Episode 7: The Divide

Episode Transcript
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Jim Ambuske (00:00):
This episode of Worlds Turned Upside DOwn is

(00:02):
supported by the VirginiaAmerican Revolution 250 Commission.
The weather was fair on Saturdaymorning November the fifth 1763.
But tension hung in the air asCaptain John Stuart rose to
address the more than 800 ofCreeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws,

(00:23):
Choctaws, and Catawbas who hadgathered in the small town of
Augusta, Georgia. On orders fromKing George the Third's
ministers in London, Stuart andthe governors of Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina andGeorgia had convened a Congress
with the region's major Nativenations. With the French and the

(00:44):
Spanish having ceded theLouisiana and Florida to the
British steward and theprovincial officers were to
allayed native fears that theBritish intended to take their
lands now that the king planeddominion over them. And with the
Anglo Cherokee war and Pontiac'sUprising fresh in their minds,
those assembled at Augusta wereall too aware of how mistrust

(01:07):
between peoples could exact aheavy price on everyone. Stuart
knew the indigenous communitieswho waited to hear his words
better than most Britishofficials. He was Superintendent
of Indian Affairs for theSouthern District, a position
that empowered him to speak onbehalf of the king and the
Empire in negotiations withnative peoples. And he was alive

(01:31):
to give his talk only because ofthe relationships he had forged
with them. Stuart was born inInverness, Scotland, and
emigrated to South Carolina inthe late 1740s. He became a
merchant in Charleston, andeventually he developed a
friendship with the Cherokeeleader Attakullakulla, or The
Little Carpenter. During theAnglo Cherokee war, Stewart

(01:54):
served as a captain in theprovincial militia, and when
Cherokee warriors captured FortLoudoun in August 1760, they
spare the life ofAttakullakulla's friend. Stuart
was the fort's only survivingofficer. The king appointed him
superintendent of the SouthernDistrict in 1762. And together
with Sir William Johnson, hiscounterpart in the north, he was

(02:17):
entrusted with maintaining thepeace between British America
and the king's indigenousallies. The Augusta Congress had
taken months to organize. timeand distance were the masters of
all things in the 18th century.The Earl of Egremont had sent
Stuart his orders in March 1763.They left London and crossed the

(02:38):
Atlantic, arriving first in NewYork. From there and Express
rider took them south toCharleston, where Stuart
received them in early June. Hewrote immediately to the four
governor's directing them tocome to Augusta, but he also
warned Egremont that it wouldtake time to gather all the
indigenous communities together.The Choctaw and Chickasaw towns

(03:01):
were about 700 miles fromAugusta. He reckoned it would
take an Express rider 25 days toreach them another two weeks for
them to deliberate on whether toattend, and if they decided to
come another 50 days before theyarrived in Augusta. Stuart
believed the conference wouldnot begin before October, 8

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months after his orders leftLondon. Nor was he confident
that all the native nationswould attend or that they would
do so peaceably. Lingeringresentment persisted between the
creeks and the Cherokees in thewake of the Anglo Cherokee war.
A recent dispute in Creekcountry had led to the death of
a British trader, and all thenations were keenly aware that

(03:45):
the balance of power had shiftedin the region. They could no
longer play the British, Frenchand Spanish off of each other,
leaving them fearful Stuartwrote, of becoming too dependent
on the British. But Stuartmanaged to persuade them, he
sent emissaries to the differenttowns with a message. George the

(04:05):
Third and the British "don'twant any of your lands." Further
delays push the gathering backto November, some of the
governors suggested moving themeeting to Dorchester, South
Carolina, about 100 miles eastof Augusta. But the Chickasaws
and Creeks refused to go anyfurther, the governors would
come to them, or there would beno meeting at all. And so to

(04:29):
Augusta, the governor's went twoweeks before the Congress
opened, Stuart direct to thegovernor's to send a talk to
each of the nations on behalf ofthe King and their individual
colonies. They swore off adesire for indigenous lands, and
promised to brighten the chainof friendship with them through
trade and diplomacy. Thegovernors would speak with one

(04:53):
voice to the assembled nationsso that together all could hear
the king's good intentionswithout subterfuge. When Stewart
rose to give his own speech onNovember the fifth, he would
have seen people who knew wellsitting among the gathered,
including at Attakullakulla, hisfriend and Ostenaco, the
Cherokee leader who had met theking in London a year earlier.

(05:16):
To them, and to all those hecalled Britain's friends and
brothers, Stuart proclaimed theBritish government's new
imperial vision for NorthAmerica. The interior would be
reserved for native peoples, theBritish government would prevent
white settlement in the West,and regulated trade would bring
peace and prosperity to allpeoples who inhabited the Kings

(05:40):
Dominion's. After Stuartfinished his talk, much work
still lay ahead over the nextfive days, as indigenous leaders
representing many differenttowns rose to give their replies
as they complained about whitesettlers on their hunting
grounds. questioned thegovernor's about the supply of
trade goods defended thesovereignty of their nations.

(06:03):
And as the first reports of theking's royal proclamation of
October 1763 began appearing inthe colonies. The delegates at
the Augusta Congress beganmarking out a boundary between
British America and the east andnative nations in the west. It
was the beginnings of a borderthat in time would traverse the

(06:23):
continent from West Florida inthe south to the Maine district
in the north, a dividing linethat few could see and nobody
could find.
I’m Jim Ambuske, and this isWorlds Turned Upside Down, a

(06:46):
podcast about the history of theAmerican Revolution. Episode

Seven (06:50):
"The Divide" As Stuart’s orders made their way to South
Carolina in the summer of 1763,the Board of Trade unfurled a
map of North America across atable in their London offices.
With red ink, the Board’smembers drew a line from north
to south, a border betweenBritish and Indigenous America

(07:13):
that followed the peaks of theAppalachian Mountains. The
line represented an idealBritish American world, one as
the Kings ministers imagined itas they began drafting a
blueprint for reforming NorthAmerica. The line represented an
ideal British American world,one as the king’s ministers
imagined it as they begandrafting a blueprint for
reforming North America. Theboundary was part of a greater
plan to bring coherence to adisorderly empire, reforge it

(07:33):
into a rationalized system thatmarked the limits of western
settlement, keep loyal Britishsubjects facing east toward the
Mother Country, and direct newsettlers to the conquered
colonies in Canada and theFloridas. The red ink splashed
on the map in London was alsomeant to ensure a lasting peace
between British colonists andIndigenous peoples after all the

(07:54):
blood split in a series of longand terrible wars. When the
Board of Trade marked up its mapin London, its members didn’t
yet know about Pontiac’s War inthe Ohio Country. But for
decades, British officials likethe Earl of Halifax had feared
the unrestrained self-interestof colonists who coveted western
lands, and the violence andimperial instability their

(08:16):
ambitions could provoke. TheSeven Years’ War, the
Anglo-Cherokee War, and nowPontiac’s War had only proven
their point. The line was meantto be a new beginning, a clear
border defining the limits ofwestern settlement, and a
framework for rebuildingrelationships with Indigenous
peoples. In the fall of 1763,the British public first learned

(08:40):
what this line might look like.When the Gentleman’s Magazine
published the text of the RoyalProclamation, it included a map
of North America by Englishcartographer John Gibson.
Gibson’s map shows the colonialboundaries created by the
proclamation, including aprominent black line running
along the Appalachian Mountains.Beyond it, in capital letters

(09:02):
stretching from West Florida’snorthern border to the southern
shore of Lake Erie, Gibsoninscribed words that he
paraphrased from the king’sroyal edict: “LAND RESERVED for
the INDIANS.” In our stories ofearly America, in our textbooks,
and in our popular imaginationwe have come to call this
border, “The Proclamation Line.”But that line wasn't real.

(09:29):
Here's Max Edelson, Professor ofHistory at the University of
Virginia.

Max Edelson (09:34):
I hate to be one of those historians who says but
actually, to every long held andcherished idea about early
American history, but I have tosay everything you think you
know about the Proclamation Lineis probably not right. In fact,
every textbook has a very clearline that goes along the peaks
of the Appalachian Mountains. Inreality, that line is a complete

(09:54):
abstraction. No one knows whereto find that line. If you've
ever traveled in the AppalachianMountains, you will know that a
line on a map going through thisvery complex terrain is never
going to be self evident toanyone on the ground. So I think
the history textbooks are reallywrong on this and I see this
error kind of perpetuated inscholarship. The line was never

(10:17):
a clear and visible barrier, soit could never have prevented
people from crossing it becausethey couldn't even find out
where it was.

This invisible barrier was central to the Board
of Trade’s plan to transformBritish America into an empire
of order. In the RoyalProclamation of 1763, George III
forbade settlement “Westward ofthe Sources of the Rivers which
fall into the Sea,” a command asgeographically specific as it
was nebulous. But theproclamation line wasn’t drafted

(10:50):
in isolation. It was part of amuch larger British effort to
make new maps of North Americain the years after the Seven
Years’ War. So, how did theBritish use cartography to
reimagine British America in the1760s? And how did Native
diplomats and British officialsnegotiate to make an abstract

(11:11):
line drawn on maps real on theground? To begin answering
these questions, we’ll firstplot a course for London, where
the Board of Trade and theking’s men developed plans for
mapping British America in highresolution. We’ll then sail west
to Prince Edward Island, where asurvey expedition in the 1760s

(11:31):
reveals much about thegovernment’s new vision for the
colonies, before trekkingsouthwest, to the contested
space between native people andthe British colonies, where
Indigenous and Britishnegotiators struggled to create
an imaginary border, one thatdefined nations. The British
well knew that geographicknowledge was a form of power.

(11:55):
Such knowledge could allow thosewho possessed it to control and
regulate space, conqueredterritories, defend them, and
rule the peoples who inhabitedthe map. The Kings ministers
were also well aware that theyknew far less about North
American geography than theywould have liked. British
experiences during the SevenYears War had made that very

(12:15):
clear.

Some of the people who voiced the biggest concerns
about the lack of geographicknowledge that Britain had were
the admirals and generals wholed the war during the Seven
Years War. They found themselvessometimes completely lost in the
woods and the remote areas ofNorth America and the West
Indies.

In the summer of 1755, for instance, the lack of
good maps contributed to GeneralEdward Braddock's disastrous
defeat at Fort Duquesne inwestern Pennsylvania. In 1761,
the Admiralty complained aboutthe lack of accurate charts of
the French coast and othertheatres of the war, in order to
the cruise of British warshipsto produce updated navigational

(12:56):
charts wherever they went,including

James Craggs (12:59):
"The islands, keys, etc. In the East and West
Indies, the harbors etc. In ourown plantations and colonies,
and those of other nations."

Maps were also a form of military intelligence
that neither the British nor theFrench could afford to let fall
into enemy hands. In the summerof 1758, the British captured
French made maps at the fortressof Louisbourg, the French
stronghold on Cape BretonIsland. Not long after, James
Cook of the Royal Navy, and armyofficer Samuel Holland metaphor,

(13:37):
the HMS Pembroke to study them.The maps revealed how the
British might safely navigatethe St. Lawrence River. Together
with new coastal surveysproduced by Holland and cook.
These captured French mapsallowed the British fleet
carrying General James Wolfe'sarmy to sail up the river toward
Quebec in the summer of 1759. Tobegin the British siege of the

(14:00):
city. After the war, mapping,British America became a
priority.

They did not want to be caught unawares, again,
because they believe that newwars would be coming and they
were not wrong about that.France and Spain were still very
formidable rivals, they wantedto reclaim perhaps parts of the
empire that they had lost in thefuture. So these admirals and
generals made a very strong casethat they needed new maps in
order to defend this new empire.

The acquisition of new territories at the end of
the Seven Years War onlyincreased the knowledge deficit.

One of the big objectives in the post war
reforms was to map every bit ofNorth America and the new
colonies in the West Indies sothat they could be controlled
from London. It's very clearthat although Britain was
somewhat active, making maps andtaking surveys larger that work
was done to regulate the wayland was appropriated. People

(14:58):
had maps of the settled areas ofBritish America. But all this
new territory was virtuallyunknown to British authorities.

In their advice to the king, the Board of Trade
recommended the boundaries ofnew colonies acquired from the
Spanish and French at the end ofthe war. They described the
borders of East Florida thisway,

Luke Jenson-Jones (15:19):
“East Florida to be bounded by the Coast of
the Atlantick Sea from CapeFlorida to the North Entrance of
St. John’s River, on the East;by a Line drawn due West from
the North Entrance of St. John’sRiver to the Catahowche or Flint
Rivers, on the North; and on theWest and South West by that part
of the Coast of the Gulph ofMexico, which extends from Cape

(15:42):
Florida to the Mouth of theCatahowche River, and from
thence following the Course ofthe said Rivers to where the
North Line falls in.”

This bewildering description made sense to 18th
century British officials in theabstract, but making East
Florida the other new coloniesand the proclamation line real
required a greater degree ofprecision.

Eastern North America is a huge place. If they
were going to colonize Americafrom London, they had to know a
lot more about the places theywere in charge of now. And so
mapmaking became part of thisprocess of reform.

In the mid-1750s, when the Virginian John Mitchell
published his landmark work, Amap of the British and French
dominions in North America, hedrew on a variety of reports and
other maps to create it. Asimportant as Mitchell’s map was
for how British officialsunderstood North American
geography at the time, it lackedthe resolution they needed to

(16:39):
reform British America after thewar, and it reflected the
inaccuracies of some of itssources. To create a coherent,
economically vibrant, andpeaceful empire, the British
needed better maps.

A lot of the new maps that were made by the
surveyors after the Seven YearsWar were much more zoomed in in
scale. These were maps that usethe most precise techniques of
coastal survey in order to getan accurate picture of the coast
at a high resolution. Thistradition of mapmaking came from
the military, which had mappedthe Scottish Highlands after the

(17:13):
Jacobite rebellions in the1740s. And it was really a
requirement of the military thatcommanders be able to see the
lay of the land as they adjustedto fast changing conditions in
the field, they needed to seeroads and mountains and fence
lines and impassable areas. Thiswas the standard of map making
that the British wanted forNorth America, every mile should

(17:35):
be represented by an inch on themap.

To meet the government's need for more
accurate maps. The Board ofTrade and other departments
began authorizing new surveys ofNorth America.

The Admiralty did its own coastal surveys. The
army did it surveys especiallywith the Ohio River and the
Mississippi and the Departmentof Indian Affairs also surveyed
the boundary line and otherareas in the interior. But the
General Survey of North Americawas the Board of Trade's Survey
that it controlled directly, andit appointed two general
surveyors, one for the NorthernDistrict and one for the

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Southern District and thePotomac River was seen as the
midpoint that divided these twodistricts.

To lead the general survey of North America, the
Board of Trade appointed toofficers with extensive
experience serving in thecolonies.

Orginally, the charge to the general survey of
North America was to map everyinch of British America to this
new standard of resolution formilitary mapping. But of course,
that was a goal without anyspecific endpoint it would take
they believe generations tocreate such maps. In the first
instance, the general surveyorof the Northern District, an

(18:45):
Army officer named SamuelHolland, was in charge of
mapping places like what becamePrince Edward Island in the Gulf
of St. Lawrence and Canada,parts of Nova Scotia and other
places in the northeast, likethe coast of Maine. In the
Southern District, William deBrahm, another military
surveyor, who had served in theBritish Army and as a colonial

(19:05):
official in South Carolina wasappointed to really focus on the
new colony of East Florida.Because of all the places that
Britain inherited at the peacetalks in 1763. East Florida was
one they knew the least about,they didn't even know where the
rivers were, because those wouldbe the places in which they
would create plantationsettlements. So the general

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survey of North America had thisambitious agenda to map
everything. But at thebeginning, they started off
mapping a few select places thatwere seen as the most vital to
establish new colonies in thenorth and the south.

Samuel Holland’s 1764 survey of St. John’s
Island, what we now call PrinceEdward Island, can help us
understand how the Board ofTrade envisioned using
cartography to guide thesettlement of the new colonies.
Prince Edward Island lies justoff the coast of the modern
Canadian provinces of NewBrunswick and Nova Scotia. It

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was once part of the Frenchcolony of Acadia. In the early
eighteenth century, a smallnumber of Catholic Acadians
lived there. They did so withthe permission of the Mi’kmaq
people, who have inhabited theland for over 12,000 years. By
the early 1750s, however, theisland’s French Catholic

(20:23):
population began to swell. Onnearby Nova Scotia, the British
under the direction of the Earlof Halifax had begun sending
Protestant settlers to breed outtheir imperial rivals. The
outbreak of the Seven Years’ Waronly deepened British suspicion
of the Acadians. To escapeBritish rule, some Acadians on

(20:44):
Nova Scotia fled to PrinceEdward Island, growing the
island’s population to more than4,000 people. But that was not
far enough to escape the war.Three years after the British
began deporting Acadians fromNova Scotia, Acadians on Prince
Edward Island suffered the samefate. In the days following the

(21:08):
surrender of Fortress Louisbourgin July 1758, the British began
rounding up Acadians andremoving them from the island,
with the intention of deportingthem to France. Many Acadians
never made it. More than 3,000people were put aboard ships.

(21:29):
More than 1,600 of them died.Many Acadians succumbed to
disease at sea. Many drowned. Ofthe 400 Acadians who embarked on
board the Duke William, 100 diedof illness. 296 more drowned
when the ship sank off the coastof France on December 13, 1758.

(21:55):
One family alone lost 120members. Three generations gone
in an instant, disappearedbeneath the waves. When Samuel
Holland began his survey ofPrince Edward Island in 1764
then, the British saw it asnearly a blank slate, one ripe

(22:18):
for their new model of colonialsettlement. By then, the island
had been annexed to thegovernment of Nova Scotia. For
the Board of Trade, this was achance to build on the Earl of
Halifax’s earlier experiments inNova Scotia, and construct a
colony methodically, from theground up, with regulations in
place that directed thesettlers’ energies toward the

(22:39):
imperial interest.

Traditionally, in colonial British America, you
didn't map everything first andhand out the townships. You
invited settlers to come to newcolonies who would then claim
their 100 acres or 500 acres or1000 acres of land based on the
amount they could pay or theamount of people they brought
over. And the patchwork ofsettlement that emerge from that
was chaotic and disorganized.

Like Nova Scotia, Eastern West Florida and the new
colonies in the Caribbean, theBritish design Prince Edward
Island to prevent the kind ofhaphazard way the older colonies
had been settled. For AlexandraMontgomery, the manager of the
Center for Digital history atthe George Washington
Presidential Library at MountVernon, the government's direct
oversight of the settlementprocess marked the difference

(23:26):
between what historians callsettler colonialism and what she
terms as "weaponize settlement."

Ala Montgomery (23:33):
When we think of settler colonialism, we think of
it as something that ispropelled by colonists for
colonists. It is a process bywhich colonists create
governments by them, for them toeliminate indigenous folks both
literally and rhetorically claimtheir lands, that kind of a
process, which is a process thatwe see again and again in the
18th century. So the idea ofsettler colonialism is this

(23:56):
process by which land that isnot yours becomes yours, in a
way that completely precludesthe original inhabitants from
participation in the politicalsociety that is created. The
term weaponize settlement is onethat I use to describe this
process that I see happening inNova Scotia and also in other
places as well. And byweaponized settlement. I mean,

(24:16):
it was extremely clear tomembers of what I call the
planning class. So this iseverybody from colonial
officials to all up and down theranks of officials in Britain
are very aware of thedispossessed of power of white
self reproducing settlerpopulations. They see it and
they like it. And the idea ofweaponize settlement is you

(24:36):
don't have colonists creatingthese spaces for themselves.
What you have is higher upgovernment officials looking at
the land kind of like achessboard and saying we need
more control here. We don't likethe people that are living here.
The way that we are going tocreate this without being in a
wartime battle situation is weare going to strategically plant
populations that are loyal tous. And that is how we will hold

(24:58):
that land. We will take thisland from the enemy without
firing a shot through the authormight have colonization.

To survey the island's coast, Holland and his
team used a technique called the"plain table method."

This was a very painstaking method that used a
visual observation andtrigonometry to create an
accurate picture of thecoastline. And literally you'd
have teams of surveyors goingout on these remote coasts in
places like Nova Scotia and EastFlorida. And they would have the
poor ensigns with their redflags would stand across the
river from them, and thesurveyors would take a sight

(25:34):
line with their instruments. Andthen they would move their plane
tables and observation equipmentto a different place and take
another measure of that samelocation. And they would create
a nested series of trianglesthat gave them an accurate
picture of the proportion of thecoast. This was very high
quality work and produce verydurable maps that stood up to

(25:55):
working in the field. But it wasvery painstaking work that
involves sending teams of peopleout to these remote locations,
so that they could observe theselandmarks.

Even now, we can still see the legacy of Samuel
Holland’s survey and the Boardof Trade’s plan inscribed on the
landscape of Prince EdwardIsland.

If you visit Prince Edward Island today, you will
notice that a lot of the mainroads in the island are skewed
at a particular angle. And thisrelates directly to the way that
Samuel Holland surveyed theisland. Not only did he create a
coastal survey with theAdmiralty of the shape of the
island, he divided it into acouple of dozen townships that

(26:38):
were to be auctioned off tobasically bidders who made an
application to the Board ofTrade in London, and promised in
exchange for upwards of 2024,000 acres of land in this new
colony to populate thesetownships with colonists, and to
develop them as part of theconditions of receiving the

(26:59):
land. And according to the newpolicies of the Board of Trade,
if they didn't do these thingsthat land would revert to the
crown.

In 1767, the Board of Trade created a lottery
system for allocating thesetownships to prominent Britons
who they believed were capableof recruiting settlers for the
island.

The people who assumed these grants were people
who are well connected with theBritish government, and they
were often merchants, wealthyindividuals who had good
connections in Parliament, andthey use those in order to get
the benefit of being connectedto this empire. Part of
Britain's motives inapportioning the land this way

(27:38):
was to make sure that those whoreceived land grants would be
loyal to the interests of thecrown first and foremost, and
less in the pockets of localelites.

But as with Nova Scotia and the early 1750s, the
settlement of Prince EdwardIsland in the 1760s didn't go as
planned.

As you might suspect, this grand scheme to
develop this ideal colonyrapidly with new townships
already laid out and surveyedfrom the outset did not work
very well in practice. Thepeople who came over to be
tenants for these greatlandlords on these townships
resented not being landownersthemselves. So there was a lot
of resentment and kind of underdevelopment that resulted from

(28:17):
these schemes. And of course,this is one of the big problems
of the Board of Trade schemes.It looked great on paper, it
looked great when viewed from aseries of maps on a mahogany
conference table in London. Butin the real terrain of North
America in the West Indies,those schemes didn't always work
out as planned.

To settlers in British America's older
colonies, the Board of Trade'sstrategy signaled something far
more troubling.

Colonists who lived in North America already, who
saw themselves as the primemovers behind colonization
really felt shut out by thesemetropolitan insiders who use
their connections and pull inorder to get these big land
grants. So it was in my view, avery clear moment where British
colonists understood that thisnew empire would be a place
where they weren't in control asthey had been before, especially

(29:03):
of new colonies on the newfrontiers.

The British government’s plan to settle the
conquered mainland and Caribbeancolonies in a deliberate and
regulated manner was rooted inthe Board of Trade’s belief that
it ought to direct colonizationfrom London. Creating maps was
essential to this process.Visualizing space allowed the
king’s ministers to see whatwas, and more importantly, what
could be. In territories likeNova Scotia and Prince Edward

(29:36):
Island, that plan was built onthe idea of weaponized
settlement. It included theforced removal of the Acadian
population, so that new mapscould be drawn to impose the
Board of Trade’s vision for aprosperous future on the
colonial landscape. The task ofsurveying and settling these
lands stood in stark contrast,however, to the challenge the

(29:56):
British faced over 1,000 milesto the southwest, as they
prepared to draw a line betweenBritish and Indigenous America.
In June 1763, when the Lords ofTrade sent to George III and the
Earl of Egremont theirrecommendations on how to reform
British America, and how toincorporate Canada, the
Floridas, and a number ofCaribbean islands into the

(30:17):
empire, they included their mapwith a western boundary line
drawn in red ink.

The very first visualization of what we think
of as the proclamation line wasdrawn on a map that the British
Board of Trade bought atprobably a local map printer in
London, and they hand annotatedit to show the locations of the
new colonies, and they drew ared line across the mountains.
If you look closely at thisline, it very much distinguishes

(30:43):
between the rivers that flowtoward the Mississippi and the
rivers that flowed to theAtlantic. So roughly along the
peaks of the AppalachianMountains. That was the first
idea of the proclamation line.But none of that land had ever
been surveyed. And the map theyused was Emanual Bowen's, very
well respected map of NorthAmerica, but it wasn't based on
any solid survey information. Somost people behind that first

(31:08):
map, that first image of theline understood that it was an
idea of a line it wasn'tanything they could actually
find in the real landscape.

George the Third's Royal Proclamation of October
1763 didn’t offer any concretegeographic guidance either,
besides an injunction againstsettlement west of the
mountains. Nor did it specifyhow the survey of the boundary
line ought to be carried out. .But if we look closely, the
Proclamation reveals anevolution in British thinking

(31:36):
about native nations, anevolution that made a boundary
line possible. In theProclamation, George III
declared:

James Craggs (31:45):
Our Royal Will and Pleasure, for the present as
aforesaid, to reserve under ourSovereignty, Protection and
Dominion, for the use of thesaid Indians, all the Lands and
Territories not included, withinthe Limits of Our said Three new
Governments, as also all theLands and Territories lying to
the Westward of the Sources ofthe Rivers which fall into the

In other words, the Indians inhabiting these western
Sea.
lands were separate peoples notsubjects. Indigenous nations
certainly didn’t need theBritish to tell them that they
were sovereign in their ownright, but by the early 1760s
the British had begun to thinkof native nations as something
they could recognize as states,as organized political societies

(32:30):
with control over definedterritory, with governments
capable of negotiating withforeign powers. The Proclamation
gave formal legal weight to thisevolving view. The Crown assumed
the right to deal directly withIndigenous nations, shutting out
colonial governments, landspeculation companies, and
private individuals. Building ona process it had begun in the

(32:53):
1750s by appointing men like SirWilliam Johnson and John Stuart
to lead the Indian Department,the king would treat native
nations living in the west assovereigns living under the
Crown’s protection. News of theProclamation could not have
arrived in British America inlate 1763 at a more critical
moment. While John Stuart andthe governors of the four

(33:15):
southern colonies were meetingwith native nations in Augusta,
Georgia, Sir William Johnson wastrying to find a diplomatic
solution to end Pontiac’s War inthe north. In late December,
Johnson received a copy of theProclamation at Johnson Hall,
his home along the Mohawk Riverin western New York. It was
enclosed with a letter from theBoard of Trade, which had

(33:38):
arrived in New York Citytwenty-five days earlier.
Johnson immediately had itcopied and dispatched it to the
nations under his jurisdictionalong with sentiments similar to
Stuart’s messages to thesouthern nations: the king does
not want your lands. In themonths since the Odawa leader
Pontiac and his allied warriorshad abandoned their sieges of

(34:00):
Forts Detroit and Pitt toprepare their communities for
the cold winter months ahead,some of the warring nations had
signaled their willingness tonegotiate a peace with the
British. In Johnson’s mind, nonewere more important than the
Seneca who had joined Pontiac’suprising. The majority of the
Haudenosaunee, or the SixNations Iroquois, had honored

(34:22):
their alliance with the Britishduring the conflict. They took
care to avoid most of thefighting until they believed it
was in their best interest tointervene. The Seneca living
along the Genesee River,however, shared the western
nations’ grievances over Britishtrade restrictions and illegal
white squatters on their lands.They broke with the rest of

(34:45):
Haudenosaunee and attackedBritish soldiers and settlers.
In Johnson’s mental geography,the Haudenosaunee were one of
the keys to British success inNorth America. Eleazor Wheelock,

Maeve Kane (34:55):
Wheelock is very focused on the conversion of the
a Congregational minister fromConnecticut who led mostly
unsuccessful efforts to convertthe Haudenosaunee to
Christianity, shared Johnson’sconviction. Maeve Kane,
Associate Professor of Historyat the University of Albany, explains:

(35:15):
Haudenosaunee. He calls them thekey to North America, both
before and after the Seven YearsWar. In the years before the
Seven Years' War, and during theSeven Years' War, New England in
general had been the target ofFrench and allied Indigenous
attacks. There's an interestingpoem that's published in England
in 1710 or 12. That basicallyargues that the Haudenosaunee

(35:36):
should be married to thedaughters of England to protect
them from Catholic incursion.And this this very strange
gendered metaphor, but that'sreally how New England is
thinking about the whole nashonithat they're kind of the
protectors from the French.Wheelock is informed by all of
that.

As the Seneca’s decision to side with Pontiac
might suggest, Britain’srelationship with the
Haudenosaunee after the SevenYears’ War had become more
complicated.

Maeve Kane (36:03):
I think it becomes much more tense. The British are
looking at this and much of whatWheelock himself right that the
Haudenosaunee are the key toNorth America. It's informed by
tensions with the French but hewrites this after the Seven
Years' War, and he continues toconceive of the Haudenosaunee as
a kind of a shield from westernIndian nations, as well as the
key to converting the rest ofNorth America. So they're seen

(36:24):
as very influential politicallyand diplomatically among
Indigenous people. But I thinkbroadly, the British had been
anxious about Haudenosauneealliances before the Seven
Years' War, but the end of theSeven Years War' really calls
into question like, theHaudenosaunee are the other
large military power on thecontinent. They had been pivotal

(36:46):
in the Seven Years' War. Whyaren't the subjects of the
British king?

For Sir William Johnson and for the
Haudenosaunee, bringing theSeneca back into fold was
paramount. Keeping the chain offriendship with the
Haudenosaunee polished andbright was crucial to Johnson’s
own standing among Indigenousnations, and among the king’s
ministers. And the Haudenosauneeknew that a fractured
confederacy would make itdifficult to maintain their

(37:13):
claim to authority over thepeoples of the Ohio Country. In
July of 1764, Johnson met withabout 2,000 people from 24
different nations at FortNiagara to make peace. The
Haudenosaunee and the waywardSeneca were among the attendees,
as were the Ojibwa,Mississaugas, and many others.

(37:34):
After weeks of negotiations,whose success depended in part
on the influence of MollyBrandt, a member of the Mohawk
nation as well as Johnson’swife, the delegates signed a
treaty on August 1. It was apivotal moment in British
American and Indigenous history.In the Treaty of Fort Niagara,
the assembled Indigenous nationsaccepted the Royal Proclamation

(37:57):
of 1763, and the Crown’sacknowledgment of their rights
as independent nations livingunder the king’s protection. It
restored the Seneca to theCovenant Chain and brought the
western nations present into theBritish-Indigenous alliance.
They agreed to return captivesand allow trade to resume at
British forts in theirhomelands. Johnson and the

(38:17):
British promised to reopen thattrade and prosecute settlers who
violated the boundary line, yetto be mapped. And the agreement
put into practice theProclamation’s directive that
only the Crown could acquireland from Indigenous peoples,
and only then throughtreaty-making. In acknowledgment
of having caused the chain offriendship to lose its luster,

(38:39):
the Seneca agreed, at Johnson’sinsistence, to give the British
a four-mile strip of land alongthe Niagara River The treaty
didn’t end Pontiac’s War. TheDelawares, the Shawnees, the
Odawas, and other allied nationsdidn’t attend the conference.
The conflict carried on foranother year, and while raids
continued on British settlers,and two British armies marched

(39:02):
into the Ohio Country in 1764,there wasn’t a climactic battle.
Instead, Colonels JohnBradstreet and Henry Bouquet,
backed by the presence of theirrespective armies, signed
treaties with Ohio peoples thatrestored peace. Pontiac himself
signed a treaty with Sir WilliamJohnson in 1766. But what the

(39:25):
Treaty of Fort Niagara did dowas formalize the Proclamation
of 1763 as the law of the land.And together with John Stuart's
efforts at Augusta, it made theBoard of Trade’s imagined
proclamation line a realpossibility. Here's Max Edelson:

Wheb I started my research and what I learned in
doing this research is that theproclamation line may have been
an abstraction but it initiateda process of negotiation where
Native Americans and Britishofficials met at multiple
diplomatic meetings they calledcongresses over the 1760s and 17
said 70s And they talked about alot of things at these
diplomatic meetings. One of themwas peace and justice, the terms

(40:06):
of trade. But they always talkedabout how each Indian nation saw
its boundary line with theprovinces of British America. If
you read the transcriptions ofthese meetings, they're often
geographic landmarks and markersabout what they've agreed to
about where this line should go.

Unlike the coastal surveys and township divisions
inscribed on Prince EdwardIsland, the Proclamation Line
would not be imposed from above.Instead, it would be created
piece by piece, segment bysegment, first through
diplomacy, and then in thefield, over the course of the
next 10 years.

What's really remarkable about this process is
this negotiated proclamationline was followed by an actual
surveying team that was sentout, for instance, to show the
boundary between the CreekIndians and the Georgia colony.
But not only were Britishsurveyors involved in surveying
that line, Indianrepresentatives accompanied them

(41:02):
on the surveying expeditions,really to make it clear that the
British were not going to takeadvantage of this moment and
their technology of surveying inorder to defraud Native
Americans. British officialscounted on those Indian
participants in the surveys,going back to their towns going
back to their communities andsaying, I saw with my own eyes
where they marked the boundaryline and it conformed to what we

(41:24):
agreed to at the diplomaticmeeting.

In 1765, for instance, British and Cherokee
diplomats met at Fort PrinceGeorge, the trading post near
the Cherokee town of Keowee, tofirm up a fifty-mile stretch of
boundary between South Carolinaand the Cherokee nation. To the
Cherokees, Long Cane Creek wastheir border with the
Carolinians. But the creek’snumerous tributaries made for

(41:48):
confusing geography. TheCherokees believed that that
confusion had allowed whitesettlers to claim land that
wasn’t theirs. The negotiatorsagreed that this contested
segment of the line should passthrough a trading post called
Devises Corner. It sat at a bendin Long Cane Creek, where the
road to Fort Prince Georgepassed over it. After surveyor

(42:10):
John Pickens completed a new mapof the area, the negotiators met
again at the fort to confirmthis section of the boundary. On
May 8, 1766, six Cherokeeleaders, including Ostenaco,
made their mark on the map,signaling their consent.

You can see the idealism behind this facet of
the scheme. British officialswanted to really convince Native
Americans that they were seriousabout creating a boundary with
British America that would berespected. And they invited them
to accompany British surveyorson the surveying expeditions to
mark the line. So that line yousee in textbooks that idea of a
line going through themountains, that is just a

(42:49):
provisional idea. And then it isfollowed up by a negotiated
boundary that departs from thatidea of the line. So if we want
to understand British America,in this period, we have to
understand this process of howthis boundary was negotiated.

But not every British official believed it was
possible to create a permanentenforceable border.

There were some ideologues, people who deeply
believed in the board of trades,vision of reform, and really had
a lot of animosity towardcolonial disobedience in the
period before, during and afterthe Seven Years' War. So they
really wanted to impose thissolution to empire. But there
were other voices who reallythought it wasn't very

(43:33):
practicable. Just thought theseschemes were not going to work
in the real conditions of NorthAmerica, there was probably a
turn toward a little morecynicism about the possibility
that these reforms could beeffected. The British
governments were very volatile.At this point. Every time a new
government took over, they wouldappoint new people to head the
Secretary of State's office andthe Board of Trade, who didn't

(43:55):
share the same convictions ofthose who came before them.

One of the critics was the man many British
politicians, colonial officials,and Indigenous people held
responsible for the outbreak ofPontiac’s War.

There was a contingent of senior Army
officers including Sir JeffreyAmherst, who had been a
commander in chief of forces inNorth America at the end of the
Seven Years' War, who believethat it didn't make strategic
sense to try to possess interiorterritory without settling
colonies in it. In his view, itwas militarily unsupportable to
create remote frontier fortsthat didn't have a settler

(44:29):
population around them to feedthose soldiers and to defend
them as militias. I did lookvery hard for the map that he is
reported to have brought tomembers of parliament and senior
British officials showing hisplans for the new colonies that
might take shape around Britishforts along the Ohio River, for
instance, I cannot find thisactual map if it indeed exists

(44:50):
anywhere. But it's very clearthat Jeffrey Amherst did not
believe in this vision of theBoard of Trade did not see the
sense in trying to possessterritory but not really
controlling it. With settlerpopulations and military
encampments, he was, I think,quite right to think that those
forts would just be places forsoldiers to go and die of
disease or Indian attack, andthat without a colony around

(45:13):
them military forts really meantvery little.

Some British Americans shared Amherst’s
belief that the boundary linewas unworkable. Although alarmed
by what they saw as aninfringement on their property
rights, colonists like theVirginia planter, politician,
and retired militia colonelGeorge Washington believed it
was only a matter of time beforethe line would fall. As
Washington told fellow landspeculator William Crawford in

(45:39):
September 1767:

Beau Robbins (45:42):
The other matter just now hinted at and which I
proposd in my last is to joinyou in attempting to secure some
of the most valuable Lands inthe Kings part which I think may
be accomplished after a whilenotwithst⟨an⟩ding the
Proclamation that restrains itat present & prohibits the
Settling of them at all[.] for Ican never look upon that

(46:03):
Proclamation in any other light(but this I say between
ourselves) than as a temporaryexpedien⟨t⟩ to quiet the Minds
of the Indians & must fall ofcourse in a few years
esp⟨e⟩cially when those Indiansare consenting to our Occupying
the Lands. any Person thereforewho neglects the present
oppertunity of hunting ou⟨t⟩good Lands & in some measure

(46:25):
Marking & distinguishing themfor their own (in order to keep
others from settling them) willnever regain it.

Native nations were no less pragmatic. As British
Americans lobbied the Board ofTrade to open up more lands to
western settlement, someIndigenous communities saw
strategic land cessions as ameans to protect their
homelands. Two major agreements– one with the Haudenosaunee in
1768 and the other with theCherokees in 1770 – reveal how

(46:57):
the boundary line began to erodealmost as soon as its segments
were fixed. IIn November 1768,delegates from the Haudenosaunee
met with Sir William Johnson atFort Stanwix in central New York
to finalize the northern border.The Six Nations were already

(47:18):
uneasy. Earlier that spring, anunknown Haudensosaunee speaker
complained to Johnson that theBritish were failing to live up
to their promises to protectthem from greedy settlers who
lusted for their lands, murderedtheir people, and traded
dishonestly. Perhaps the Frenchhad been right all those years
ago, he said, when they tried toconvince the Haudenonsuee that

(47:41):
the British were not reallytheir brothers after all. As the
speaker told Johnson:

Unknown (47:46):
"You often tell us we dont restrain our people and
that you do so with yours, butBrother your words differ more
from your Actions than do ours.We have Wide Ears and we can
hear that you are going toSettle great numbers in the
heart of our Country, and ourNecks are stretched out, and our
faces set to the Sea Shore towatch their motions.”

At Fort Stanwix in November, the Haudenosaunee
could read the future on amap.During the conference,
Johnson put on a carefullycalculated performance. He laid
a map before the nativedelegates showing the
preliminary border ending at aplace called Owegê along the
Susquehanna River inPennsylvania. The proposed
terminus exposed all of westernNew York to potential white

(48:32):
settlement, with the Onondagaand Oneida towns directly in
their path. To prevent aninvasion of their homelands, the
Haudenosaunee agreed to anextension of the boundary line.
This new segment ran east fromOwegê before turning north,
where it followed various creeksbefore ending just to the west
of Fort Stanwix. TheHaudenosaunee, however, went

(48:54):
much further at the conferencethan anyone except for perhaps
Johnson expected. For more thana century, the Haudenosaunee had
claimed dominion over thepeoples of the Ohio Country,
what we now consider westernVirginia and Pennsylvania, parts
of Kentucky, and the statesbordering the Great Lakes. This
claim included the right toconduct diplomacy on their

(49:17):
behalf. But preserving theirsovereignty and homelands had
always been their chief concern.Prior to Fort Stanwix, the Board
of Trade had ordered Johnson tofinalize Virginia’s western
border by fixing it at thejunction of the Kanawha and Ohio
Rivers. This would provide someadditional land for white
settlers, while upholding theRoyal Proclamation’s

(49:39):
restrictions on westernsettlement. Johnson ignored
these instructions. TheHaudenosaunee were all too
willing to support hisdisobedience. Instead of
terminating the western borderat the Kanawha and Ohio Rivers,
Johnson asked the Six Nationsfor a new boundary line that ran
the length of the Ohio Riverinstead. The Haudenonsaunee

(50:01):
agreed. The new border opened upmillions of acres to white
settlement. On the one hand,the deal reflected Johnson’s
long and intimate ties to theHaudenosaunee, his skill as a
diplomat, and his willingness togo against his orders when he
believed conditions on theground demanded it. On the
other hand, the Haudenosauneehad little confidence that the

(50:23):
British could really stop whitesettlers from encroaching on
their lands. That theProclamation Line was really
enforceable. More and moresettlers seemed to arrive every
year, butting up against theirhomelands and hunting grounds.
They could read the future on amap and decided to reshape it.
By invoking their authority overthe Ohio Country, the

(50:45):
Haudenosaunee ceded lands inwhat is now Kentucky to the
British. If they could not stopwhite settlement, they hoped to
control its direction, anddeflect colonists south, away
from their homelands. If theBritish had long seen the
Haudensoaunee as a shieldagainst the French and western
Indigenous nations, theHaudensoaunee hoped to shape the

(51:06):
Proclamation Line into a shieldaround their own communities, at
the expense of the nativepeoples who lived in the ceded
territory. The Cherokeespursued a similar strategy.

One of the places that changed the most was the
border between the CherokeeNation and the colony of
Virginia. Virginians had alreadygone past the mountains, there
were illegal land grants toVirginia land holders, before
the Seven Years' War that wentall the way to the Ohio River.
These were legitimate landgrants that were made before the

(51:42):
proclamation. So Britain feltthat those needed to be honored
as well. And Cherokeerepresentatives also
acknowledged that those landgrants shouldn't be discounted.
This was really one of theprinciples that Native nations
and British negotiators hadduring these talks was that
wherever British settlementexisted, it should be left where

(52:03):
it was, and the boundary shouldbe placed beyond it. But you
know, Virginia officials andland speculators had a vision of
their colony not just as asettled place near the
Tidewater, but as a littleempire in its own right, that
was going to expand into thewest into a great empire in
miniature. People like GeorgeWashington and other active land

(52:26):
speculators did not want to giveup on that vision. And the
governors of Virginia who tookpart in negotiations with Native
Americans did not want to giveup on that vision. So at a
series of negotiations betweenthe Cherokees and the British,
that line was renegotiated togive more land to Virginia, and
to shrink the size of theCherokee Nation. And there were

(52:47):
Cherokee leaders who were verymuch on board to do this.

In 1768, the British convened a congress with
the Cherokees at Hard LaborCreek in South Carolina to
settle the nation’s northernborder with Virginia. The
Cherokees insisted on theKanawha River as the border, but
Virginia governor NorborneBerkeley, Baron de Botetourt
complained that it constrictedthe colony and would force him
to remove settlers already onthose lands. The Cherokees

(53:16):
agreed to a counter proposalthat put all of the river in
Virginia’s boundaries.

There are a few reasons why Native Americans
wanted to sell more land to theBritish at a time when the
British were trying to limit thescope of British America. First
of all, many of them werereeling from a smallpox epidemic
and population decline many worddeep in debt to British traders
and one of the ways to settlethose debts and get some

(53:41):
resources was to make anagreement with the British that
would come with some financialcompensation. Every time they
attended one of these diplomaticmeetings, they got what were
called Indian presence, suppliesof textiles, gunpowder and other
necessities for them. So theyhad an incentive to sell some
land.

But like the Haudenosaunee, the Cherokees
also saw land cessions as adefensive strategy.

In the case of the Cherokees and Virginia though,
the real incentive was if theycouldn't control the expansion
of European colonists into theirhomelands, they could maybe
control the flow of it and thedirection in which that
settlement would take. n

In 1770, the British and the Cherokees met
again to adjust the boundaryline. This time at Lochaber in
South Carolina. The diplomatsagreed to one line; the men who
surveyed it made another. Theline should have run north from
the North Carolina border to theKanawha and Ohio Rivers.
Surveyor John Donelson and theCherokees who accompanied him,

(54:44):
including Attakullakulla, movedthe terminus west down the Ohio
River by more than 50 miles.

At this moment, each Indian nation is in a very
vulnerable position and wants touse its negotiating leverage to
create safety and security forits people. sometimes at the
expense of other native groups.So both the Iroquois and the
Cherokees negotiated with theBritish and granted much more
land than the British hadinitially asked for, I think in

(55:11):
order to direct settlement awayfrom their homelands and really
toward the Ohio River, whereNative Americans who lived along
the Ohio River bore the brunt ofthat invasive colonization.

British Americans who picked up a copy of the
Pennsylvania Gazette publishedon February 21, 1765, found a
curious notice on the thirdpage, if they noticed it at all.
Surrounded by advertisements ofland for sale, reports on
merchant ships arriving fromEurope, mention of new laws

(55:49):
passed in the colonial assembly,and even a few lines of poetry.
The notice read:

Amber Pelham (55:55):
“Notice is hereby given, that six of the Captives,
recovered by Col. Bouquet fromthe Indians, in November last,
are now at Philadelphia, underthe Care of this Government, …
three Boys, and three Girls,whose Descriptions are
respectively as follow.”

Stephen was the oldest. He was about 14 years
old, with fair skin, light brownhair, and oak brown eyes.
William was around 12, with abrown complexion, black hair,
and black eyes. The third boy’sname wasn’t known. Betty was

(56:31):
William’s sister. She was about9, with the same dark skin,
black eyes, and black hair.Rachel was maybe 10, with a
complexion like Stephen’s, onlywith grey eyes. Catherine, a
year younger, had light browneyes, and brown hair.

Amber Pelham (56:47):
“They have been several Years among the Indians,
and do not recollect theirSurnames, nor from what Place
they were taken.”

The notice advised anyone whose children or
relations had been taken intocaptivity to come to
Philadelphia to see if theybelonged to them. If no family
could be found, the childrenwould be turned into indentured
servants and bound out toemployers. The children were
among some 200 peoplerelinquished to Colonel Henry

(57:19):
Bouquet by the Shawnee andDelaware. In November 1764, just
as British and native diplomatsbegan negotiating the boundary
between British and IndigenousAmerica, Bouquet marched an army
from Fort Pitt to the MuskingumRiver in the Ohio Country, to
take Pontiac’s War to theShawnee and Delaware. With

(57:41):
Bouquet’s army in theirvillages, the native peoples saw
little option but to negotiate atreaty with him. That agreement
included the return of settlerstaken captive during the Seven
Years’ War. Some of the childrenwere surely captives who were
taken during raids in placeslike western Pennsylvania and
Virginia.The genealogy of someof the other children was more

(58:03):
complicated. Bouquet forced hisIndigenous adversaries to give
up the children they had withwhite women as well. The
Pennsylvania artist BenjaminWest depicted the moment of the
transfer in a painting thatlater became a widely circulated
print. Against the backdrop ofsoldiers bearing fixed bayonets,

(58:25):
Bouquet is seated on a stump,shaded by trees. A number of
people have gathered oppositehim. Some are Indigenous men and
women, some are white women.Some look on with anticipation,
others are weeping. In theforeground, an Indigenous man

(58:45):
and a woman try to coax afrightened boy toward Bouquet.
The man has a look ofresignation on his face as he
pushes the child forward; thewoman is bent on one knee, with
her face turned toward the youngboy. She steadies him with her
grasp. Her expression suggestsshe is asking him to be brave.

(59:09):
Behind them, a couple embracesanother distraught child, who
knows what is about to happen.We cannot know for certain if
William, Beatty, or some of theother children who appeared in
the Pennsylvania Gazette werechildren born of two worlds, but
their ages and their physicaldescriptions make it a distinct
possibility. And if they didn’tknow what family they were from,

(59:33):
they knew the people they mighthave called their family, family
they were forced to leavebehind. They were living
reminders that even asIndigenous and British diplomats
worked to draw a border betweenthem, there could never really
be a divide

(01:00:02):
Thanks for listening to WorldsTurned Upside Down. Worlds is a
production of R2 Studios, partof the Roy Rosenzweig Center for
History and New Media at GeorgeMason University. I'm your host
Jim Ambuske. This episode wasmade possible by the support of
the Virginia American Revolution250 Commission. Gead to R2

(01:00:23):
studios.org for a completetranscript of today's episode,
and suggestions for furtherreading. Worlds is researched
and written by me withadditional research writing and
script editing by JeanettePatrick. Jeanette Patrick and I
are the executive producers.Grace Mallon is our British
correspondent. Our lead audioeditor is Curt Dahl of CD
Squared. Rachel Birch, AmberPelham and Alexandra Miller are

(01:00:46):
our graduate assistants. Ourthanks to Max Edelson, Maeve
Kane, and Alexandra Montgomeryfor sharing their expertise with
us in this episode. To see manyof the maps referenced in
today's episode, be sure tocheck out Max Edelson's digital
project on the New Map of Empireat map scholar.org/empire.

(01:01:07):
Thanks also to our voice asleader James Craggs Luke
Jensen-Jones and Beau Robbins.Subscribe to Worlds on your
favorite podcast app. Thanks andwe'll see you next time.

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