Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
The Michael Barry Shoe.
Speaker 2 (00:06):
Welcome to Words to Live By, a podcast series hosted
by the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute. Each week,
we will share some of the wit and wisdom of
Ronald Reagan in essence Words to Live By, and the
content is made up of radio addresses and speeches he
delivered from the nineteen sixties through the nineteen eighties. In
(00:31):
this week's podcast, we present Ronald Reagan's famous A Time
for Choosing speech, delivered on October twenty seventh, nineteen sixty four.
Writing about that speech in his book Speaking My Mind,
Ronald Reagan said, in nineteen sixty four, I became co
chairman of Californians for Barry Goldwater. I went up and
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down the state with a campaign speech I'd written that
wasn't too different in tone and message from my ge presentations.
The speech seemed to go over very well. One night,
a few weeks before the election, I addressed a fundraiser
at the Coconut Grove in Los Angeles. When the evening
was over, a delegation of high powered Republicans waited for me,
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and they asked me whether I would deliver that same
speech on nationwide TV if they raised the money to
buy the time. I said yes, and suggested that instead
of having me in a studio alone, they bring in
an audience to get a little better feel. They readily agreed.
Everyone thought I'd done well, but still you don't always
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know about these things. When a Barry's staff called to
let me know that the switchboard was still lit up
from the calls pledging money to his campaign, I then
slept peacefully. The speech raised eight million dollars and soon
changed my entire life. I didn't put a title on it.
It later became known as a time for choosing.
Speaker 3 (02:00):
Thank you very much, thank you, and good evening. The
sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the
performer hasn't been provided with a script.
Speaker 1 (02:15):
As a matter of.
Speaker 3 (02:16):
Fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words
and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we
face in the next few weeks. I have spent most
of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen
fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues
confronting as cross party lines. Now One side in this
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campaign has been telling us that the issues of this
election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line
has been used, We've never had it so good. But
I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something
on which we can base our hopes for the future.
No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden
that reached a third of its national income. Today, thirty
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seven cents out of every dollar earned in this country
is the tax collector share. And yet our government continues
to spend seventeen million dollars a day more than the
government takes in. We haven't balanced our budget twenty eight
out of the last thirty four years.
Speaker 1 (03:11):
We've raised our.
Speaker 3 (03:12):
Debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and
now our national debt is one and a half times
bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations
of the world. We have fifteen billion dollars in gold
in our treasury. We don't own an ounce four hundred dollars.
Claims are twenty seven point three billion dollars, and we've
just had announced that the dollar of nineteen thirty nine
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will now purchase forty five cents in its total value.
As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder
who among us would like to approach the wife or
mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam,
and asked them if they think this is a piece
that should be maintained indefinitely, Do they mean peace or
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do they mean we just want to be left in peace?
There can be no real peace while one American is
dying some place in the world. For the rest of us,
we're at war with the most dangerous enemy that has
ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp
to the stars. And it's been said, if we lose
that war, and in so doing lose this way of
freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment
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that those who had the most to lose did the
least to prevent its happening. Well, I think it's time
we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that
were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.
Speaker 1 (04:29):
Not too long ago, two friends of.
Speaker 3 (04:30):
Mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a business man
who had escaped from Castro, And in the midst of
his story, one of my friends turned to the other
and said, we don't know how lucky we are, And
the Cuban stopped and said, how lucky you are. I
had some place to escape to, And in that sentence
he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here,
there's no place to escape to. This is the last
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stand on earth. And this idea that government is beholden
to the people, that it has no other source of
power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and
the most unique idea in all the long history of
man's relation to man. This is the issue of this election,
whether we believe in our capacity for self government or
whether we abandon the American Revolution and confess that a
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little intellectual elite in a far distant capital can plan
our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.
You and I are told increasingly we have to choose
between a left or right. Well, I'd like to suggest
there is no such thing as a left or right.
There's only an up or down man's old age dream,
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the ultimate an individual freedom consistent with law and order,
or down to the ant heap of fatalitarianism. And regardless
of their sincerity their humanitarian motives, those who would trade
our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.
In this vote, harvesting time. They use terms like the
great society, or as we were told a few days
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ago by the President, we must accept a greater government
activity in the affairs of the people. But they've been
a little more explicit in the past and among themselves,
and all of the things I now will quote have
appeared in print. These are not republican accusations. For example,
they have voices that say the Cold War will end
through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism. Another voice
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says the profit motive has become outmoted. It must be
replaced by the incentives of the welfare state, or our
traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the
complex problems of the twentieth century. Senator Fulbright has said
at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded.
Speaker 1 (06:38):
He referred to the.
Speaker 3 (06:39):
President as our moral teacher and our leader, and he
says he is hobbled in his task by the restrictions
of power imposed on him by this antiquated document. He
must be freed so that he can do for us
what he knows is best. And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania,
another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as meeting the material needs
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of the masses through the full power of centralized government.
Speaker 1 (07:05):
Well, I, for one, resented when a representative of.
Speaker 3 (07:08):
The people refers to you and me, the free men
and women of this country, as the masses. This is
a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America. But
beyond that, the full power of centralized government. This was
the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They
knew that governments don't control things. A government can't control
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the economy without controlling people, and they know when a
government sets out to do that, it must use force
and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those
Founding fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does
nothing as well or as economically as the private sector
of the economy.
Speaker 1 (07:47):
Now we have no better.
Speaker 3 (07:48):
Example of this than government's involvement of the farm economy
over the last thirty years. Since nineteen fifty five, the
cost of this program is nearly doubled. One fourth of
farming in America is responsible for eighty five percent of
the farm surplus.
Speaker 1 (08:02):
Three fourths of farming.
Speaker 3 (08:04):
Is out on the free market and has known a
twenty one percent increase in the per capita consumption of
all its produce. You see that one fourth of farming
that's regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the
last three years, we've spent forty three dollars in the
feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we
don't grow. Senator Humphrey last week charged that Burry Goldwater
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as president, would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do
his homework a little better, because he'll find out that
we've had a decline of five million in the farm
population under these government programs. He'll also find that the
Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress extension of
the farm program to include that three forth that is
now free. He'll find that they've also asked for the
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right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed
by the federal government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for
the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them
to other individuals. And contained in that same program was
a provision that would have allowed the federal government to
remove two million farmers from the soil. At the same time,
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there's been an increase in the Department of agriculture employees.
There's now one for every thirty farms in the United States,
and still they can't tell us how sixty six shiploads
of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace, and
Billy Solstice never left shore. Every responsible farmer and farm
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organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy.
But how who are farmers to know what's best for them?
The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government
passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up,
the price of wheat to the farmer goes down. Meanwhile,
back in the city under urban renewal, the assault on
freedom carries on private property rights so deluded that publican
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is almost anything a few government planners decide it should
be in a program that takes from the needy and
gives to the greedy. We see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio.
A million and a half dollar building completed only three
years ago must be destroyed to make way for what
government officials call a more compatible use of the land.
The President tells us he's now going to start building
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public housing units in the thousands.
Speaker 1 (10:23):
We're Heretofore, we've only built them in.
Speaker 3 (10:24):
The hundreds, but FHA and the Veterans Administration tell us
they have one hundred and twenty thousand housing units they've
taken back through mortgage foreclosure. For three decades, we've sought
to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and
the more the plans fail, the more the planner's plan.
The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency. They've just declared
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Rice County, Kansas a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas has
two hundred oil wells and the fourteen thousand people there
have over thirty million dollars on deposit in personal savings
in their banks. When the government tells you you're depressed,
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lie down and be depressed. We have so many people
who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin
one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got
that way by taking advantage of the thin one.
Speaker 1 (11:17):
So they're going to.
Speaker 3 (11:17):
Solve all the problems of human misery through government and
government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had
the answer, and they've had almost thirty years of it,
shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us
Once in a while, shouldn't they be telling us about
the decline each year in the number of people needing help,
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the reduction in the need for public housing. But the
reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater, the
program grows greater. We were told four years ago that
seventeen million people went to bed hungry each night. Well,
that was probably true, they were all on a diet.
But now we're told that nine point three million families
in this country are poverty stricken on the basis of
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earning less than three thousand dollars a year. Welfare spending
ten times greater than it was in the dark depths
of the depression. We're spending forty five billion dollars on welfare. Now,
do a little arithmetic and you'll find that if we
divided the forty five billion dollars up equally among those
nine million poor families, we'd be able to give each
family forty six hundred dollars a year, and this, added
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to their present income, should eliminate poverty. Direct aid to
the poor, however, is only running about six hundred dollars
per family. It would seem that someplace there must be
some overhead. Now, so now we declare war on poverty,
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or you too can be a Bobby Baker. Now do
they honestly expect us to believe that if we add
one billion dollars to the forty five billion, we're spending
one more program to the thirty odd we have. And remember,
this new program doesn't replace any it just duplicates existing programs.
Do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear
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by magic? Well, in all fairness, I should explain, there
is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated.
This is the youth feature. We're now going to solve
the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency by reinstituting something like the
old CCC camps, and we're going to put our young
people in these camps.
Speaker 1 (13:28):
But again, we do some arithmetic and we.
Speaker 3 (13:30):
Find that we're going to spend each year just on
room and board for each young person we help forty
seven hundred dollars a year.
Speaker 1 (13:39):
We can send.
Speaker 3 (13:40):
Them to Harvard for twenty seven hundred. Of course, don't
get me wrong, I'm not suggesting Harvard is the answer
to juvenile delinquency.
Speaker 1 (14:00):
But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek
to help? Not too long ago, a judge called me
here in Los Angeles.
Speaker 3 (14:08):
He told me that a young woman who'd come before
him for a divorce she had six children, was pregnant
with her seven. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband
was a laborer earning two hundred and fifty dollars a month.
She wanted the divorce to get an eighty dollar raise.
She's eligible for three hundred and thirty dollars a month
and the aid the Defended Children program. She got the
idea from two women in her neighborhood who'd already done
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that very thing. Yet, any time you and I questioned
the schemes of the do gooders were denounced as being
against their humanitarian goal. They say, we're always against things,
we're never for anything. Well, the trouble with our liberal
friends is not that they're ignorant. It's just that they
know so much that isn't so. Now, we're for a
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provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of
old age, and to that end, we've accepted Social Security
as a step toward meeting the problem. But we're against
those entrusted with this program when they practiced deception regarding
its fiscal shortcomings, when they charged that any criticism of
the program means that we want to end payments to
those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They've
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called it insurance to us in one hundred million pieces
of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court
and they testified it was a welfare program.
Speaker 1 (15:27):
They only used the term insurance.
Speaker 3 (15:29):
To sell it to the people, and they said social
security dues are a tax for the general use of
the government, and the government has used that tax. There
is no fund because Robert Buyers, the actuarial head, appeared
before a congressional committee and admitted that social Security as
of this moment is two hundred and ninety eight billion
dollars in the whole. But he said there should be
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no cause for worry because as long as they had
the power to tax, they could always take away from
the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble,
and they're doing just that. A young man twenty one
years of age, working at an average salary, his social
Security contribution would in the open market buy him an
insurance policy that would guarantee two hundred and twenty dollars
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a month.
Speaker 1 (16:14):
At age sixty five.
Speaker 3 (16:16):
The government promises one hundred and twenty seven, he could
live it up until he's thirty one and then take
out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now,
are we so lacking in business sense that we can't
put this program on a sound basis so that people
who do require those payments will find they can get
them when they're due. That the cupboard isn't bare. Barry
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Goldwater thinks we can. At the same time, can't we
introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can
do better on his own to be excused upon presentation
of evidence that he had made provision for the.
Speaker 1 (16:50):
Non earning years.
Speaker 3 (16:52):
Should we not allow a widow with children to work
and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her
deceased husband. Shouldn't you and I be allowed now to
declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which
we cannot do. I think we're fore telling our senior
citizens that no one in this country should be denied
medical care because of a lack of funds. But I
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think we're against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into
a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples
as was announced last week when France admitted that their
Medicare program is now bankrupt.
Speaker 1 (17:24):
They've come to the end of the road.
Speaker 3 (17:26):
In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested
that our government give up its program of deliberate planned
inflation so that when you do get your Social security pension,
a dollar will buy a dollar's worth and not forty
five cents worth.
Speaker 1 (17:43):
I think we're for.
Speaker 3 (17:44):
An international organization where the.
Speaker 1 (17:46):
Nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we're.
Speaker 3 (17:49):
Against subordinating American interest to an organization that has become
so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two
thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly amide
nations that represent less than ten percent of the world's population.
I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies
because here and there they cling to a colony, while
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we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open
our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the
Soviet colonies in the satellite nations. I think we're foriding
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our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those
nations which share in our fundamental beliefs.
Speaker 1 (18:36):
But we're against doling out money government to government.
Speaker 3 (18:39):
Creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We
set out to help nineteen countries. We're helping one hundred
and seven. We've spent one hundred and forty six billion
dollars with that money.
Speaker 1 (18:50):
We've bought a two million dollar yacht for highly Selassie.
Speaker 3 (18:54):
We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for
Kenya government officials. What a thousand TV sets for a
place where they have no electricity. In the last six years,
fifty two nations have bought seven billion dollars worth of
our gold, and all fifty two are receiving foreign aid
from this country. No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size,
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so government programs, once launched, never disappear. Actually, a government
bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever
see on this earth. Federal employees Federal employees number two
and a half million, and federal, state, and local one
out of six of the nation's workforce employed by government.
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These proliferating bureaus, with their thousands of regulations, have cost
us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us
realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property
without a warrant, They can impose a fine without a
formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury, and they
can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce
the payment of the fine. In Chico County, Arkansas, James
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Weir overplanted his rice allotment. The government obtained a seventeen
thousand dollars judgment, and a US marshal sold his nine
hundred and sixty acre farm at auction. The government said
it was necessary as a warning to others to make
the system work. Last February nineteenth, at the University of Minnesota,
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Norman Thomas, six times candidate for president on the Socialist
Party ticket, said if Barry Goldwater became president, he would
stop the advance of socialism in the United States. I
think that's exactly what he will do. But as a
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former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the
only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with
the present administer, because back in nineteen thirty six, mister
Democrat himself, Al Smith, a great American, came before the
American people and charged that the leadership of his party
was taking the party of Jefferson, Jackson and Cleveland down
the road under the banners of Marx, Lennon and Stalin.
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And he walked away from his party, and he never
returned till the day he died. Because to this day
the leadership of that party has been taking that party,
that honorable party down the road in the image of
the Labor Socialist Party of England.
Speaker 1 (21:29):
Now, it doesn't.
Speaker 3 (21:30):
Require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to
impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether
you hold the deed to or the title to your
business or property. If the government holds the power of
life and death over that business or property, and such
machinery already exists, the government can find some charge to
bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every business
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man has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion
has taken place. Still, unalienable rights are now considered to
be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been
so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as
it is at this moment.
Speaker 1 (22:10):
Our democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues.
Speaker 3 (22:14):
They want to make you and I believe that this
is a contest between two men that were to choose
just between two personalities. Well, what of this man that
they would destroy? And in destroying they would destroy that
which he represents, the ideas that you.
Speaker 1 (22:28):
And I hold dear?
Speaker 3 (22:29):
Is he the brash and shallow and trigger happy man
they say he is. Well, I've been privileged to know
him when I knew him long before he ever dreamed
of trying for high office. And I can tell you personally,
I've never known a man in my life I believed
so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.
Speaker 1 (22:59):
This is a man who, in.
Speaker 3 (23:00):
His own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit
sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He
put in health and medical insurance for all his employees.
He took fifty percent of the profits before taxes, and
set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all
his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an
employee was ill and couldn't work. He provides nursing care
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for the children of mothers who work in the stores.
When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande,
he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies
down there.
Speaker 1 (23:32):
An EXGI told me how he met him.
Speaker 3 (23:35):
It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War,
and he was at the Los Angeles Airport trying to
get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he
said that a lot of service men there and no
seats available on the planes. And then a voice came
over the loud speaker and said, any men in uniform
wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such and such,
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and they went down there. There was a fellow named
Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane every day in those
weeks before Christmas. All day long, he'd load up the plane,
fly at Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back
over to get another load. During the hectic, split second
timing of a campaign, this is a man who took
time out to sit beside an old friend who is
dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but
(24:19):
he said, there aren't many left to care what happens
to her. I'd like her to know I care. This
is a man who said to his nineteen year old son,
there is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness.
And when you begin to build your life on that rock,
with the cement of the faith in God that you have,
then you have a real stunt. This is not a
(24:41):
man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war.
Speaker 1 (24:45):
And that is the issue of.
Speaker 3 (24:46):
This campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed
academic unless we realize we're in a war.
Speaker 1 (24:53):
That must be won.
Speaker 3 (24:54):
Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen
of the welfare state have told us they have a
utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy accommodation,
and they say, if we'll only avoid any direct confrontation
with the enemy, he'll forget his evil ways and learn
to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers.
They say, we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well,
(25:17):
perhaps there is a simple answer, not an easy answer,
but simple. If you and I have the courage to
tell our elected officials that we want our national policy
based on what we know in our hearts is morally right,
we cannot but by our security, our freedom from the
threat of the bomb, by committing an immorality so great
(25:38):
as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind
the iron curtain. Give up your dreams of freedom, because
to save our own skins, we are willing to make
a deal with your slave masters. Alexander Hamilton said, a
nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for
a master and deserves one. Now let's set the record straight.
There's no argument over the choice between peace and war.
(26:01):
But there's only one guaranteed way you can have peace,
and you can have it in the next second surrender. Admittedly,
there's a risk in any course we follow other than this,
but every lesson of history tells us that the greater
risk lies in appeasement. And this is the specter our
well meaning liberal friends refuse to face that their policy
of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between
(26:25):
peace and war, only between fight or surrender. If we
continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we
have to face the final demand, the ultimatum. And what
then When the Kida Kruzchef has told his people he
knows what our answer will be. He has told them
that we are retreating under the pressure of the Cold War,
(26:46):
and some day when the time comes to deliver the
final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that
time we will have been weakened from within, spiritually, morally,
and economically. He believes this because from our side he's
heard voices pleading for peace at any price or better
read than dead, or, as one commentator put it, he'd
rather live on his knees than die on his feet.
Speaker 1 (27:07):
And therein lies.
Speaker 3 (27:09):
The road to war, because those voices don't speak.
Speaker 1 (27:12):
For the rest of us.
Speaker 3 (27:13):
You and I know and do not believe that life
is so dear and peace so sweet as to be
purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing
in life is worth dying for? When did this begin
just in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses
have told the children of Israel to live in slavery
under the Pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? Should
(27:34):
the patriots at Conquered Bridge have thrown down their guns
and refuse to fire the shot heard round the world?
The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored
dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of
the Nazis didn't die in vain.
Speaker 1 (27:49):
Where then, is the road to peace. Oh, it's a
simple answer.
Speaker 3 (27:52):
After all, you and I have the courage to say
to our enemies there is a price we will not pay.
There is a point be beyond which they must not advance.
Speaker 1 (28:14):
And this is.
Speaker 3 (28:17):
The meaning in the phrase of Bury gold Water, peace
through strength. Winston Churchill said, the destiny of man is
not measured by material computations.
Speaker 1 (28:27):
When great forces.
Speaker 3 (28:28):
Around the move in the world, we learn we're spirits,
not animals. And he said there's something going on in
time and space and beyond time and space, which, whether
we like it or not, spells duty. You and I
have a rendezvous with destiny. We'll preserve for our children
this the last best hope of men on earth, or
we'll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand.
Speaker 1 (28:49):
Years of darkness.
Speaker 3 (28:50):
We will heep in mind and remember that Bury Goldwater
has faith in us. He has faith that you and
I have the ability and the dignity and the right
to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.
Speaker 1 (29:05):
Thank you very much.
Speaker 2 (29:10):
The time for choosing speech really did help launch Ronald
Reagan's career, FIRSTUS Governor of California, then as President of
the United States. If you liked the.
Speaker 4 (29:23):
Michael Berry Show and Podcast, please tell one friend, and
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(29:47):
on our website, Michael Berryshow dot com. The Michael Berry
Show and Podcast is produced by Ramon Roeblis, the King
of Ding. Executive producer is chat Nakanishi. Jim Mudd is
the creative director. Voices Jingles, Tomfoolery, and Shenanigans are provided
(30:12):
by Chance McLean. Director of Research is Sandy Peterson. Emily
Bull is our assistant listener and superfan. Contributions are appreciated
and often incorporated into our production. Where possible, we give credit.
Where not, we take all the credit for ourselves. God
(30:33):
bless the memory of Rush Limbaugh. Long live Elvis, be
a simple man like Leonard Skinnard told you, and God
bless America. Finally, if you know a veteran suffering from PTSD,
call Camp Hope at eight seven seven seven one seven
(30:54):
PTSD and a combat veteran will answer the phone to
provide freak outse like
Speaker 1 (31:04):
H