November 5, 2025 • 31 mins
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Speaker 1 (00:02):
It's that time, time, time, time, Luck and load. Michael
Verie Show is on the air.
Speaker 2 (00:12):
The sun may have set over our city this evening,
but as Eugene Debs once said, I can see the
dawn of a better day for humanity. I am young,
despite my best efforts to grow older. I am Muslim.
Speaker 3 (00:39):
I am a.
Speaker 2 (00:39):
Democratic socialist, and most damning of all, I refuse to
apologize for any of this.
Speaker 3 (00:48):
We have to continue to elect more socialists, and we
have to ensure that we are unapologetic about our socialism.
Speaker 1 (00:56):
There are also other issues.
Speaker 3 (00:57):
That we firmly believe it, whether it's BDS or whether
it's the end goal of of season viz.
Speaker 4 (01:03):
Production. I am a democratic socialist. I also wouldn't be
the first Democratic socialist mayor.
Speaker 1 (01:08):
We've had a.
Speaker 4 (01:09):
Number, and we've even had a mayor who is a
member of the Democratic Socialists of America. That's David Dinkins,
you know, not just a few decades ago. And people
ask me how can this interact with New York City
being the home of global finance? And I say, my
focus as a Democratic socialist is ensuring that every New
(01:29):
Yorker lives.
Speaker 1 (01:30):
A dignified night.
Speaker 4 (01:31):
We can establish community land trusts to gradually buy up
housing on the private market and convert it.
Speaker 1 (01:36):
To community ownership.
Speaker 4 (01:37):
We can give tenants to right of first refusal to
buy out their landlords when buildings go up for sale,
and we can fully commit to a new era of
social housing, ending subsidies for luxury housing development, and using
our wealth to build beautiful, high quality social housing projects
that offer good homes and strong communities to everyone.
Speaker 1 (01:56):
We won't decommodify.
Speaker 4 (01:58):
Housing overnight, but we know we have to do, and
we had history of God.
Speaker 1 (02:02):
In seventeen seventy five and seventeen seventy six, United States
were not the United States. We were a series of
colonies Virginians, South Carolinians, and a war was fought and
won with our cousins and our king. Because we no
(02:25):
longer wanted him to be our king. We believed in
what was considered at the time of ridiculous notion, the
notion of self governance with no one above us but God.
At that time, that was a ridiculous notion, absurd, particularly
(02:48):
because the king wouldn't allow it. Why would he give
us up? We were his colonies, We paid his bills, weed,
we covered for his over runs and his over extended
empire well. Eventually, the war was won against all odds,
(03:11):
and a few years later, in seventeen eighty seven, there
was a constitutional convention in Philadelphia. Everything was on the table.
What sort of government would we create? Some wanted to
replace the British king with George Washington, an American king.
(03:32):
He was a good man, he was our leader. He
was very popular, popular after a war. Think how popular
Trump is today without all the Trump's haters. Maybe there
was the desire for Washington to be a king and
(03:53):
therefore a monarchical government, so that that could happen. As
they met in the convention halls, our founding father as
we've come to call them, they're creating the bylaws for
this nation. And boy, did they ever outdo themselves. It's
amazing what they did. And Benjamin Franklin, I believe he
(04:17):
was eighty two at the time, senior statesman, elder, brilliant,
witty respected. As he was leaving Independence Hall, the wife
of the former mayor of Philadelphia, a woman by the
name of Elizabeth Willing Powell, sees him and she asked him,
(04:45):
mister Franklin, what have you got for us? That's the
way it's reported to some what have you got for us?
What have you done? Others have reported it as well, doctor,
what have we got a public? Or a monarchy? That's
how most historians write it, because it sounds better, well, doctor,
(05:07):
what have you got for us? A republic or a monarchy?
But there are versions that swear she actually asked, what
have you got for us? I don't know that it
matters because it's his answer that makes history, and that
is a republic, madam, if you can keep it. He
(05:28):
knew something very important, and that was the later words
of Alexander Fraser Tickler, who said, tell me this doesn't
describe New York City right now. A democracy cannot exist
as a permanent form of government. It can only exist
until the voters discover that they can vote themselves larges
(05:51):
from the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority
always votes for the candidates promising the most benefits from
the public treasure, followed sorry with the result that a
democracy always collapses over loose fiscal policy, always followed by
a dictatorship. The average age of the world's greatest civilizations
(06:16):
has been two hundred years. These nations have progressed through
this sequence from bondage to spiritual faith, from spiritual faith
to great courage, from courage to liberty, from liberty to abundance,
(06:36):
from abundance to selfishness, from selfishness to apathy, from apathy
to dependence, from dependence back into bondage. Socialism promises equality, happiness, prosperity,
(06:57):
and plenty. Socialism is bondage. You can't sell bondage to
people if you sold them what it will be. You
sell them that which you will bait and switch to
them later. But it is a very seductive cell. No,
we're not technically a pure democracy, but a republic is
(07:20):
an offshoot of a democracy. We just elect people who
vote for us. A republic if you can keep it.
New York shows how difficult that's going to be.
Speaker 5 (07:35):
Michael, it will be interesting to look back in five
years and see what September tenth did to this country.
Speaker 1 (07:47):
Will we say that our nation changed for the good?
Or will we say it was not only the death
of Charlie Kirk, it was the death of conversation, the
death of the exchange of ideas. I don't know. I've
(08:10):
never been much of a predictor. You know, sports shows,
you have to predict who's going to win. Doesn't matter
if you're right or not. If people want you to
take a side, I prefer to go back later and
see what happened and why. Just a different skill set,
(08:30):
different interests. So Charlie Kirk's assassination, you know how important
was Charlie to the organization? Could he be replaced if
in replacing him you also increased awareness ten x of TPUSA,
(09:00):
because I think he did. I had people telling me
I never heard a turning point before, so I went
and looked up Charlie Kirk's videos. It's pretty cool. Was
that simply a cult of personality? Because Charlie was a
once a century evangelist. The thing about Charlie is that
(09:27):
he was an evangelist, and he said that's how he
wanted to be remembered. I think that's very interesting, not
in a political context, as a Christian evangelist, and he was.
He was no less an evangelist than Billy Graham. What
made him interesting? You know, when Jesus goes into the temple,
(09:49):
the Bible is replete with examples of Christ ministering to,
not just evangelizing to, but ministering to people who were
outside of the hoypolloy of the upper sector, the upper crust,
(10:14):
people who are outside of the wealthy and socially prominent. Well,
in some ways, what Charlie was doing by speaking to
the youth was for many people outside that norm. I'll
have to look at the cross stabs of what happened
last night in Virginia, New Jersey, the New York City
(10:38):
mayor's race to really understand who showed up to vote,
and not just what the vote was. But Charlie was
speaking to young people in a way that the Republican
Party has not been effective at doing in my lifetime.
Trump was the first person who had any number, any
(11:03):
sizeable support from young people, and he nurtured that it
was important to him. He also understood it was important
to winning. You go back before him, Mitt Romney, John McCain,
(11:25):
George W. Bush, Bob Dole, George H. W. Bush, these
were not attracting young voters, but Trump does. And Trump
understood That's why he developed a relationship with Charlie Kirk.
(11:47):
He understood that Charlie Kirk could go into places in
this country and evangelize and campaign in the process for
an America that Trump imagines in a way that no
one else could. There's a politician they can do that.
(12:10):
So what we saw last night, let's take New York.
A lot of people pay attention to that race, it's important,
But what we really saw there is the continuation on
the lifeline, on the timeline of New York devolving into
(12:34):
where Mamdani clearly will take them, and that is a
city once known for a thriving Wall Street, incredible wealth,
paper wealth, digital wealth, wealth on paper, private equity, a
(13:01):
lot of a lot of the stock market and this
sort of thing, but also corporate headquarters, Broadway, the theater,
the nightlife, a certain culture, alternative music, comedy. But you know,
(13:26):
I've spent a lot of time since last night thinking
this through. Mumdani is not a change in direction for
the city of New York. If we're honest, the city
of New York has been sliding into an abyss.
Speaker 3 (13:45):
For some time.
Speaker 1 (13:48):
Do you even remember who the mayor is today? It's
Eric Adams. I and a number of other people had
high hopes for New York because you had a former
police officer who rose through the ranks. He had a
guy talking about law and order who happened to be Black.
(14:10):
Only Nixon could go to China. Eric Adams could talk
about restoring order in a way that Rudy Giuliani did
in the early nineties, but it didn't turn out to
be Once he got elected, Eric Adams showed that he
didn't have a real conviction, any real principles. Think about
(14:35):
Trump is even when his own core constituency is uncomfortable
with something he's doing, he believes in what he's doing.
He doesn't just do what was told to him by
the last person he talked to. A lot of people
in politics do that. George W. Bush did that. That's
why Cheney had to be there, because Cheney would do
(14:55):
what the establishment wanted. George W. Bush might get you
pulled over were here. He didn't really know what his
core principles were. New York is just continuing down a
road they've been on for some time. The fact is
one of the reasons Kami Mamdani could win was so
many people who wouldn't have voted for him and would
(15:17):
have seen him for the red scare he is have
moved to Florida. That's been going on for a while. Man,
You'll just go ahead and say it. I'm sorry that
Michael Arry Show. When Ludi Giuliani was elected to the
Premier of New York, he followed Dinkins, and Dinkins had
been a disaster. Every major city in America has felt
(15:42):
the need to have a black mayor. The problem is
it's never the best and brightest. It's never the sharp
guy focus with leadership skills, understanding of what ebadi is,
understanding of the challenges of business, the role proper role
(16:06):
of government, limitations of it, and the consequences of over governing,
over taxing, over regulating. No, we end up with Brandon
Johnson and before that Beetlejuice. We end up with Mark
(16:29):
Moriol in the once great New Orleans. And then to
outdo ourselves, we get Ray Nagan, We got David Dinkins
in New York, we get Muriel Bowser, we get Clowns,
we get Kwame Kirkpatrick Zora and Mumdani is now talking
(16:54):
about the fact that, Hey, look, I'm not the first
socialist mayor. David Dinkins was a member of the Socialist Party.
I don't think that's quite the flex you think it is.
David Dinkins was a disaster, So where does it go wrong?
(17:15):
Simple you have to control immigration. While we were singing
songs about the melting pot and how diversity was our strength,
you had large groups of people coming into your urban areas.
(17:36):
Wasn't even hardly noticed out in the country. The city
of Houston versus Fredericksburg or Lanta or Round Rock or
Round Top or Britam it's a world apart, but not
very many miles. The life is so different in those places.
(18:02):
Church is a big part of life. The local school
replaces professional sports. People root for the kids. Everything shuts
down on Friday nights. That's a nice thing. That's community support.
Everybody goes to the graduation even if they don't have
anybody there because they know somebody that teaches at the school,
(18:24):
or coaches at the school, or drives buses or is
a maintenance man. That's not what life in big cities
is like. Into these big cities, you've seen flocks of immigrants.
And so this is where this gets complicated. People don't
like to discuss this because they're scared of being called
a racist. Well, I've been called a racist so long.
(18:48):
I'm good, So I'd rather we have serious conversations because
we're not talking about Uganda here. We're not talking about Mauritania.
We're talking about the greatest nation in the history of
the earth. It's worth arguing over our future when you
(19:08):
start bringing in too many people, yes I said it,
from countries outside the United States that do not share
our values, have not been taught our values. You change
the values of a community. And when the pockets of
(19:31):
people come into Minneapolis from Somalia or New York, the
two areas that I think have been hit the hardest
by this San Francisco, La. When do you change the
population to where people can recreate the world they came
(19:52):
from here without being there. They will speak that language,
they will do busines is only with people like that.
They will marry only people like that, they will worship
only with people that way. So they're strangers in a
strange land. They're not part of America in any sense
(20:12):
of community that we think of. There is no tie
that binds. There's no common bond. Of course, there's no patriotism.
What would there be patriotism toward They love the concept
(20:32):
of the country they came from. You've got Somalis in Minneapolis,
making Mogadishues sound like paradise. Well, it wasn't, and they
know it wasn't. It's about their tribe, it's about their people.
It's about people who look like them and speak the
(20:53):
same language, and eat the same foods, and worship the
same and are married to the same people and have
the same shared national history. You can't separate those people
from that land. And that's true almost everywhere in the world,
(21:13):
the Chinese, the Japanese. So when those people leave, it's
very easy, very comfortable, very convenient to locate in an
area where you have a built in network. But when
that network becomes all consuming, you create communities within a
(21:36):
city that never leave that community. In fact, to that sense,
that's why they don't go to the police, because the
police are outsiders. That's why they don't associate. That's why
the largest welfare fraud in Minneapolis was carried out by
some allies. There's no regard for any sense of doing wrong,
(21:59):
harming our country, because there's no shared sense of sacrifice,
suffering legacy history. There are people who've just gone to
some place. New York is a place people have just
come to. You start looking down the down the cross
(22:22):
tabs of the polls, and you notice that the people
most likely to vote for Mamdani were people who came
to New York most recently, the people who have stayed
in New York, which is shocking after the COVID Lockdown's
just brutal. It's shocking that people stayed, but some did.
(22:44):
Those people are more likely to vote for Cuomo. Sliwa
didn't do enough, didn't attract enough votes to have made
a difference. It still would have been fifty one to
forty nine. So you can't blame him for his chaotic
He had it run. It was a Democrat primary. And
what you saw here which is exactly what you saw
(23:05):
in two thousand and eight, and I want to talk
about this in the next segment. You saw a young,
well spoken, well funded communist who's not white, uniting non
white people against the old white liberal guard and look
who wins. The Michael shows the Democrat Party made it
(23:26):
started making moves in the sixties and Lyndon Johnson was
really what accelerated that. The Democrat Party prior to that
was very much the working Man's Party, and it was
largely the working white man's party. It skewed more southern.
(23:52):
The Republican Party skewed more Northeastern and the Democrat Party
preached the value of the working man. That was a
pro labor but socially conservative ideology. And that's why there
(24:16):
was discomfort with John F. Kennedy. He was from his
Boston Braman So that's why he had to have LBJ
on the ticket. He needed a Southerner. It's the same
reason in nineteen eighty eight, still true, same reason. In
nineteen eighty eight you had the Boston Austin connection of
Michael Ducaucus bringing in Lloyd Benson. Duke Caucus was this
(24:43):
Northeastern pointy head, short, swarthy, hairy, sweaty, dorky computer type,
and he needed a Southerner, and that was Lloyd Benson,
who carried himself with a patrician gait and style and
(25:06):
manner of speaking. It was an affectation, but it seemed
to work for him, and Lloyd Benson brought a lot
to the to the ticket. I don't know of a
vice president who brought more to their ticket even though
they lost, than Benson did for du Caucus. But the
Democrat Party began to change. Lyndon Johnson famously said of
(25:29):
black people, referring to them as the in word that
the civil Rights actor sixty five would have them voting
Democrat for two hundred years. It was a very cynical ploy.
He believed that he could basically buy these votes. If
you read Robert Carrow's Path to Power, you will you will,
(25:52):
you will read of LBJ in the early days talking
about when they would go down South Texas in areas
that were at that time basically Mexico, but in Texas,
and they would bring the ranch hands in, the farm
hands in. They'd come in and they'd put up a
one saying I'll pay you one dollar for your vote,
(26:15):
and the guy would say, no, three, because he didn't
speak English. He'd put a three, and you'd go, all right, two,
you pay him two. He said, that's how you paid
him too, instead of three, as you started at one,
and that meant you bought his vote, and he'd get
his two dollars and he'd go on out. This was
the thirties. That was lbj's view of winning the hearts
(26:38):
and minds of the electorate, whatever it takes, buy their vote. Stuff.
The ballot box lord knows he did that. In nineteen
forty eight, the Duke of Duval County look it up
it's a great story. George Parr was his name. That
was the cynical view of LBJ. This was a man
(27:00):
who used private money, dirty money, government money, whatever it
took to buy whoever he needed to buy to get
himself in power. So the sixty five Civil Rights Acts,
that's exactly what that was, the war on poverty. That
was buying the votes of anyone who considered themselves poor,
(27:23):
most of whom, frankly, were lazy and didn't want to work.
So yes, a free meal from the government. Problem is,
once you start that, you ain't getting them off of it.
But that wasn't his concern. How did the War on poverty?
Speaker 3 (27:36):
Do?
Speaker 1 (27:37):
Did we ever win it? Ramon?
Speaker 3 (27:39):
How did it? That?
Speaker 1 (27:41):
Was there a truce? Did we ever end the War
on poverty? That's a law that's a forever war, isn't it?
Because it's so darn convenient, isn't it? The War on poverty? Uh? Yes,
so LBJ in sixty five. Then by nineteen sixty eight,
(28:03):
the Democrat Party, after JFK's assassination and the Johnson administration.
Johnson decides he's going to remake the country overnight, and
that he's going to have buildings named for him. He's
going to be Abraham Lincoln with the stroke of his pen.
(28:26):
So we start these big social programs, in welfare programs
that would make FDR blush, and then we're moving into
sixty eight. But there was one problem. Otherwise he would
have run and been reelected. I believe Vietnam. Vietnam was
the albatross around his neck, and he was so afraid
(28:49):
of being thought weak. Otherwise they would have ended the affair.
McNamara was giving him bad advice, but that's okay. He
should have known better. He couldn't handle. He was getting old,
his heart was starting to bother him. He's feeling weak.
The nation was divided. He wasn't being given the love
(29:12):
he thought he deserved, so he decides not to run.
Rfk's out there. RFK gets assassinated. Martin Luther King Junior
gets assassinated. The Democrat Party at this point chooses an
extremely liberal nominee, not as liberal as Eugene McCarthy, who
(29:35):
was really far left, but in Hubert Humphrey, the mayor
of Minneapolis, a liberal white Democrat. He loses. In seventy two.
They try to come back to the middle because Nixon
has the Trump coalition. That is a lot of former
Democrats who don't identify as Republicans. And see, this was
(29:58):
the problem last night. Lot of former Democrats, a lot
of working class folks, socially conservative, who don't trust government.
These are people who want law and order, they want
lower taxes, they want stability, and Nixon knew how to
talk to them, the silent majority. And this is why
(30:21):
Trump went to some of Nixon's people, like Roger Stone,
like what was his name, Pat Buchanan, who created the
Reform Party. All of this was brewing. There are elements
of Ross Perot in the Trump strategy, in the Trump
(30:41):
message today, there's a lot of Pat Buchanan, there's plenty
of Richard Nixon. Well at this part. At this point,
working class, especially white working class voters were moving Republican
and the Democrat Party was making a decision to go
very hard black, and so the things they were doing
(31:06):
there was a wedge driving white working class voters away.
Then you get Carter. After the Nixon debacle set the
party back, it was devastating. Then you get Carter who
comes in with this sort of common sense, southern message.
(31:27):
Southern white voters went with him. And then Reagan brings
them back, and then we lost those people. We really
lost them, even though we won an eighty eight. We
lost those people until Trump. And that's really what happened,
and what we're witnessing now is that when Trump's not
on the ballot, when Trump's out negotiating deals around the world,
we don't have we don't have working class whisperers in
(31:51):
the Republican Party.
It's that time, time, time, time, Luck and load. Michael
Verie Show is on the air.
Speaker 2 (00:12):
The sun may have set over our city this evening,
but as Eugene Debs once said, I can see the
dawn of a better day for humanity. I am young,
despite my best efforts to grow older. I am Muslim.
Speaker 3 (00:39):
I am a.
Speaker 2 (00:39):
Democratic socialist, and most damning of all, I refuse to
apologize for any of this.
Speaker 3 (00:48):
We have to continue to elect more socialists, and we
have to ensure that we are unapologetic about our socialism.
Speaker 1 (00:56):
There are also other issues.
Speaker 3 (00:57):
That we firmly believe it, whether it's BDS or whether
it's the end goal of of season viz.
Speaker 4 (01:03):
Production. I am a democratic socialist. I also wouldn't be
the first Democratic socialist mayor.
Speaker 1 (01:08):
We've had a.
Speaker 4 (01:09):
Number, and we've even had a mayor who is a
member of the Democratic Socialists of America. That's David Dinkins,
you know, not just a few decades ago. And people
ask me how can this interact with New York City
being the home of global finance? And I say, my
focus as a Democratic socialist is ensuring that every New
(01:29):
Yorker lives.
Speaker 1 (01:30):
A dignified night.
Speaker 4 (01:31):
We can establish community land trusts to gradually buy up
housing on the private market and convert it.
Speaker 1 (01:36):
To community ownership.
Speaker 4 (01:37):
We can give tenants to right of first refusal to
buy out their landlords when buildings go up for sale,
and we can fully commit to a new era of
social housing, ending subsidies for luxury housing development, and using
our wealth to build beautiful, high quality social housing projects
that offer good homes and strong communities to everyone.
Speaker 1 (01:56):
We won't decommodify.
Speaker 4 (01:58):
Housing overnight, but we know we have to do, and
we had history of God.
Speaker 1 (02:02):
In seventeen seventy five and seventeen seventy six, United States
were not the United States. We were a series of
colonies Virginians, South Carolinians, and a war was fought and
won with our cousins and our king. Because we no
(02:25):
longer wanted him to be our king. We believed in
what was considered at the time of ridiculous notion, the
notion of self governance with no one above us but God.
At that time, that was a ridiculous notion, absurd, particularly
(02:48):
because the king wouldn't allow it. Why would he give
us up? We were his colonies, We paid his bills, weed,
we covered for his over runs and his over extended
empire well. Eventually, the war was won against all odds,
(03:11):
and a few years later, in seventeen eighty seven, there
was a constitutional convention in Philadelphia. Everything was on the table.
What sort of government would we create? Some wanted to
replace the British king with George Washington, an American king.
(03:32):
He was a good man, he was our leader. He
was very popular, popular after a war. Think how popular
Trump is today without all the Trump's haters. Maybe there
was the desire for Washington to be a king and
(03:53):
therefore a monarchical government, so that that could happen. As
they met in the convention halls, our founding father as
we've come to call them, they're creating the bylaws for
this nation. And boy, did they ever outdo themselves. It's
amazing what they did. And Benjamin Franklin, I believe he
(04:17):
was eighty two at the time, senior statesman, elder, brilliant,
witty respected. As he was leaving Independence Hall, the wife
of the former mayor of Philadelphia, a woman by the
name of Elizabeth Willing Powell, sees him and she asked him,
(04:45):
mister Franklin, what have you got for us? That's the
way it's reported to some what have you got for us?
What have you done? Others have reported it as well, doctor,
what have we got a public? Or a monarchy? That's
how most historians write it, because it sounds better, well, doctor,
(05:07):
what have you got for us? A republic or a monarchy?
But there are versions that swear she actually asked, what
have you got for us? I don't know that it
matters because it's his answer that makes history, and that
is a republic, madam, if you can keep it. He
(05:28):
knew something very important, and that was the later words
of Alexander Fraser Tickler, who said, tell me this doesn't
describe New York City right now. A democracy cannot exist
as a permanent form of government. It can only exist
until the voters discover that they can vote themselves larges
(05:51):
from the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority
always votes for the candidates promising the most benefits from
the public treasure, followed sorry with the result that a
democracy always collapses over loose fiscal policy, always followed by
a dictatorship. The average age of the world's greatest civilizations
(06:16):
has been two hundred years. These nations have progressed through
this sequence from bondage to spiritual faith, from spiritual faith
to great courage, from courage to liberty, from liberty to abundance,
(06:36):
from abundance to selfishness, from selfishness to apathy, from apathy
to dependence, from dependence back into bondage. Socialism promises equality, happiness, prosperity,
(06:57):
and plenty. Socialism is bondage. You can't sell bondage to
people if you sold them what it will be. You
sell them that which you will bait and switch to
them later. But it is a very seductive cell. No,
we're not technically a pure democracy, but a republic is
(07:20):
an offshoot of a democracy. We just elect people who
vote for us. A republic if you can keep it.
New York shows how difficult that's going to be.
Speaker 5 (07:35):
Michael, it will be interesting to look back in five
years and see what September tenth did to this country.
Speaker 1 (07:47):
Will we say that our nation changed for the good?
Or will we say it was not only the death
of Charlie Kirk, it was the death of conversation, the
death of the exchange of ideas. I don't know. I've
(08:10):
never been much of a predictor. You know, sports shows,
you have to predict who's going to win. Doesn't matter
if you're right or not. If people want you to
take a side, I prefer to go back later and
see what happened and why. Just a different skill set,
(08:30):
different interests. So Charlie Kirk's assassination, you know how important
was Charlie to the organization? Could he be replaced if
in replacing him you also increased awareness ten x of TPUSA,
(09:00):
because I think he did. I had people telling me
I never heard a turning point before, so I went
and looked up Charlie Kirk's videos. It's pretty cool. Was
that simply a cult of personality? Because Charlie was a
once a century evangelist. The thing about Charlie is that
(09:27):
he was an evangelist, and he said that's how he
wanted to be remembered. I think that's very interesting, not
in a political context, as a Christian evangelist, and he was.
He was no less an evangelist than Billy Graham. What
made him interesting? You know, when Jesus goes into the temple,
(09:49):
the Bible is replete with examples of Christ ministering to,
not just evangelizing to, but ministering to people who were
outside of the hoypolloy of the upper sector, the upper crust,
(10:14):
people who are outside of the wealthy and socially prominent. Well,
in some ways, what Charlie was doing by speaking to
the youth was for many people outside that norm. I'll
have to look at the cross stabs of what happened
last night in Virginia, New Jersey, the New York City
(10:38):
mayor's race to really understand who showed up to vote,
and not just what the vote was. But Charlie was
speaking to young people in a way that the Republican
Party has not been effective at doing in my lifetime.
Trump was the first person who had any number, any
(11:03):
sizeable support from young people, and he nurtured that it
was important to him. He also understood it was important
to winning. You go back before him, Mitt Romney, John McCain,
(11:25):
George W. Bush, Bob Dole, George H. W. Bush, these
were not attracting young voters, but Trump does. And Trump
understood That's why he developed a relationship with Charlie Kirk.
(11:47):
He understood that Charlie Kirk could go into places in
this country and evangelize and campaign in the process for
an America that Trump imagines in a way that no
one else could. There's a politician they can do that.
(12:10):
So what we saw last night, let's take New York.
A lot of people pay attention to that race, it's important,
But what we really saw there is the continuation on
the lifeline, on the timeline of New York devolving into
(12:34):
where Mamdani clearly will take them, and that is a
city once known for a thriving Wall Street, incredible wealth,
paper wealth, digital wealth, wealth on paper, private equity, a
(13:01):
lot of a lot of the stock market and this
sort of thing, but also corporate headquarters, Broadway, the theater,
the nightlife, a certain culture, alternative music, comedy. But you know,
(13:26):
I've spent a lot of time since last night thinking
this through. Mumdani is not a change in direction for
the city of New York. If we're honest, the city
of New York has been sliding into an abyss.
Speaker 3 (13:45):
For some time.
Speaker 1 (13:48):
Do you even remember who the mayor is today? It's
Eric Adams. I and a number of other people had
high hopes for New York because you had a former
police officer who rose through the ranks. He had a
guy talking about law and order who happened to be Black.
(14:10):
Only Nixon could go to China. Eric Adams could talk
about restoring order in a way that Rudy Giuliani did
in the early nineties, but it didn't turn out to
be Once he got elected, Eric Adams showed that he
didn't have a real conviction, any real principles. Think about
(14:35):
Trump is even when his own core constituency is uncomfortable
with something he's doing, he believes in what he's doing.
He doesn't just do what was told to him by
the last person he talked to. A lot of people
in politics do that. George W. Bush did that. That's
why Cheney had to be there, because Cheney would do
(14:55):
what the establishment wanted. George W. Bush might get you
pulled over were here. He didn't really know what his
core principles were. New York is just continuing down a
road they've been on for some time. The fact is
one of the reasons Kami Mamdani could win was so
many people who wouldn't have voted for him and would
(15:17):
have seen him for the red scare he is have
moved to Florida. That's been going on for a while. Man,
You'll just go ahead and say it. I'm sorry that
Michael Arry Show. When Ludi Giuliani was elected to the
Premier of New York, he followed Dinkins, and Dinkins had
been a disaster. Every major city in America has felt
(15:42):
the need to have a black mayor. The problem is
it's never the best and brightest. It's never the sharp
guy focus with leadership skills, understanding of what ebadi is,
understanding of the challenges of business, the role proper role
(16:06):
of government, limitations of it, and the consequences of over governing,
over taxing, over regulating. No, we end up with Brandon
Johnson and before that Beetlejuice. We end up with Mark
(16:29):
Moriol in the once great New Orleans. And then to
outdo ourselves, we get Ray Nagan, We got David Dinkins
in New York, we get Muriel Bowser, we get Clowns,
we get Kwame Kirkpatrick Zora and Mumdani is now talking
(16:54):
about the fact that, Hey, look, I'm not the first
socialist mayor. David Dinkins was a member of the Socialist Party.
I don't think that's quite the flex you think it is.
David Dinkins was a disaster, So where does it go wrong?
(17:15):
Simple you have to control immigration. While we were singing
songs about the melting pot and how diversity was our strength,
you had large groups of people coming into your urban areas.
(17:36):
Wasn't even hardly noticed out in the country. The city
of Houston versus Fredericksburg or Lanta or Round Rock or
Round Top or Britam it's a world apart, but not
very many miles. The life is so different in those places.
(18:02):
Church is a big part of life. The local school
replaces professional sports. People root for the kids. Everything shuts
down on Friday nights. That's a nice thing. That's community support.
Everybody goes to the graduation even if they don't have
anybody there because they know somebody that teaches at the school,
(18:24):
or coaches at the school, or drives buses or is
a maintenance man. That's not what life in big cities
is like. Into these big cities, you've seen flocks of immigrants.
And so this is where this gets complicated. People don't
like to discuss this because they're scared of being called
a racist. Well, I've been called a racist so long.
(18:48):
I'm good, So I'd rather we have serious conversations because
we're not talking about Uganda here. We're not talking about Mauritania.
We're talking about the greatest nation in the history of
the earth. It's worth arguing over our future when you
(19:08):
start bringing in too many people, yes I said it,
from countries outside the United States that do not share
our values, have not been taught our values. You change
the values of a community. And when the pockets of
(19:31):
people come into Minneapolis from Somalia or New York, the
two areas that I think have been hit the hardest
by this San Francisco, La. When do you change the
population to where people can recreate the world they came
(19:52):
from here without being there. They will speak that language,
they will do busines is only with people like that.
They will marry only people like that, they will worship
only with people that way. So they're strangers in a
strange land. They're not part of America in any sense
(20:12):
of community that we think of. There is no tie
that binds. There's no common bond. Of course, there's no patriotism.
What would there be patriotism toward They love the concept
(20:32):
of the country they came from. You've got Somalis in Minneapolis,
making Mogadishues sound like paradise. Well, it wasn't, and they
know it wasn't. It's about their tribe, it's about their people.
It's about people who look like them and speak the
(20:53):
same language, and eat the same foods, and worship the
same and are married to the same people and have
the same shared national history. You can't separate those people
from that land. And that's true almost everywhere in the world,
(21:13):
the Chinese, the Japanese. So when those people leave, it's
very easy, very comfortable, very convenient to locate in an
area where you have a built in network. But when
that network becomes all consuming, you create communities within a
(21:36):
city that never leave that community. In fact, to that sense,
that's why they don't go to the police, because the
police are outsiders. That's why they don't associate. That's why
the largest welfare fraud in Minneapolis was carried out by
some allies. There's no regard for any sense of doing wrong,
(21:59):
harming our country, because there's no shared sense of sacrifice,
suffering legacy history. There are people who've just gone to
some place. New York is a place people have just
come to. You start looking down the down the cross
(22:22):
tabs of the polls, and you notice that the people
most likely to vote for Mamdani were people who came
to New York most recently, the people who have stayed
in New York, which is shocking after the COVID Lockdown's
just brutal. It's shocking that people stayed, but some did.
(22:44):
Those people are more likely to vote for Cuomo. Sliwa
didn't do enough, didn't attract enough votes to have made
a difference. It still would have been fifty one to
forty nine. So you can't blame him for his chaotic
He had it run. It was a Democrat primary. And
what you saw here which is exactly what you saw
(23:05):
in two thousand and eight, and I want to talk
about this in the next segment. You saw a young,
well spoken, well funded communist who's not white, uniting non
white people against the old white liberal guard and look
who wins. The Michael shows the Democrat Party made it
(23:26):
started making moves in the sixties and Lyndon Johnson was
really what accelerated that. The Democrat Party prior to that
was very much the working Man's Party, and it was
largely the working white man's party. It skewed more southern.
(23:52):
The Republican Party skewed more Northeastern and the Democrat Party
preached the value of the working man. That was a
pro labor but socially conservative ideology. And that's why there
(24:16):
was discomfort with John F. Kennedy. He was from his
Boston Braman So that's why he had to have LBJ
on the ticket. He needed a Southerner. It's the same
reason in nineteen eighty eight, still true, same reason. In
nineteen eighty eight you had the Boston Austin connection of
Michael Ducaucus bringing in Lloyd Benson. Duke Caucus was this
(24:43):
Northeastern pointy head, short, swarthy, hairy, sweaty, dorky computer type,
and he needed a Southerner, and that was Lloyd Benson,
who carried himself with a patrician gait and style and
(25:06):
manner of speaking. It was an affectation, but it seemed
to work for him, and Lloyd Benson brought a lot
to the to the ticket. I don't know of a
vice president who brought more to their ticket even though
they lost, than Benson did for du Caucus. But the
Democrat Party began to change. Lyndon Johnson famously said of
(25:29):
black people, referring to them as the in word that
the civil Rights actor sixty five would have them voting
Democrat for two hundred years. It was a very cynical ploy.
He believed that he could basically buy these votes. If
you read Robert Carrow's Path to Power, you will you will,
(25:52):
you will read of LBJ in the early days talking
about when they would go down South Texas in areas
that were at that time basically Mexico, but in Texas,
and they would bring the ranch hands in, the farm
hands in. They'd come in and they'd put up a
one saying I'll pay you one dollar for your vote,
(26:15):
and the guy would say, no, three, because he didn't
speak English. He'd put a three, and you'd go, all right, two,
you pay him two. He said, that's how you paid
him too, instead of three, as you started at one,
and that meant you bought his vote, and he'd get
his two dollars and he'd go on out. This was
the thirties. That was lbj's view of winning the hearts
(26:38):
and minds of the electorate, whatever it takes, buy their vote. Stuff.
The ballot box lord knows he did that. In nineteen
forty eight, the Duke of Duval County look it up
it's a great story. George Parr was his name. That
was the cynical view of LBJ. This was a man
(27:00):
who used private money, dirty money, government money, whatever it
took to buy whoever he needed to buy to get
himself in power. So the sixty five Civil Rights Acts,
that's exactly what that was, the war on poverty. That
was buying the votes of anyone who considered themselves poor,
(27:23):
most of whom, frankly, were lazy and didn't want to work.
So yes, a free meal from the government. Problem is,
once you start that, you ain't getting them off of it.
But that wasn't his concern. How did the War on poverty?
Speaker 3 (27:36):
Do?
Speaker 1 (27:37):
Did we ever win it? Ramon?
Speaker 3 (27:39):
How did it? That?
Speaker 1 (27:41):
Was there a truce? Did we ever end the War
on poverty? That's a law that's a forever war, isn't it?
Because it's so darn convenient, isn't it? The War on poverty? Uh? Yes,
so LBJ in sixty five. Then by nineteen sixty eight,
(28:03):
the Democrat Party, after JFK's assassination and the Johnson administration.
Johnson decides he's going to remake the country overnight, and
that he's going to have buildings named for him. He's
going to be Abraham Lincoln with the stroke of his pen.
(28:26):
So we start these big social programs, in welfare programs
that would make FDR blush, and then we're moving into
sixty eight. But there was one problem. Otherwise he would
have run and been reelected. I believe Vietnam. Vietnam was
the albatross around his neck, and he was so afraid
(28:49):
of being thought weak. Otherwise they would have ended the affair.
McNamara was giving him bad advice, but that's okay. He
should have known better. He couldn't handle. He was getting old,
his heart was starting to bother him. He's feeling weak.
The nation was divided. He wasn't being given the love
(29:12):
he thought he deserved, so he decides not to run.
Rfk's out there. RFK gets assassinated. Martin Luther King Junior
gets assassinated. The Democrat Party at this point chooses an
extremely liberal nominee, not as liberal as Eugene McCarthy, who
(29:35):
was really far left, but in Hubert Humphrey, the mayor
of Minneapolis, a liberal white Democrat. He loses. In seventy two.
They try to come back to the middle because Nixon
has the Trump coalition. That is a lot of former
Democrats who don't identify as Republicans. And see, this was
(29:58):
the problem last night. Lot of former Democrats, a lot
of working class folks, socially conservative, who don't trust government.
These are people who want law and order, they want
lower taxes, they want stability, and Nixon knew how to
talk to them, the silent majority. And this is why
(30:21):
Trump went to some of Nixon's people, like Roger Stone,
like what was his name, Pat Buchanan, who created the
Reform Party. All of this was brewing. There are elements
of Ross Perot in the Trump strategy, in the Trump
(30:41):
message today, there's a lot of Pat Buchanan, there's plenty
of Richard Nixon. Well at this part. At this point,
working class, especially white working class voters were moving Republican
and the Democrat Party was making a decision to go
very hard black, and so the things they were doing
(31:06):
there was a wedge driving white working class voters away.
Then you get Carter. After the Nixon debacle set the
party back, it was devastating. Then you get Carter who
comes in with this sort of common sense, southern message.
(31:27):
Southern white voters went with him. And then Reagan brings
them back, and then we lost those people. We really
lost them, even though we won an eighty eight. We
lost those people until Trump. And that's really what happened,
and what we're witnessing now is that when Trump's not
on the ballot, when Trump's out negotiating deals around the world,
we don't have we don't have working class whisperers in
(31:51):
the Republican Party.
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