Episode Transcript
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
It's that time time, time, time, Luck and Load. Michael
Verie Show is on the air.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
There are cultural impediments to doing this work. Let's say
you work in the FBI. You know that one of
the two political parties is, let me put it nicely,
white supremacist adjacent at a minimum.
Speaker 3 (00:24):
So there's a lot of people that are like, you
know what, like, let's go find the safe at white Boy.
Speaker 2 (00:28):
We can find poor kids are just as bright and
just as talent as white kids.
Speaker 4 (00:32):
This election has proven that this administration has proven painfully
in some ways, is that black people cannot save this
country from white folks.
Speaker 1 (00:43):
We can't do it alone.
Speaker 4 (00:44):
Right, If white folks aren't going to join in, if
white women aren't going to join in, if Latinos aren't
going to join in, we can't do it alone.
Speaker 3 (00:53):
Maybe we will not back down in our pursuit of
racial justice. The antidote to anti blackness is to be
pro black, and we will do it unapologetically. The United
State government owes us a debt, and we need reparations.
Speaker 5 (01:08):
That are politics that says like there are superior in
fear human beings just in the way to go.
Speaker 1 (01:13):
And that's the thing.
Speaker 5 (01:14):
That white people don't trust us to do because they
are so corrupt, you know, their thinking is so morally
and spiritually bankrupted.
Speaker 1 (01:22):
Maybe you're first. Here's what it takes. The black jobs.
I love his phrase, black jobs. Tell us a lot
about the band, how about his character. Just three and
a half years, we've created over true million new black
jobby Don't you're black up?
Speaker 6 (01:46):
If you have a problem figuring out whether you're for
may or Trump and you ain't black.
Speaker 1 (01:51):
My brother, do it. You're black up.
Speaker 3 (01:55):
But I also was on the ticket quite honestly, you know,
because I could code talk to white.
Speaker 1 (02:00):
Guys watching football fixing their truck. Study we were talking
(02:38):
about the flu shot and how the studies show it
doesn't actually work. In fact, it kills more people than
it saves. Then in two thousand and eight, Cheryl Atkinson
did a piece on how top vaccine advocates were receiving
substantial funding from pharmaceutical companies.
Speaker 7 (03:02):
Years now, parents have wondered if vaccines are linked to
conditions like autism and add Government officials and some scientists
say there is no connection, and they're often backed by
independent experts. But just how independent are they? You may
be surprised at what Cheryl Akison found when she set
out to follow the money.
Speaker 8 (03:24):
There's some of the most trusted voices in the defense
of vaccine safety, the American Academy of Pediatrics, every Child
by Two, and pediatrician doctor Paul Ausitt. CBS News has
found these three have something more in common too, strong
financial ties to the industry whose products they promote and defend.
(03:45):
The vaccine industry gives millions to the Academy of Pediatrics
for conferences, grants, medical education classes, even help pay to
build their headquarters. The totals are kept secret, but public
documents reveal bits and pieces. Three hundred and forty two
thousand dollars was given to the Academy by Wyff, maker
of the new macawcle vaccine, for a community grant program.
(04:08):
Four hundred and thirty three thousand dollars was contributed to
the Academy by Merk. The same year the Academy endorsed
Merk's HPV vaccine. Another top donor, Santafia ventis, maker of
seventeen vaccines and a new five to one combo shot,
just added to the childhood vaccine schedule last month. Every
Child by Two, a group that promotes early immunization for
(04:32):
all children, admitst the group takes money from the vaccine
industry too, but wouldn't tell us how much. A spokesman
told us there are simply no conflicts to be unearthed.
But guess who has been listed as the group's treasurers,
unofficial from WYFF and a paid advisor to big pharmaceutical clients.
Then there's doctor Paul Offitt, perhaps the most widely quoted
(04:54):
defender of vaccine safety. He's gone so far as to
say babies can theoretically tolerate quote ten thousand vaccines at once.
This is how Offitt described himself in a previous interview.
Speaker 1 (05:07):
I'm the chief of Infectious Diseases at Children's Hospital Philadelphia
and a professor pediatricst at Penn's Medical School.
Speaker 8 (05:13):
Doctor Offfitt was not willing to be interviewed on this subject,
but like others in our investigation, he has strong industry ties.
In fact, he's a vaccine industry insider. Doctor Offitt holds
a one point five million dollar research share at Children's
Hospital funded by Merk. He holds the patent on an
anti diarrhea vaccine he developed with Merk rod Tech, which
(05:36):
has prevented thousands of hospitalizations in the US, and future
royalties for the vaccine were just sold for one hundred
and eighty two million dollars cash. Doctor Offit's share of
vaccine profits unknown. There's nothing illegal about the possible conflicts
of interest, but as one member of Congress put it,
money from the pharmaceutical industry can shape the practices of
(05:59):
those who hold himself out to be independent. The American
Academy of Pediatrics, every child by two and doctor Aufitt
wouldn't agree to interviews, but all told us they're upfront
about the money they receive and it doesn't sway their opinions.
Today's immunization schedule now calls for kids to get fifty
five doses of vaccines by age six. Ideally, it makes
(06:21):
for a healthier society, but critics worry that industry ties
could impact the advice get into the public about all
those vaccines.
Speaker 1 (06:30):
Now, let's think about how this works. So we've got
a product to sell. Let's say we're the sellers of
chocolate candy bars, and people just start buying enough chocolate
candy bars for our for our liking. So we go
(06:52):
to the public health officials, we say, we'll give you
all this money, which is how Fauchi got rich. We'll
give you all this money to say you need to
eat more of Ramones chocolate candy bars. In fact, that's
really the only way to save you. And we recommend
(07:14):
that schools don't allow children to come to school unless
they've eaten their Ramones chocolate candy bar. Universities, we recommend
that companies don't allow people to come in. We recommend
that hospitals not allow you to be admitted as a
hospital unless you've eaten your Ramones chocolate candy bar before long.
(07:38):
What happens, They sell a lot of chocolate candy bars,
don't they You think that might have affected Now. That
doesn't make the chocolate candy bar good for you. It
doesn't make the chocolate candy bar give you any health benefits.
And neither does the fact that top vaccine advocates are
(08:02):
advocating for something to mean that you won't get what
they're giving you, the vaccine to prevent you from getting.
When you stop and think about it that way, Michael
Berry glad in the system modern.
Speaker 2 (08:27):
This day in.
Speaker 1 (08:28):
Nineteen fifty five, which makes it seventy years ago. Love
his grief was There were four different versions of this
time about it of Davy Crockett e all on the
market and lose his solf and on the charts, believe
it or not. Oh One was by Walter Schumann, one
(08:48):
was by the great Tennessee Ernie Ford. One was by
the best Parker fixing up. But you knew that already
as he started the movie. The fourth you get extra
extra credit lanyap on top of lanyap if you knew
(09:10):
that it's Bill Hayes has went to number one, Western
Mars and Big Gun. I love the story of David Crockett,
but not for the reason that you might think. My
youngest son is named Crockett, Crockett Marcos Berry, Marcos one
of his Ethiopian names. We kept our children's Ethiopian names
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as part of their overall identity, even though we gave
them names that we chose as their sort of Christian name,
the name that they go by. But Crockett was so
named after a hero of mine. We went by the
name David Crockett, but legend has him at Davy Crockett.
I don't know that it matters today. David Crockett, who
died at the Alamo, and as a child, I was
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as inspired as I am today by the men who
fought at the Mission in San Antono against the Mexicans
and died valiantly. Davy Crockett's a great story because of
the you may all go to Hell, I'm going to
Texas story he was. He was one of the first,
(10:20):
after Daniel Boone, one of the first true American heroes
for some reason other than being a president or a general.
He was Colonel David Crockett. But he was a hero
for his exploits. He showed up in New York at
a Broadway musical about the exploits of Davy Crockett. But
(10:46):
the reason I adore his memory in his legacy is
more than all of those things, although of course they
add to them. It is a story that's kind of
Ron Paul in the telling, and not many people like this,
very few people. Indeed. It's because of a speech he gave,
and that speech came to be known as not yours
(11:10):
to give, not yours to give. Say that out loud,
because you're gonna want to look this up, because most
of you probably don't know this story about David Crockett,
because you think of David Crockett as the legend and
killed him a bar when he was only three and
dying at the Alamo and the Coonskin Cap and all
those are wonderful aspects to the legend of David Crockett.
(11:31):
But while David Crockett was in Congress, there was a
request for the widow of a celebrated naval officer, and
Congress was ready right there on the spot. Boom, let's
give her a bunch of money from the public treasury.
And David Crockett did something very brave. He stood on principle,
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because surely, with the old woman here, you're gonna give
some money out of the federal government. Federal government's got it,
and we're in charge of it. We're the appropriators. That's
what Congress does. So let's give us some money. And
there was quite the fervor. Yeah, let's give her some money.
It's the people's money, who cares, and we'd give it
to her. We'll look like stars and Davy Crockett, Colonel
Crockett stood up and said, I have as much respect
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for the memory of the deceased and as much sympathy
for the sufferings of the living if suffering there be
as any man in this house. But we must not
permit our respect for the dead, or our sympathy for
a part of the living, to lead us to an
act of injustice to the balance of the living that
means everybody else. I will not go into an argument
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to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this
money as an act of charity. Every member upon this
floor knows it. We have the right as individuals to
give away as much of our own money as we
please in charity. But as members of Congress, we have
no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money.
(13:05):
We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as
the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance
of authority to appropriate it as a charity. Mister Speaker,
I have said we have the right to give as
much money of our own as we please. I am
the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for
(13:27):
this bill. But I will give one week's pay to
the object that's the widow, and if every member of
Congress will do the same, it will amount to more
than the bill asks. He then went on to say,
in quoting a constituent, the people have delegated to Congress
by the Constitution the power to do certain things. To
do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneies,
(13:50):
and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation and
a violation of the Constitution. Now, there is more to
this story, and it will require the next segment for
me to get to it. There is more to this
story than what David Crockett did. What he did, the
(14:11):
action he took was an act of courage, real courage.
The reason he did it is an act of incredible humility.
And it just goes to show that as we walk
through this world we make mistakes. We all do. And
it's not whether we make mistakes we endeavor not to,
(14:32):
but it is whether or not we learn from them,
whether we learn from the things we do the mistakes
we make. And Davy Crockett went on to explain his vote,
and I will read you the rest of his speech
where he does that it's incredibly powerful. But before we
do that, I will say that you will find many
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times that the greatest acts of valor, and this is
the part that I think people miss are typically not
celebrated by those around them. People who stand on principle
are typically not honored and celebrated for standing on principle.
When Ted Cruse went to the United States Senate, I
had worked very hard to put him there, as did
(15:16):
a lot of other people, and when he got there,
he would lose votes ninety nine to one. Lindsey Graham
said that there were members in the Senate who wanted
to murder him. Send that into a hot microphone. There
are senators who wanted to murder him. And John McCain said,
it tells you how popular he is that he loses
votes ninety nine to one. But I went back and
(15:38):
read those votes, and they were issues that the Senate
had rubber stamped. They were swamp issues, and the concept
was as long as everybody hangs together, we don't hang
by ourselves. And so what Ted Cruse was doing was
making a name for himself with the grassroots constituency, with
Tea Party voters, which became Maga voters. But he wasn't
(16:01):
very popular for it wasn't popular at all. Anyway, I'll
read you that letter coming up. Something wong, Well, something
must be right. You're listening to Michael Berry. Okay, So
I told you that David Crockett while the widow had
been brought forward before the Congress. Her husband, a celebrated
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naval officer who had passed, and here she was the widow,
and she wanted some money. And they said, oh, yes,
your husband was a great man. Let's write a check
from the treasury to you. David Crockett said, you can't
do that. You don't have the power. We do not
have the power to appropriate charity. And by the way,
(16:50):
we can give charity of our own money. And I'll start.
I'm the poorest fella in this Congress, and I'll give
a week of my pay, and if every one of
you will do the same, we'll give her more money
than you're trying to give her from the treasury. Well,
as you might imagine, nobody joined him in that offer.
(17:12):
But as I told you, that's not the fact that
he did such a principal thing is impressive. The fact
of how he came to do that, that's the story
I think makes this really really special. And I'll read
to you from his speech. He said, it's not during
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his speech. This was later he was asked by a friend,
why did you do that? My god? Everybody hated you
for that, And he said, well, several years ago. I
was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol
with some other members of Congress when our attention was
attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was
evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and
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drove over as fasts as we could, in spite of
all that could be done. In spite of all that
could be done, many houses were burned, and many families
made homeless. And besides, some of them had lost all
but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold,
and when I saw so many women and children suffering,
I felt that something ought to be done for them.
The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating twenty thousand
(18:20):
dollars for their relief. We put aside all other business
and rushed it through as soon as it could be done.
The next summer, when it began to be time to
think about the election, I concluded I would not sorry.
I concluded I would take a scout around among the
boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but
(18:40):
as the election was some time off, I didn't know
what might turn up. When riding one day, and a
part of my district in which I was more of
a stranger than any other. I saw a man in
a field plowing and coming towards the road. I gauged
my gate so that we should meet as he came
to the fence. As he came up, I spoke to
the man. He replied politely, but as I thought, rather coldly,
(19:03):
I began, well, friend, I'm one of those unfortunate beings
called candidates, and yes I know who you are, your
Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before and voted
for you the last time you were elected. I suppose
you're out electioneering now, but you'd better not waste your
time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.
This was a sock dollarger. I begged him to tell
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me what was the matter. Well, Colonel, it is hardly
worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do
not see how it can be mended. But you gave
a vote last winter, which shows that either you have
not capacity to understand the Constitution or that you are wanting,
in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it.
(19:46):
In either case, you are not the man to represent me.
But I beg your pardon for expressing it that way.
I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege
of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for
the purpose of insulting her wounding you. I intend by
it only to say that you are understanding of the
Constitution is very different from mine, and I will say
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to you what But for my rudeness, I should not
have said that. I believe you to be honest. But
an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook.
Because the Constitution to be worth anything must be held
sacred and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man
who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous,
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the more honest he is. I admit the truth of
all you say, but there must be some mistake about it,
for I do not remember that I gave any vote
last winter upon any constitutional question. No, Colonel, there's no mistake.
Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go
from home, I take the papers from Washington and read
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very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say
that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate
twenty thousand dollars to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown.
Is that true. Well, my friend, I may as well
own up. You got me there, But certainly nobody will
complain that a great and rich country like ours should
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give the insignificant sum of twenty thousand dollars to receive
its suffering, to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly
with the full and overflowing treasury. And I'm sure if
you'd been there, you would have done just as I did.
It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of.
It is the principle. In the first place, the government
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ought to have in the treasury no more than enough
for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do
with the question. The power of collecting and dispersing money
at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be
entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue
by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country,
no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer
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he is, the more he pays in proportion to his means.
What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge
where the weight centers or There is not a man
in the United States who can ever guess how much
he pays to the government. So you see that while
you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it
from thousands who are even worse off than he. If
you had the right to give anything, the amount was
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simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had
as much right to give twenty thousand as twenty million.
If you have the right to give to one, you
have the right to give to all. And as the
Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are
at liberty to give it to any and everything which
you may believe or profess to believe, is a charity.
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And to any amount you may think proper, you will
very easily perceive what a wide door that would open
for fraud and corruption and favoritism on the one hand,
and for robbing the people on the other. No, Colonel,
Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may
give as much of their own money as they please,
but they have no right to touch a dollar of
the public money for that purpose. If twice as many
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houses had been burned in this country, in this county,
as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of
Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief.
There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress.
If they'd shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing
weeks each one's week's pay, it would have made over
thirteen thousand dollars. There are plenty of wealthy men in
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and around Washington who would have given twenty thousand without
depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The congressmen
chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true,
some of them spend not very credibly. And the people
about Washington, no doubt applauded you for relieving them from
the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours
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to give. The people have delegated to Congress by the
Constitution the power to do certain things. To do these,
it is authorized to collect and pay moneies, and for
nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation and a violation
of the Constitution. So you see, colonel, you've violated the
Constitution what I consider a vital point. It is a
precedent fraught with danger to the country. Or when Congress
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once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of
the Constitution, there is no limit to it and no
security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly,
but that does not make it any better except as
far as you are personally concerned, and you see that
I cannot vote for you. I'm going to continue reading
(24:30):
this and it's going to be in the podcast if
you want to hear the rest of the score.
Speaker 6 (24:37):
So otherwise, I think you get the point of why
he cast his next vote against the widow's money.
Speaker 1 (24:50):
I tell you I felt street. I saw if I
should have opposition, and this man should go to talk,
and he would set others to talk, and in that district,
I was a gone fawn skin. I could not answer him.
And the fact is I was so fully convinced that
he was right. I didn't want to, but I must
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satisfy him. And I said to him, well, my friend,
you hit the nail upon the head when you said
I did not have sense enough to understand the Constitution.
I intended to be guided by it and thought I
had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in
Congress about the powers of Congress. But what you have
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said here at your plow has gotten me more hard
sound sense in it than the fine speeches I have
ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of
it that you have, I would have put my head
into the fire before I would have given that vote.
(25:54):
And if you will forgive me and vote for me again,
if I ever vote for another on constant stitutional law,
I wish I may be shot. He laughingly replied, Yes, colonel,
you have sworn to that once before. But I will
trust you again upon one condition. You say that you
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are convinced your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it
will do more good than beating you for it. If
as you go around the district, you will tell people
about this vote and you are satisfied it was wrong.
I will not only vote for you, but I will
do what I can to keep down opposition, and perhaps
I may exert some little influence in that way. If
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I don't, said I, I wish I may be shot.
And to convince you that I am in earnest in
what I say, I will come back this way in
a week or ten days, and if you will get
up a gathering of the people, I will make a
speech to them, get up a barbecue, and I will
pay for it. No, colonel, we are not rich people
in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to
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contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those
who have none. The push of crops will be over
in a few days and we can then afford a
day for a barbecue. This is Thursday. I will see
to getting it up on Saturday week. Come to my
house on Friday and we will go together. And I
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promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear
you well. I will be here. But one thing more
before I say goodbye, I must know your name. My
name is Bunce, not Horatio buns. Yes, well, mister Bunce.
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I never saw you before, though you say you have
seen me. But I know you very well. I am
glad I've met you, and very proud that I may
hope to have you for my friend. It was one
of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him.
He mingled but little with the public, but was widely
known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for
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a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence
which showed themselves not only in words but in acts.
He was the oracle of the whole country around him,
and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of
his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before,
I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting,
it is likely I should have had opposition and had
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been beaten. One thing is very certain. No man could
now stand up in that district under such a vote.
At the appointed time. I was at his house, having
told our conversation to every crowd i'd met and every
man I stayed all night with, and I found that
it gave the people an interest in a confidence in
me stronger than I'd ever seen manifested before. Though I
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was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and under
ordinary circumstances should have gone early to bed, I kept
him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs government,
and I got more real, true knowledge of them than
i'd got all my life before. I have known and
seen much of him since or I respect him, No,
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that is not the word. I reverence and love him
more than any living man. And I go to see
him two to three times every year. And I will
tell you if everyone who professes to be a Christian
lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does the
religion of Christ would take the world by storm. But
to return to my story. The next morning we went
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to the barbecue, and to my surprise, found about a
thousand men there. I met a good many whom I
had not known before, and they and my friend introduced
me around until I got pretty well acquainted. At least
they all knew me. In due time, notice was given
that I would speak to them. They gathered up around
a stand and had been that had been erected for
the occasion. I opened my speech by saying, quote, fellow citizens,
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I present myself to you today, feeling like a new man.
My eyes have lately been open to truths with which
ignorance or prejudice, or both had heretofore hidden from my view.
I feel that I can today offer you the ability
to render you more valuable service than I have ever
been able to render before. I am here today more
(30:19):
for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek
your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due
to myself as well as to you. Whether you will
vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.
I went on to tell them about the fire and
my vote for the appropriation, and then told them why
I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying,
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and now, fellow citizens, it remains only for me to
tell you that the most of the speech you have
listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition
of the arguments by which your neighbor, mister Buntz convinced
me of my error. It is the best speech I
ever made in my life. But he is entitled to
the read it for it and now I hope he
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is satisfied with his convert and that he will get
up here and tell you so. He came upon the
stand and said, fellow citizens, it affords me great pleasure
to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have
always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am
satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has
(31:24):
promised you. Today he went down, and there went up
from that crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett, as
his name never called forth before. I am not much
given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then,
and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And
I tell you now that the remembrance of these few
(31:45):
words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty
shout they produced, is worth more to me than all
the honors I have received and all the reputation I
ever made, or shall ever make as a member of Congress. Now, Sir,
concluded Crockett, you know why I made that speech. Today.
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There is one thing now to which I will call
your attention. You remember that I propose to give a
week's pay. There are in that house many very wealthy men,
men who think nothing is spending a week's pay, or
a dozen of them for a dinner or a wine party,
when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of
those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt
(32:27):
of gratitude which the country owed the deceased, a debt
which could not be paid by money, and the insignificance
and worklessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum is
ten thousand dollars when weighted against the honor of our nation.
Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money
(32:49):
with them is nothing but trash when it is to
come out of the people. But it is the one
great thing for which most of them are striving and
many of them sacric vice, honor, integrity and justice to
obtain it. And that, my friend, is why I name
(33:09):
my Soncroft. Exempleant Elvis has left for good men, thank you,
and good night
It's that time time, time, time, Luck and Load. Michael
Verie Show is on the air.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
There are cultural impediments to doing this work. Let's say
you work in the FBI. You know that one of
the two political parties is, let me put it nicely,
white supremacist adjacent at a minimum.
Speaker 3 (00:24):
So there's a lot of people that are like, you
know what, like, let's go find the safe at white Boy.
Speaker 2 (00:28):
We can find poor kids are just as bright and
just as talent as white kids.
Speaker 4 (00:32):
This election has proven that this administration has proven painfully
in some ways, is that black people cannot save this
country from white folks.
Speaker 1 (00:43):
We can't do it alone.
Speaker 4 (00:44):
Right, If white folks aren't going to join in, if
white women aren't going to join in, if Latinos aren't
going to join in, we can't do it alone.
Speaker 3 (00:53):
Maybe we will not back down in our pursuit of
racial justice. The antidote to anti blackness is to be
pro black, and we will do it unapologetically. The United
State government owes us a debt, and we need reparations.
Speaker 5 (01:08):
That are politics that says like there are superior in
fear human beings just in the way to go.
Speaker 1 (01:13):
And that's the thing.
Speaker 5 (01:14):
That white people don't trust us to do because they
are so corrupt, you know, their thinking is so morally
and spiritually bankrupted.
Speaker 1 (01:22):
Maybe you're first. Here's what it takes. The black jobs.
I love his phrase, black jobs. Tell us a lot
about the band, how about his character. Just three and
a half years, we've created over true million new black
jobby Don't you're black up?
Speaker 6 (01:46):
If you have a problem figuring out whether you're for
may or Trump and you ain't black.
Speaker 1 (01:51):
My brother, do it. You're black up.
Speaker 3 (01:55):
But I also was on the ticket quite honestly, you know,
because I could code talk to white.
Speaker 1 (02:00):
Guys watching football fixing their truck. Study we were talking
(02:38):
about the flu shot and how the studies show it
doesn't actually work. In fact, it kills more people than
it saves. Then in two thousand and eight, Cheryl Atkinson
did a piece on how top vaccine advocates were receiving
substantial funding from pharmaceutical companies.
Speaker 7 (03:02):
Years now, parents have wondered if vaccines are linked to
conditions like autism and add Government officials and some scientists
say there is no connection, and they're often backed by
independent experts. But just how independent are they? You may
be surprised at what Cheryl Akison found when she set
out to follow the money.
Speaker 8 (03:24):
There's some of the most trusted voices in the defense
of vaccine safety, the American Academy of Pediatrics, every Child
by Two, and pediatrician doctor Paul Ausitt. CBS News has
found these three have something more in common too, strong
financial ties to the industry whose products they promote and defend.
(03:45):
The vaccine industry gives millions to the Academy of Pediatrics
for conferences, grants, medical education classes, even help pay to
build their headquarters. The totals are kept secret, but public
documents reveal bits and pieces. Three hundred and forty two
thousand dollars was given to the Academy by Wyff, maker
of the new macawcle vaccine, for a community grant program.
(04:08):
Four hundred and thirty three thousand dollars was contributed to
the Academy by Merk. The same year the Academy endorsed
Merk's HPV vaccine. Another top donor, Santafia ventis, maker of
seventeen vaccines and a new five to one combo shot,
just added to the childhood vaccine schedule last month. Every
Child by Two, a group that promotes early immunization for
(04:32):
all children, admitst the group takes money from the vaccine
industry too, but wouldn't tell us how much. A spokesman
told us there are simply no conflicts to be unearthed.
But guess who has been listed as the group's treasurers,
unofficial from WYFF and a paid advisor to big pharmaceutical clients.
Then there's doctor Paul Offitt, perhaps the most widely quoted
(04:54):
defender of vaccine safety. He's gone so far as to
say babies can theoretically tolerate quote ten thousand vaccines at once.
This is how Offitt described himself in a previous interview.
Speaker 1 (05:07):
I'm the chief of Infectious Diseases at Children's Hospital Philadelphia
and a professor pediatricst at Penn's Medical School.
Speaker 8 (05:13):
Doctor Offfitt was not willing to be interviewed on this subject,
but like others in our investigation, he has strong industry ties.
In fact, he's a vaccine industry insider. Doctor Offitt holds
a one point five million dollar research share at Children's
Hospital funded by Merk. He holds the patent on an
anti diarrhea vaccine he developed with Merk rod Tech, which
(05:36):
has prevented thousands of hospitalizations in the US, and future
royalties for the vaccine were just sold for one hundred
and eighty two million dollars cash. Doctor Offit's share of
vaccine profits unknown. There's nothing illegal about the possible conflicts
of interest, but as one member of Congress put it,
money from the pharmaceutical industry can shape the practices of
(05:59):
those who hold himself out to be independent. The American
Academy of Pediatrics, every child by two and doctor Aufitt
wouldn't agree to interviews, but all told us they're upfront
about the money they receive and it doesn't sway their opinions.
Today's immunization schedule now calls for kids to get fifty
five doses of vaccines by age six. Ideally, it makes
(06:21):
for a healthier society, but critics worry that industry ties
could impact the advice get into the public about all
those vaccines.
Speaker 1 (06:30):
Now, let's think about how this works. So we've got
a product to sell. Let's say we're the sellers of
chocolate candy bars, and people just start buying enough chocolate
candy bars for our for our liking. So we go
(06:52):
to the public health officials, we say, we'll give you
all this money, which is how Fauchi got rich. We'll
give you all this money to say you need to
eat more of Ramones chocolate candy bars. In fact, that's
really the only way to save you. And we recommend
(07:14):
that schools don't allow children to come to school unless
they've eaten their Ramones chocolate candy bar. Universities, we recommend
that companies don't allow people to come in. We recommend
that hospitals not allow you to be admitted as a
hospital unless you've eaten your Ramones chocolate candy bar before long.
(07:38):
What happens, They sell a lot of chocolate candy bars,
don't they You think that might have affected Now. That
doesn't make the chocolate candy bar good for you. It
doesn't make the chocolate candy bar give you any health benefits.
And neither does the fact that top vaccine advocates are
(08:02):
advocating for something to mean that you won't get what
they're giving you, the vaccine to prevent you from getting.
When you stop and think about it that way, Michael
Berry glad in the system modern.
Speaker 2 (08:27):
This day in.
Speaker 1 (08:28):
Nineteen fifty five, which makes it seventy years ago. Love
his grief was There were four different versions of this
time about it of Davy Crockett e all on the
market and lose his solf and on the charts, believe
it or not. Oh One was by Walter Schumann, one
(08:48):
was by the great Tennessee Ernie Ford. One was by
the best Parker fixing up. But you knew that already
as he started the movie. The fourth you get extra
extra credit lanyap on top of lanyap if you knew
(09:10):
that it's Bill Hayes has went to number one, Western
Mars and Big Gun. I love the story of David Crockett,
but not for the reason that you might think. My
youngest son is named Crockett, Crockett Marcos Berry, Marcos one
of his Ethiopian names. We kept our children's Ethiopian names
(09:35):
as part of their overall identity, even though we gave
them names that we chose as their sort of Christian name,
the name that they go by. But Crockett was so
named after a hero of mine. We went by the
name David Crockett, but legend has him at Davy Crockett.
I don't know that it matters today. David Crockett, who
died at the Alamo, and as a child, I was
(09:57):
as inspired as I am today by the men who
fought at the Mission in San Antono against the Mexicans
and died valiantly. Davy Crockett's a great story because of
the you may all go to Hell, I'm going to
Texas story he was. He was one of the first,
(10:20):
after Daniel Boone, one of the first true American heroes
for some reason other than being a president or a general.
He was Colonel David Crockett. But he was a hero
for his exploits. He showed up in New York at
a Broadway musical about the exploits of Davy Crockett. But
(10:46):
the reason I adore his memory in his legacy is
more than all of those things, although of course they
add to them. It is a story that's kind of
Ron Paul in the telling, and not many people like this,
very few people. Indeed. It's because of a speech he gave,
and that speech came to be known as not yours
(11:10):
to give, not yours to give. Say that out loud,
because you're gonna want to look this up, because most
of you probably don't know this story about David Crockett,
because you think of David Crockett as the legend and
killed him a bar when he was only three and
dying at the Alamo and the Coonskin Cap and all
those are wonderful aspects to the legend of David Crockett.
(11:31):
But while David Crockett was in Congress, there was a
request for the widow of a celebrated naval officer, and
Congress was ready right there on the spot. Boom, let's
give her a bunch of money from the public treasury.
And David Crockett did something very brave. He stood on principle,
(11:54):
because surely, with the old woman here, you're gonna give
some money out of the federal government. Federal government's got it,
and we're in charge of it. We're the appropriators. That's
what Congress does. So let's give us some money. And
there was quite the fervor. Yeah, let's give her some money.
It's the people's money, who cares, and we'd give it
to her. We'll look like stars and Davy Crockett, Colonel
Crockett stood up and said, I have as much respect
(12:17):
for the memory of the deceased and as much sympathy
for the sufferings of the living if suffering there be
as any man in this house. But we must not
permit our respect for the dead, or our sympathy for
a part of the living, to lead us to an
act of injustice to the balance of the living that
means everybody else. I will not go into an argument
(12:39):
to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this
money as an act of charity. Every member upon this
floor knows it. We have the right as individuals to
give away as much of our own money as we
please in charity. But as members of Congress, we have
no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money.
(13:05):
We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as
the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance
of authority to appropriate it as a charity. Mister Speaker,
I have said we have the right to give as
much money of our own as we please. I am
the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for
(13:27):
this bill. But I will give one week's pay to
the object that's the widow, and if every member of
Congress will do the same, it will amount to more
than the bill asks. He then went on to say,
in quoting a constituent, the people have delegated to Congress
by the Constitution the power to do certain things. To
do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneies,
(13:50):
and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation and
a violation of the Constitution. Now, there is more to
this story, and it will require the next segment for
me to get to it. There is more to this
story than what David Crockett did. What he did, the
(14:11):
action he took was an act of courage, real courage.
The reason he did it is an act of incredible humility.
And it just goes to show that as we walk
through this world we make mistakes. We all do. And
it's not whether we make mistakes we endeavor not to,
(14:32):
but it is whether or not we learn from them,
whether we learn from the things we do the mistakes
we make. And Davy Crockett went on to explain his vote,
and I will read you the rest of his speech
where he does that it's incredibly powerful. But before we
do that, I will say that you will find many
(14:55):
times that the greatest acts of valor, and this is
the part that I think people miss are typically not
celebrated by those around them. People who stand on principle
are typically not honored and celebrated for standing on principle.
When Ted Cruse went to the United States Senate, I
had worked very hard to put him there, as did
(15:16):
a lot of other people, and when he got there,
he would lose votes ninety nine to one. Lindsey Graham
said that there were members in the Senate who wanted
to murder him. Send that into a hot microphone. There
are senators who wanted to murder him. And John McCain said,
it tells you how popular he is that he loses
votes ninety nine to one. But I went back and
(15:38):
read those votes, and they were issues that the Senate
had rubber stamped. They were swamp issues, and the concept
was as long as everybody hangs together, we don't hang
by ourselves. And so what Ted Cruse was doing was
making a name for himself with the grassroots constituency, with
Tea Party voters, which became Maga voters. But he wasn't
(16:01):
very popular for it wasn't popular at all. Anyway, I'll
read you that letter coming up. Something wong, Well, something
must be right. You're listening to Michael Berry. Okay, So
I told you that David Crockett while the widow had
been brought forward before the Congress. Her husband, a celebrated
(16:25):
naval officer who had passed, and here she was the widow,
and she wanted some money. And they said, oh, yes,
your husband was a great man. Let's write a check
from the treasury to you. David Crockett said, you can't
do that. You don't have the power. We do not
have the power to appropriate charity. And by the way,
(16:50):
we can give charity of our own money. And I'll start.
I'm the poorest fella in this Congress, and I'll give
a week of my pay, and if every one of
you will do the same, we'll give her more money
than you're trying to give her from the treasury. Well,
as you might imagine, nobody joined him in that offer.
(17:12):
But as I told you, that's not the fact that
he did such a principal thing is impressive. The fact
of how he came to do that, that's the story
I think makes this really really special. And I'll read
to you from his speech. He said, it's not during
(17:35):
his speech. This was later he was asked by a friend,
why did you do that? My god? Everybody hated you
for that, And he said, well, several years ago. I
was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol
with some other members of Congress when our attention was
attracted by a great light over in Georgetown. It was
evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and
(17:59):
drove over as fasts as we could, in spite of
all that could be done. In spite of all that
could be done, many houses were burned, and many families
made homeless. And besides, some of them had lost all
but the clothes they had on. The weather was very cold,
and when I saw so many women and children suffering,
I felt that something ought to be done for them.
The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating twenty thousand
(18:20):
dollars for their relief. We put aside all other business
and rushed it through as soon as it could be done.
The next summer, when it began to be time to
think about the election, I concluded I would not sorry.
I concluded I would take a scout around among the
boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but
(18:40):
as the election was some time off, I didn't know
what might turn up. When riding one day, and a
part of my district in which I was more of
a stranger than any other. I saw a man in
a field plowing and coming towards the road. I gauged
my gate so that we should meet as he came
to the fence. As he came up, I spoke to
the man. He replied politely, but as I thought, rather coldly,
(19:03):
I began, well, friend, I'm one of those unfortunate beings
called candidates, and yes I know who you are, your
Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before and voted
for you the last time you were elected. I suppose
you're out electioneering now, but you'd better not waste your
time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.
This was a sock dollarger. I begged him to tell
(19:25):
me what was the matter. Well, Colonel, it is hardly
worthwhile to waste time or words upon it. I do
not see how it can be mended. But you gave
a vote last winter, which shows that either you have
not capacity to understand the Constitution or that you are wanting,
in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it.
(19:46):
In either case, you are not the man to represent me.
But I beg your pardon for expressing it that way.
I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege
of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for
the purpose of insulting her wounding you. I intend by
it only to say that you are understanding of the
Constitution is very different from mine, and I will say
(20:09):
to you what But for my rudeness, I should not
have said that. I believe you to be honest. But
an understanding of the Constitution different from mine I cannot overlook.
Because the Constitution to be worth anything must be held
sacred and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man
who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous,
(20:32):
the more honest he is. I admit the truth of
all you say, but there must be some mistake about it,
for I do not remember that I gave any vote
last winter upon any constitutional question. No, Colonel, there's no mistake.
Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go
from home, I take the papers from Washington and read
(20:54):
very carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say
that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate
twenty thousand dollars to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown.
Is that true. Well, my friend, I may as well
own up. You got me there, But certainly nobody will
complain that a great and rich country like ours should
(21:15):
give the insignificant sum of twenty thousand dollars to receive
its suffering, to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly
with the full and overflowing treasury. And I'm sure if
you'd been there, you would have done just as I did.
It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of.
It is the principle. In the first place, the government
(21:35):
ought to have in the treasury no more than enough
for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do
with the question. The power of collecting and dispersing money
at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be
entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue
by a tariff, which reaches every man in the country,
no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer
(21:56):
he is, the more he pays in proportion to his means.
What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge
where the weight centers or There is not a man
in the United States who can ever guess how much
he pays to the government. So you see that while
you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it
from thousands who are even worse off than he. If
you had the right to give anything, the amount was
(22:17):
simply a matter of discretion with you, and you had
as much right to give twenty thousand as twenty million.
If you have the right to give to one, you
have the right to give to all. And as the
Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are
at liberty to give it to any and everything which
you may believe or profess to believe, is a charity.
(22:38):
And to any amount you may think proper, you will
very easily perceive what a wide door that would open
for fraud and corruption and favoritism on the one hand,
and for robbing the people on the other. No, Colonel,
Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may
give as much of their own money as they please,
but they have no right to touch a dollar of
the public money for that purpose. If twice as many
(23:01):
houses had been burned in this country, in this county,
as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of
Congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief.
There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress.
If they'd shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contributing
weeks each one's week's pay, it would have made over
thirteen thousand dollars. There are plenty of wealthy men in
(23:22):
and around Washington who would have given twenty thousand without
depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The congressmen
chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true,
some of them spend not very credibly. And the people
about Washington, no doubt applauded you for relieving them from
the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours
(23:43):
to give. The people have delegated to Congress by the
Constitution the power to do certain things. To do these,
it is authorized to collect and pay moneies, and for
nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation and a violation
of the Constitution. So you see, colonel, you've violated the
Constitution what I consider a vital point. It is a
precedent fraught with danger to the country. Or when Congress
(24:06):
once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of
the Constitution, there is no limit to it and no
security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly,
but that does not make it any better except as
far as you are personally concerned, and you see that
I cannot vote for you. I'm going to continue reading
(24:30):
this and it's going to be in the podcast if
you want to hear the rest of the score.
Speaker 6 (24:37):
So otherwise, I think you get the point of why
he cast his next vote against the widow's money.
Speaker 1 (24:50):
I tell you I felt street. I saw if I
should have opposition, and this man should go to talk,
and he would set others to talk, and in that district,
I was a gone fawn skin. I could not answer him.
And the fact is I was so fully convinced that
he was right. I didn't want to, but I must
(25:12):
satisfy him. And I said to him, well, my friend,
you hit the nail upon the head when you said
I did not have sense enough to understand the Constitution.
I intended to be guided by it and thought I
had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in
Congress about the powers of Congress. But what you have
(25:33):
said here at your plow has gotten me more hard
sound sense in it than the fine speeches I have
ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of
it that you have, I would have put my head
into the fire before I would have given that vote.
(25:54):
And if you will forgive me and vote for me again,
if I ever vote for another on constant stitutional law,
I wish I may be shot. He laughingly replied, Yes, colonel,
you have sworn to that once before. But I will
trust you again upon one condition. You say that you
(26:14):
are convinced your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it
will do more good than beating you for it. If
as you go around the district, you will tell people
about this vote and you are satisfied it was wrong.
I will not only vote for you, but I will
do what I can to keep down opposition, and perhaps
I may exert some little influence in that way. If
(26:38):
I don't, said I, I wish I may be shot.
And to convince you that I am in earnest in
what I say, I will come back this way in
a week or ten days, and if you will get
up a gathering of the people, I will make a
speech to them, get up a barbecue, and I will
pay for it. No, colonel, we are not rich people
in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to
(26:58):
contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those
who have none. The push of crops will be over
in a few days and we can then afford a
day for a barbecue. This is Thursday. I will see
to getting it up on Saturday week. Come to my
house on Friday and we will go together. And I
(27:19):
promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear
you well. I will be here. But one thing more
before I say goodbye, I must know your name. My
name is Bunce, not Horatio buns. Yes, well, mister Bunce.
(27:41):
I never saw you before, though you say you have
seen me. But I know you very well. I am
glad I've met you, and very proud that I may
hope to have you for my friend. It was one
of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him.
He mingled but little with the public, but was widely
known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for
(28:04):
a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence
which showed themselves not only in words but in acts.
He was the oracle of the whole country around him,
and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of
his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before,
I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting,
it is likely I should have had opposition and had
(28:27):
been beaten. One thing is very certain. No man could
now stand up in that district under such a vote.
At the appointed time. I was at his house, having
told our conversation to every crowd i'd met and every
man I stayed all night with, and I found that
it gave the people an interest in a confidence in
me stronger than I'd ever seen manifested before. Though I
(28:50):
was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and under
ordinary circumstances should have gone early to bed, I kept
him up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs government,
and I got more real, true knowledge of them than
i'd got all my life before. I have known and
seen much of him since or I respect him, No,
(29:10):
that is not the word. I reverence and love him
more than any living man. And I go to see
him two to three times every year. And I will
tell you if everyone who professes to be a Christian
lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does the
religion of Christ would take the world by storm. But
to return to my story. The next morning we went
(29:33):
to the barbecue, and to my surprise, found about a
thousand men there. I met a good many whom I
had not known before, and they and my friend introduced
me around until I got pretty well acquainted. At least
they all knew me. In due time, notice was given
that I would speak to them. They gathered up around
a stand and had been that had been erected for
the occasion. I opened my speech by saying, quote, fellow citizens,
(29:56):
I present myself to you today, feeling like a new man.
My eyes have lately been open to truths with which
ignorance or prejudice, or both had heretofore hidden from my view.
I feel that I can today offer you the ability
to render you more valuable service than I have ever
been able to render before. I am here today more
(30:19):
for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek
your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due
to myself as well as to you. Whether you will
vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.
I went on to tell them about the fire and
my vote for the appropriation, and then told them why
I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying,
(30:41):
and now, fellow citizens, it remains only for me to
tell you that the most of the speech you have
listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition
of the arguments by which your neighbor, mister Buntz convinced
me of my error. It is the best speech I
ever made in my life. But he is entitled to
the read it for it and now I hope he
(31:02):
is satisfied with his convert and that he will get
up here and tell you so. He came upon the
stand and said, fellow citizens, it affords me great pleasure
to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have
always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am
satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has
(31:24):
promised you. Today he went down, and there went up
from that crowd such a shout for Davy Crockett, as
his name never called forth before. I am not much
given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then,
and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And
I tell you now that the remembrance of these few
(31:45):
words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty
shout they produced, is worth more to me than all
the honors I have received and all the reputation I
ever made, or shall ever make as a member of Congress. Now, Sir,
concluded Crockett, you know why I made that speech. Today.
(32:06):
There is one thing now to which I will call
your attention. You remember that I propose to give a
week's pay. There are in that house many very wealthy men,
men who think nothing is spending a week's pay, or
a dozen of them for a dinner or a wine party,
when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of
those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt
(32:27):
of gratitude which the country owed the deceased, a debt
which could not be paid by money, and the insignificance
and worklessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum is
ten thousand dollars when weighted against the honor of our nation.
Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money
(32:49):
with them is nothing but trash when it is to
come out of the people. But it is the one
great thing for which most of them are striving and
many of them sacric vice, honor, integrity and justice to
obtain it. And that, my friend, is why I name
(33:09):
my Soncroft. Exempleant Elvis has left for good men, thank you,
and good night
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