the shunned individual, leading them to recognize their error, repent,
and return to the fold. When the band is enacted,
its application is systematic and deeply felt. Church members, including
the shunned person's own parents, spouse, and siblings, must see
social interactions that would imply fellowship. This most pointedly includes
(12:56):
not eating at the same table, a powerful symbol of
communal and familial bonds. While family members will ensure the
shun person is housed and fed, This ritual separation, it meals,
is a constant, painful reminder of their spiritual disconnection. Furthermore,
members cannot accept any gifts, money, or services from the
shunned individual, nor can they engage in business transactions with them.
(13:20):
This social and economic isolation is designed to make the
person feel the full weight of their separation from God's people.
The emotional toll is immense, both for the person being
shunned and for the family and friends who must enforce
the ban, often while grieving the broken relationship. It's an
act that requires immense discipline, and it's carried out with sorrow,
(13:41):
not anger. The hope is always that the pain of
isolation will lead to repentance. If an individual confesses their
sin and seeks forgiveness, they're welcome back into the community
with open arms and the mydngue is lifted. It's this
ultimate goal of restoration that, in the Amish view, justifies
the heartbreaking severity of the practice. Now, the common image
(14:05):
of the Amish as a people frozen in time is
a fundamental misunderstanding of their relationship with the modern world.
Speaker 2 (14:13):
They do not.
Speaker 1 (14:13):
Reject technology out of ignorance or a blanket fear of
the new. Instead, they engage in a highly deliberate and
disciplined process of evaluation, asking not is it efficient or
is it new, but rather is it good for our community.
Their approach is one of careful selection, not wholesale rejection,
governed by a deep seated desire to preserve their family structure,
(14:36):
communal bonds, and separation from worldly values. The primary principle
guiding these decisions is the preservation of the community over
the convenience of the individual. Any piece of technology is
scrutinized for its potential to waken the family and the church.
Technologies that foster individualism, vanity, laziness, or pride are typically forbidden.
(14:59):
A example is the personal ownership of an automobile. The
Amish recognized the car's efficiency, but they also see it
as a symbol of status and a tool that would
allow individuals to easily leave the community for work or leisure,
thereby fracturing the local, interdependent society they strive to maintain.
In a similar fashion, television and internet access are universally
(15:21):
rejected because they would create a direct and uncontrollable pipeline
for secular values, advertising, and entertainment to flow into the home,
eroding their core beliefs. This philosophy of separation is why
the Amish forbid connecting to the public power grid. This
connection represents a tangible umbilical link to the outside world. However,
(15:42):
this does not mean they reject power itself. Instead, they
have adapted using technology on their own terms. It's common
to see an Amish workshop or a dairy barn powered
by a diesel generator. They've also become masters of pneumatic
and hydraulic power, using compressed err or flue to run
sophisticated modern equipment from milking machines to woodworking tools. This
(16:05):
allows them to operate successful businesses and farms without compromising
the crucial principle of being in.
Speaker 2 (16:11):
The world but not of it.
Speaker 1 (16:13):
The homish telephone is another classic example of this nuanced adaptation.
A telephone inside the home is seen as an intrusion
that disrupts family life and conversation. However, recognizing its necessity
for business and emergencies, most communities permit a shared telephone
in a small shanty at the end of a lane
or on the edge of a property. The phone becomes
(16:36):
a tool to be used with intention rather than a
constant demanding presence. One must walk to use it, which
eliminates frivolous calls and preserves the sanctity of the home
as a place of quiet and connection. Ultimately, decisions about
technology are made slowly and collectively by church leaders. Their
weigh the potential benefits against the long term spiritual and
(16:57):
social cost. This thoughtful discernment stands in stark contrast to
the modern world's often frenzied embrace of innovation. For its
own sake, the Amish approach is not anti technology. Its
profoundly pro community, serving as a constant living experiment and
how to harness progress without becoming enslaved by it. Now,
(17:23):
bundling is one of the most sensationalized and misunderstood customs
associated with the Amish. It's a historical courtship practice that,
for the modern mind seems brought with temptation according couple
spending the night together in the same bed. However, this
custom was not born of lacks morality, but of practicality,
and it was governed by strict rules intended to encourage
(17:45):
emotional intimacy while preventing physical consummation. While its practice has
become exceedingly rare, its history offers a fascinating glimpse into
the social challenges of a bygone era. Now, the origin
of bundling are not uniquely Amish. The custom was widespread
in parts of Europe, and was particularly common in colonial
(18:06):
America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, especially here in
New England. Its existence was a practical response to the
living conditions.
Speaker 2 (18:15):
Of the time.
Speaker 1 (18:16):
Homes were often small, consisting of just one or two rooms,
offering virtually no privacy for a courting couple. Furthermore, winters
were harsh, and heating a home required significant fuel and effort.
Bundling ingeniously solved both problems. It allowed a young man
who may have traveled a long distance to visit his
intended to stay the night, without the family needing to
(18:37):
keep a separate parlor fire burning late into the night.
More importantly, it provided the couple with a private, warm,
and comfortable space to talk for hours, fostering the deep
personal connection deemed essential for a lifelong marriage. The practice
was far from a free for all. It was governed
by strict social expectations and often physical barriers. The couple
(18:59):
was expect it to remain fully clothed at all times.
To enforce this and discourage any physical contact, a bundling
board or a center board, a long thick plank of
wood was often placed down the middle of the bed
to keep the couple physically separated. In some traditions, the
woman's mother might even sow her into a bundling sack
(19:20):
or stitch the bottom of her nightgown closed before the
young man arrived. The entire arrangement was seen as a
profound test of character and self control for both individuals.
The goal was to build a relationship based on conversation, trust,
and shared values, not physical attraction. It was a chance
to determine true compatibility in the quiet hours of the night,
(19:42):
away from the prying eyes and ears of the family.
Despite these precautions, bundling has always been controversial. Church leaders
and concerned parents worried about the obvious temptations that presented,
and instances of premarital pregnancies did occur, leading to communities.
As societal norms changed and homes became larger and offered
(20:04):
more privacy, the practice largely died out in the mainstream world.
Within the Amish community, its prevalence has sharply declined. For
the same reason. Today, bundling is not practiced by the
vast majority of the Amish. It's often found only among
a small number of the most conservative low church affiliations.
(20:25):
Most modern Amish couples court in a manner more familiar
to outsiders, with a young man visiting the young woman
at her home on a Sunday evening, where they are
allowed to sit together and talk, often after the rest
of the family has gone to bed.
Speaker 2 (20:38):
While the legend of bundling.
Speaker 1 (20:39):
Persists, it's now more of a historical curiosity than a
common reality. In the world of children's toys, where dolls
often feature meticulously painted eyes, rosy cheeks, and cheerful smiles,
the traditional Amish doll is a stark and intriguing exception,
typically handmade from scrap cloth addressed in miniature Amish attire.
(21:03):
Its most notable feature is a complete lack of a face.
This simple blank space is not an oversight or a
lack of artistry. It's a profound and delivered expression of
core Amish beliefs about idolatry, humility, and the nature of identity.
The primary reason for the faceless doll is theological, stemming
(21:24):
from a literal interpretation of the second commandment in the Bible, Exodus,
Chapter twenty, verse four, thou shalt not make unto thee
any graven image, or any likeness of anything that is
in heaven above or that is in the earth beneath.
For the Amish, creating a doll with a detailed face
is seen as creating a graven image, an attempt to
capture the unique likeness of a human being, which is
(21:46):
God's special creation. This is the very same religious principle
that prohibits the Homish from posing for photographs, hanging portraits
in their homes, or having their images captured in any form.
An individual's face is considered a personal and sacred thing,
not something to be replicated or displayed. Beyond this strict
biblical interpretation, the faceless doll serves as a powerful everyday
(22:10):
lesson in humility, demot a cardinal virtue. In Amish culture,
a doll with a beautiful, specific face could inadvertently teach
a child to value outward appearance and foster pride or vanity.
The blank doll, however, shifts the focus inward. It suddenly
communicates the community's belief that everyone is equal in the
eyes of God. It teaches that a person's worth comes
(22:32):
from their character, their actions, and their spirit, not from
their physical beauty. The doll is plain reflecting the identity
as a plain people. The absence of a fixed expression
also serves as an important developmental purpose. A doll with
a perpetual, molded smile can only ever be happy. A
faceless doll, however, as a blank canvas for a child's imagination,
(22:56):
the child can decide if the doll is happy, sad, asleep, surprised,
or contemplated. The doll's emotion comes from the child's own
heart and the stories they create. Fustering a richer and
more dynamic form of imaginative play. It encourages children to
project feelings and develop empathy, as they are responsible for
bestowing the doll with its personality and emotional state. In
(23:19):
this way, the Amish baseless doll is a perfect microcosm
of their worldview. It's a toy born from principles of thrift,
using scrap materials, religious conviction, no graven images, communal values,
humility over pride, and a quiet emphasis on the inner
life over outward show. It's far more than a plaything.
(23:40):
It's a silent teacher, instilling the foundational tenets of the
Amish faith from the earliest age now. The Amish community's
approach to crisis and disaster is a profound rejection of
modern individualism embodied in their system of mutual aid.
Speaker 2 (23:59):
They do not purchase commercial insurance, whether.
Speaker 1 (24:01):
For property, health, or life, not because they can't afford it,
but because of a deeply held religious conviction. For the Amish,
their insurance policy is the community itself. The system of
collective support is a living, breathing application of the biblical
mandate to bear ye one another's burdens from Galatians Chapter six,
verse two, and it serves as one of the most
(24:22):
powerful forces binding their society together. Their refusal to buy
insurance is rooted in the belief that relying on impersonal,
worldly corporation for security demonstrates a lack of faith in
God's providence and in the brotherhood of the Church. To
the Amish, paying a premium to a company is essentially
outsourcing a core Christian duty. Their security lives not in
(24:46):
a legal contract, but in the social and spiritual covenant
they have with one another. This principle reinforces their interdependence
and their separation from the outside world. In times of trouble,
they turn inward to each other, outward to secular institutions,
strengthening their communal bonds and reaffirming their shared identity. This
(25:07):
practice is also an expression of glosson height, the core
value of submission and humility. By foregoing self sufficiency through insurance,
individuals must only rely on their neighbors in times of need. Conversely,
when a neighbor's in crisis, community members must yield their
own time, labor, and financial resources to help. This constant
(25:28):
give and take suppresses pride and fosters a spirit of
shared vulnerability and collective responsibility. The most iconic example of
Amish mutual aid is the barn raising. If a family's barn,
the economic heart of the farm, is destroyed by fire
or storm, the loss is catastrophic, yet the response is
immediate and on inspiring. Word spreads quickly through the church district,
(25:52):
and within days, hundreds of men and boys from the
surrounding area arrive at dawn with pre signed tasks and
pre cut lumber. They work in a swarm of coordinated,
disciplined activity. As the men raise the massive timber frames,
the women of the community manage the equally monumental task
of preparing and serving food to feed the entire workforce,
(26:13):
often by sundown a new barn now stands where only
ashes lay a day or two before. This same principle
applies to overwhelming healthcare costs. When a family faces a
medical crisis, the church deacons manage the community's responds. The
family is expected to pay what they can, but once
their resources are exhausted, the local church fund takes over.
(26:36):
If the bills are exceptionally large, a wider appeal is
made to neighboring church districts. Money is collected quietly and
without fanfare, ensuring the family is not buried under a
mountain of medical debt. This system allows them to access
modern medical care without compromising their communal principles, from supporting
widows and orphans to rebuilding after a flood. The Amish
(26:58):
system of mutual aid is far more more than a
quaint tradition. It's a powerful, practical and spiritual safety net
that ensures no member of the community has ever left
to face disaster alone. The Amish community's relationship with modern
health care is a complex tapestry woven from faith, tradition,
(27:19):
and pragmatism. It's a common but incorrect assumption that they
reject modern medicine entirely. In reality, The Amish do utilize doctors, dentists,
and hospitals, but their path is seeking that care is
guided by a distinct cultural and spiritual philosophy that prioritizes
natural remedies, community consensus, and a belief in God's ultimate
(27:41):
control over life and death. For the Amish, the first
line of defense against an illness is typically the home.
They possess a rich tradition of folk medicine and herbal
remedies passed down through generations. Elements are often first treated
with poultices, salves, and tonics made from local plants and
traditionally ingredients. They are also notably open to alternative medicine,
(28:04):
frequently consulting chiropractors, natural paths, and reflexologies. This preference for
natural and less invasive treatments aligns with their emphasis on
a simple, nature centered lifestyle. When these methods are insufficient,
or for serious matters like traumatic injuries, complicated birth, or
life turning diseases, they will seek professional medical care. However,
(28:27):
the decision making process is often communal and highly practical.
Cost is a significant factor. Because the Amish do not
carry commercial health insurance, the financial burden of medical care
falls upon the family, and, in the case of catastrophic expense,
the wider church community through the system of mutual aid.
This financial reality makes them discerning health care consumers. They
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are more likely to question the necessity of every expensive
test and procedure, and may travel significant distances to clinics
such as those in Mecha, Xico or specialized centers in
the US known for providing effective, lower cost treatments. Underpinning
their entire approach to health is a profound belief in
God's will. God's will, health, sickness, and healing are ultimately
(29:14):
seen as being in God's hands. This leads to a
certain stoicism and acceptance of suffering that can seem foreign
to the outside world. While they seek cures, they are
less likely to pursue aggressive, high risk treatments with low
chances of success, especially at the end of life. Prolonging
life through extraordinary technological means can be viewed as interfering
(29:36):
with God's plan. Their perspective also influences their approach to
preventative care and genetics. Routine physicals and screenings are not
a cultural norm. They typically seek medical help when a
problem becomes apparent. Ironically, due to their closed communities and
limited gene pool known as the Founder effect, the Amish
have a higher instance of certain rare genetic disorders. This
(30:00):
has led to a unique pragmatic relationship with the scientific community,
with some clinic specializing in genetic research and treatment for
the Plain people. This collaboration demonstrates their ability to selectively
engage with advanced medical science when it provides clear, tangible
benefits that align with their communities' needs, proving their approach
(30:20):
is not one of ignorance, but of careful, considered choice. Now,
the practice of adult baptism is the spiritual and social
bedrock of the Amish Church. Far from being a mere ritual,
it's the defining moment when an individual voluntarily moves from
being a child of the community to a full fledged
(30:41):
member of the faith. This deliberate, conscious choice, made by
young adults who fully comprehend the lifelong commitment they are undertaking,
is a foundational tenet that separates the Amish from many
other Christian denominations and lies at the very heart of
their Anabaptist identity. To understand the Amish emphasis on adult baptism,
one must look back to the Radical Reformation of the
(31:03):
sixteenth century, the term Anabaptist was a label meaning rebaptizer,
given to a group of reformers who rejected the widespread
practice of infant baptism. They argued that baptizing an infant
was meaningless as a baby is incapable of understanding sin, repentance,
and faith. Based on their reading of the New Testament,
(31:24):
they insisted that baptism must follow a personal confession of faith. Therefore,
only an adult who could consciously choose to follow the
teachings of Jesus was a candidate for the right. This
belief was considered heresy and sedition by both Catholic and
Protestant authorities. The Anabaptist's insistence that the true Church was
a voluntary body of committed believers separate from the state
(31:47):
was a radical threat to the established social order. For
this conviction, tens of thousands were tortured and executed this history.
It martyred him for the principle of a believer's baptism,
abused the act with profile own significance for the Amish today.
In the Amish world, baptism is the solemn cumbination of
Rumspringer after a period of experiencing the outside world. A
(32:10):
young person who decides to commit to the Amish way
of life will make a start and request instruction for baptism,
typically between the ages of eighteen and twenty two. This
begins a formal period of catastus, where the applicants attend
classes led by church leaders over several months. They study
the Bible, the articles of the sixteen thirty two Dark
(32:32):
Decked Confession of Faith, which is a key at a
Baptist doctrinal statement, and the specific rules and expectations of
their local church, the Ordnung. The baptism ceremony itself is
a simple but deeply moving event held during a regular
church service. The applicants deal before the congregation, and the
bishop asked them a series of probing questions to confirm
(32:53):
their faith and their promise to forsake the world. The
central vow is a promise to God in the assembled
church to uphold the faith, to submit to the discipline
of the community, and to remain faithful until death. Upon
their affirmation, the bishop performs the baptism by pouring a
small amount of water from a cup over their head.
Speaker 2 (33:13):
By taking this step, the.
Speaker 1 (33:14):
Individual is no longer just a member of a family,
but a full covenant member of the church, he might
day forever bound to its sacred duties and subject to
its discipline. It is this conscious adult choice that gives
the Amished Church its remarkable strength and unity. Now having
journeyed through these ten distinct facets of Amish life, a
(33:37):
central truth emerges. Nothing is arbitrary. What may initially appear
as strange is revealed to be a thread in a
tightly woven fabric of faith, community, and identity. The absence
of a mustache, the rejection of public electricity, the practice
of adult baptism. Each is a conscious affirmation of a
worldview that prioritizes the collective of the individual, humility over pride,
(34:03):
and separation from a world they believe is filled with temptation.
We've seen that their life is not a rejection of progress,
but a careful negotiation with it, guided by the question
of how each choice will impact the family and the church.
Their system of mutual aid is not just a replacement
for insurance, but a living expression of their covenant to
(34:23):
bear one another's burdens. Their faithless dolls are not just
simple toys, but powerful lessons in theology and humility for
the next generation. Ultimately, to understand the Amish is to
understand the power of a deliberate life In a modern
culture that often adopts new things without question. The Amish
offer a striking counter narrative, a world built not on
(34:47):
what is possible, but on what is deemed good and righteous.
Their secrets, therefore, are not meant to conceal, but to
preserve a way of life they believe is the truest
path to salvation, a path they chuld. It was a
new with every generation. I'm Steve Stockton. Thank you for listening.
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