11-23-24 The Weekend Hour 3: Trump Is A Man In A Hurry

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Fo Night.

Speaker 2 (00:01):
Michael Brown joins me here, the former FEMA director of.

Speaker 1 (00:03):
Talk show host Michael Brown. Brownie, no, Brownie, you're doing
a heck of a job the Weekend with Michael Brown.

Speaker 2 (00:09):
Hey, you're listening to the Weekend with Michael Brown, and
I'm really glad that you are. I appreciate you doing that.
Rules of engagement. Let's go through a couple of them first,
for you us send me a text message. I was
just reading through text messages and I want to thank
everybody for sending them. I read them all the time.
I can't answer everyone. In fact, I don't answer very
many at all because there's just too many of them.
But I really do appreciate it. I read them, and

(00:31):
oftentimes you send me down rabbit holes or you make
me think about things I hadn't thought about. Anyway, if
you send me a text message on your message app,
this is the number to use three three one zero
three three three one zero three, just start your message
with one of the two words Michael or Mike. Tell
me anything, ask me anything, and remember you can send
that text message anytime. If you happen to be listening

(00:51):
to a delayed broadcast of the program or the podcast
of the program, whatever it is, send me a text
message might give me a little contect, Like if you're
listening to today's program on this coming Wednesday, I might
know exactly what you're talking about, So give me a
little context. If you will go over and follow me
on X I'm trying to build up. That's where I

(01:14):
play primarily on social media is on X. So if
you want to see what most of my social media
activity is, it's on X at Michael Brown Usa, go
give me a follow right now now. If you want
to follow me on the others, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, all
the rest of them, you can find all of those
icons where you can just click those at a website

(01:35):
that says Michael says go here dot com. Michael says
go here dot com. Click on those and or click
on that website. You can find a map of the affiliates,
the social media icons, stories, everything you need to know,
everything you need to know is on that website. So
let's continue our discussion about where do we go from here?

(01:58):
Because I just use doctor j about a Chara and
Bobby Kennedy Jr. In the last hour As examples of
how the cabal is really going to come after them. Now,
I think some people will sail through. Pam BONDI, the
replacement for Matt Getz is the United States Attorney General.

(02:18):
I think she'll I think she may even get some
Democrat votes, so she'll sail through very well. And she's
going to be tough. Oh my gosh, will she be tough.
She'll be a great attorney general. And others are going
to have some difficult times. I think Pete heggsas the
nominee to be Defense Secretary, I think he'll have a

(02:42):
rough time. I think there'll be a lot of tough questions. Now.
Whether or not he ends up getting confirmed may depend
entirely on something that you may or may not have
heard about, and that is that he had a hashtag
me too moment with some him and had a conservative
political conference in California several years ago in which he

(03:06):
paid her to sign a NDA a non disclosure agreement
because he was worried about his contract with Fox News. Well,
that may blow up in his face. I don't know.
We'll just see what the Senators do with it. Those
hypocritical senators. You know, you know why I laugh about that.
I'm not laughing about it because it's a it's a

(03:26):
me too movement. I'm laughing about it because one of
the things that Elon Musk posted on X this past
week was, and I'm paraphrasing here, but there is a
congressional slush fund. Those were his words. And that slush fund, now,

(03:51):
it's not money that they they didn't put together a
go fund me campaign. Don't don't miss no, no, don't
start thinking that they used your tax dollars. So if
you're working this weekend, or you're working as you listen
to this program and part of your salary, either hourly

(04:13):
or monthly, however you get paid, some of that money's
going into this fund. So that members of Congress who
get embroiled in a sex scandal, a hashtag me too
problem and they need to pay off somebody, they have
a fund to do that with your money and Nylon.

(04:37):
Musk's question on X was, do you think we should
disclose the people who have taken advantage and use that
slush fund? Well, duh, that shouldn't even be a question,
was my response. You shouldn't even ask the question. If
they're using taxpayer money to settle a hashtag me to issue,
then yes, we should know that. So that's why I

(05:01):
laugh about those senators who some of them may have
taken advantage of that slush fund. Should we know their names?
Damn right, we ought to know their names. Shouldn't even
be a question. So that's why I say, Pete heggxas
may have a problem. Yet I find it kind of
funny because you know, if I repeat hegsath and I

(05:22):
knew that. Let's say Senator Muckety Muck was asking me
about my you know me too movement, if I repeat Hegxas,
I'd say, well, you know, Senator, I paid her a
sum of money to sign an NBA because I didn't
want a public just like you used a slush fund
of taxpayer money to keep it quiet from us. So

(05:43):
don't you be asking me about it. That's why I
won't be nominated again to be a member of the
President's cabinet. Not that I don't have any hashtag me
too movement moments, but I just don't have any tolerance
for that kind of bull crap. But let's think for
a moment about whether or not the President's going to
be able to get this agenda through. I think Trump

(06:09):
has brightened significantly compared to the previous elections. Following the
election of November five, the public sentiment toward Trump improved dramatically.
There was a Peer Research Center study was released just

(06:32):
yesterday Friday that highlights that fifty three percent of Americans
approve of Trump's agenda for this upcoming term, compared to
forty six percent that disapproved. Now, the survey was conducted
between November twelve and seventeen, so exactly a week after
the election. They surveyed almost ten thousand adult participants. And

(06:55):
this survey, this poll, if you will, reveals heightened confidence
and increased confidence in Trump's abilities concerning economic policy that
was at fifty nine percent, law enforcement and criminal justice
that was at fifty four percent. Immigration was at fifty
three percent, as was foreign policy. Now, the survey went

(07:20):
a step further and they measured feelings feelings towards Trump,
which is important because if here let me explain why
this is important. Some of these things are going to
require the approval of Congress. If Congress thinks that the

(07:41):
American public is not behind Trump, then there it's easier
for them to vote no on something. But if they
know that, for example, forty three percent have a warm
or very warm attitude toward Trump, up from thirty four
percent following the twenty twenty election and thirty six percent

(08:05):
post twenty sixteen. With that kind of approval rating, already,
senators are going to be hard pressed, or for that
members of Congress the House are going to be hard
pressed to vote against Trump. Now, those findings by Pew
were corroborated by a Harvard Harris pole which reported a

(08:29):
fifty four percent approval rate for Trump. So you take
forty three and fifty four percent, and you think about
that's a majority of Americans any way you cut it,
are looking at Trump and they've got warm feelings toward
him and want him to succeed. That's going to fall

(08:51):
over and collapse into Capitol Hill, and they're going to
be hard pressed to oppose him. Now, some of them,
we don't get me wrong, they will. I don't much
think this is going to be an easy sailing, but
it shows that even among young adults, approval has notably surged.

(09:12):
A you gov poll fifty seven percent approval rating among
eighteen to twenty nine year olds. That's almost a twenty
percent rise from early in November. So I think between
the election, the change in policy, just the change in

(09:33):
the at you see it. There's just a general change
in attitude in the country, a buoyancy if you will, that, Hey,
we're going to turn this ship of state around. And
I'm exceptionally, exceptionally happy about eighteen to twenty nine year
olds fifty seven percent. That's getting close to sixty percent

(09:54):
approval rating. Hang on tight, it's going to be a
wild ride. It's the Weekend with Michael Brown. Hain't tight.
I'll be right back to Hey, welcome back to the
Weekend with Michael Brown. Glad to have you with me.
So on your podcast app, subscribe to search for this

(10:14):
the Situation with Michael Brown, The Situation with Michael Brown.
Hit subscribe and if you want to leave a five
star review, and that will automatically download the weekday morning
program plus the weekend program. So you'll get all six
days of Michael Brown, which is I mean, you need
seven days, but I'll give you six. So Trump may

(10:34):
have gotten a four year term, but the reality situation
is it really has less time to make a difference
in practice. He may have a year to eighteen months
because at the end of a year and I would
go so far as we say, maybe even eighteen months,
although I think is somewhere between eighteen and twelve and
eighteen months. Then the midterm elections of twenty twenty six

(10:58):
start when Congress slows to a crawl. Congress, you know,
think about a job. We should all have this job
where you make you know, close to one hundred and
eighty thousand dollars a year. You get wonderful benefits. You
get you know, you get to fly all over the country,
you get to go in junkins all over the world.
You have a staff of hundreds of not thousands, depending

(11:21):
on how long you've been in Congress, and and you
you barely work. Yeah, you fly into d C. You know,
sometimes Sunday night, but most often on Monday afternoon. You
work Tuesday Wednesday, and then sometimes you go home Thursday
or Friday morning. And then you get you know, for
you know, for you get a spring break, and for
you know, like Thanksgiving week, you'll you'll get two weeks off.

(11:42):
I mean, you know, you'll be lucky to get Thursday
and Friday off. Well, they got all this week and
next week off. It's a pretty good gig if you
can get it. So, if Trump wants to be a
transformational president, which I think he has, he has a
grand opportunity to be. Uh, he's got to move very fast,
and that's exactly what he's doing. And he's beginning that

(12:07):
transformation by doing these rapid fire appointments. Now, let's not
forget you know. I was as I was walking the dogs,
I ran into a listener and I was explaining to
the listener how yesterday I spent a lot of time
explaining about recess appointments. Don't get excited about recess appointments.

(12:28):
Those are very unlikely to occur, and there are all
sorts of constitutional restrictions on the use of a recess appointment.
So most of the appointments that the nominations that Trump
is currently making are going to require approval from the
Republican majority Senate. Now, obviously his White House aids the

(12:48):
people who work in the West Wing, like the National
Security Advisor, the Homeland Security Advisor, his chairman of the
National Council of Economic Advisor, those don't require Senate approval.
What have you thought about? What's the message? Because Trump's
doing something that is different. I know, it's a shocker, right,

(13:13):
he's doing something different. He's doing something different than most
presidents in the past. Most presidents will slowly drip drip
drip out nominations, and when they do, they usually announce
those nominations through a press conference that they hold wherever

(13:36):
their headquarters are. In this case, we'd be down at
mar Lago and Florida. Trump's not doing that. He's announcing
the nominations on social media, on x and on his
own platform Truth Social No, you know, no press conferences

(13:57):
or anything. Well, that sends a message in and of itself,
and that is I'm hunkered down. I am searching out
the people who are going to be loyal to me
and loyal to the agenda that I articulated throughout the
entire campaign, and I'm going to push those people through.

(14:20):
I don't have time for press conferences. I've got upwards now.
In terms of major appointments, let's say, let's say a
couple of hundred secretaries, deputy secretaries, under secretaries, the main
people in the West wing. But overall, he's got about
three thousand appointments to make. So, having run on a

(14:43):
very specific agenda, Trump can, I think reasonably claim that
the public voted for that agenda, and I think it's
obvious that Trump has learned from the mistakes he made
the first go around when some of his own top
of pointies actually resisted his agenda, and he's not going
to make that mistake again. You can call Trump as

(15:07):
I have bombastic sometimes of allowed mouth the typical New
Yorker to generalize, but he means business and by that
I mean he seeks to really transform Washington, and he's
going to do that by slashing the size of the government.
He's going to do it by the slashing the power

(15:30):
of all these regulatory agencies whose edicts govern the country. They're,
in essence, this unelected you know, we refer to them
as the administrative state. Well, they're all the technocrats. They
are all the people that govern our lives, that make
up all these rules and regulations that Congress just advocated

(15:51):
their own authority. Which is why that Chevron decision by
the US Supreme Court is so important, because the Supreme
Court struck down these regulations where Congress just says, hey,
you go make up the rules, spring courts that you
can't do that, that's unconstitutional. You make the laws, and
most of these regulations have the full force and effective law,

(16:13):
and you've you've addicated your responsibility under the Constitution. So
he's going to hold them elected. He's going to hold
them accountable. When you think about the administrative state, they're unelected,
they're unaccountable, and they don't care about the costs that
those regulations impose on you or your business or any

(16:35):
businesses that you use. So pairing back that bureaucratic underbrush
and reassorting presidential control, I think that's why he's got
the Department of Government Efficiency DOGE headed by Musk and
the Veik Ramaswami. The success. Now that's not really a department.

(16:55):
Only Congress can create a department. They're just calling it
a department. And it's because of thosee that kind of
meme of the cryptocurrency that Musk came out and made
fun of. But the success of Musk and Ramaswamy, that's
going to be the surest measure of Trump's efforts to

(17:16):
transform DC. I think I would recommend, let me put
it that way, I would recommend that the primary effort
of Musk and Ramaswamy should be to reduce rule by
bureaucratic fiat cut back and hold those agencies accountable. The

(17:41):
secondary effects of saving money and increasing growth will come naturally. Well,
who could oppose that? I'll tell you next tonight.

Speaker 1 (17:56):
Michael Brown joins me here, the former FEMA director of
talk show host Michael Brown. No, Brownie, you're doing a
heck of a job the Weekend with Michael Brown.

Speaker 2 (18:04):
Hey, it's the weekend with Michael Brown. Glad to have
you with me. I appreciate you tuning in. So we're
talking about the effect of Trump's election and what's really
going to happen, what does it mean, where are we
going to end up? And we were just talking about DOSEE,
the Department of Government Efficiency. If you don't understand the

(18:26):
humor behind that, go go google it or duck go
it because it is kind of funny. So I maintain
that if Ramaswamy and Musk are able to reduce this
governing of our lives and our businesses by bureaucratic fiat,

(18:47):
that will restore accountability, not just in the executive branch,
but most importantly in the legislative branch, because Congress far
too often just passes a bill some broad idea that
they want, and then they leave it up to the
administrative state, the bureaucrats, the civil servants to come up

(19:10):
with the rules and regulations, and prior to the Chevron decision,
Begg's right, right, whatever rule they wanted, including civil and
criminal penalties. Now that's the job of Congress, not the
regulatory agencies. And that's just what you have, is you
have the executive branch, which is simply supposed to administer

(19:32):
the law, actually writing the laws. And the Supreme Court said, no,
that's just that's basically that's purely unconstitutional. So once you
reduce this rule by bureaucratic fiat, not only does that
restore democratic accountability, but it will eventually save us money,

(19:53):
increase economic growth, and start getting the regulatory agencies out
of our lives, which will free up innovation, free up
economic growth. It'll do all sorts of just in terms of.

Speaker 1 (20:08):
In terms of.

Speaker 2 (20:10):
The country being able to grow and prosper getting rid
of that huge mountain of rules and regulations this suppress
innovation will do wonders for the economy. So then you
have to ask you a question. You have to ask
the question, who and why would anyone oppose that? Well,

(20:38):
I'll tell you who's going to oppose it. And you
may know the answer, but I bet you don't know
why the Democrat Party is going to oppose it. Now,
why would Democrats want to oppose getting rid of rule
by bureaucratic fiat. Why wouldn't they want democrats? They're always
talking about, you know, democracy, Oh my gosh, somebody's a

(21:00):
threat to democracy. Trump's a threat to democracy. You Conservatives
are a threat to democracy. Well, why would they be
opposed to restoring democrat accountability? Why would they be opposed
to prosperity, to economic growth, to innovation? Because they're the
party of government. They're the party that have spent decades

(21:26):
since Woodrow Wilson building this administrative state and populating it
with technocrats. And they're not going to easily just go
away and say, Okay, well we lost. It's over. Game up.
And they have a willing partner to fight for them.

(21:47):
And that's the legacy media. Although I do want to
had a footnote here, and that footnote is the legacy
media is dying. We're watching the death of the legacy
media before our very eyes. NBC News Comcast is parent
company NBC Universal, is wanting to sell off most of

(22:09):
its cable outlets, including the MSNBC, whose ratings are in
a free fall, whose revenue is declining. Precipitously, newspapers are
on the verge of extinction. Now I think that's actually
kind of bad. I don't want the Washington Post, New

(22:30):
York Times, the LA Times, the Wall Street Journal. I
don't want need of these newspapers to disappear, but they're
gonna have to change their business model. And I'm not
talking about disappearing like I don't care whether the print
portions of them disappear or not. I don't read any
of the print versions of any of these newspapers. I
subscribe to them all online. But I want them to

(22:52):
start doing real journalism. I don't care about the editorial pages.
I mean, I do about the Wall Street Journal because
I think it's very well written and I'd like to
read it. But if the LA Times, the New York
Times wants to continue to be far off, you know,
left wing gobbledygook, well then have at it. But just
give me some real stories. Give me the facts, just
the facts, man, all right, give me the facts. But

(23:15):
that audience is dwindling because you and I are learning
that we don't have to rely upon the cabal for
our information. We can we can get all sorts of
good information, bad information, misinformation, accurate information, inaccurate information everywhere.
We live in an information world now. But they're not

(23:38):
going to go quietly away.

Speaker 1 (23:42):
They're going to.

Speaker 2 (23:42):
Cling on as long as they can, because the cabal,
the dominant media, the tech giants, the ruly elite, they're
all one organism, and they get support from each other.
They're all they're all the same. Think of the cabal

(24:03):
as you know a basketball or a baseball or a
footballer or just a balloon. I don't care there, but
it's all contained in one. It's it's an organism, and
they feed off each other and they keep each other alive.
So when Trump starts to pair back the administrative state

(24:27):
in order to make real progress, he's gonna have to
lock in that change. So the more he accomplishes by
executive orders, the more vulnerable those orders will be to
reversal by the next Democrat president and their will. Whether

(24:47):
that's four years away, eight years away, twenty four years away,
however long away it is, there will at some point
be another Democrat president, and that Democrat president will undo
whatever Republicans have done. That's why he's got to look
at what he can do through Congress and through upending

(25:08):
the administrative state, because once you pair it back and
once you start getting rid of all those regulations, it's
going to make him more and more difficult for future
Congresses and future presidents to unwind. What Trump can do,
he could be for our side, for our political beliefs,

(25:30):
for our political philosophy, for conservatism slash libertarianism. He could
be for us what Woodrow Wilson was for the progressive movement.
I think that's how transformational Trump can be. You look
at what Biden did during his first week to Trump's
border policies. He killed them. He literally just killed them.

(25:52):
So if Trump wants to lock in major changes, he's
got to do as much as possible by laws passed
by Congress. I think that's why he works so hard
to get more members of Congress elected. That's why he
went to California. You went to New York, He went
to New Mexico. Why Because the more Republicans he got elected,

(26:13):
the more people he had there to support him. Now, third,
if you're keeping track to affect the transformation that Trump
has already started, he's showing it because he appears to
be a man in a hurry he's naming. I looked

(26:36):
up the uh television monitor in the studio I'm using
today had Fox News on, and it had a screenshot
of those that he has named so far and the
major post that he has yet to name, and the
cairon said something to effect, Trump on the move, and

(26:57):
he is on the move now he moves on some
of the crucial ones. Secretary of Treasury, which was named
last night, FBI director. He quickly ended the I think
fruitless nomination of Matt Gates to be the Attorney General.
But he moved quickly after that. This is what I mean.

(27:17):
He moved quickly to name Matt Gates. And when Congressman
Matt Gates ran into that brick wall and collapsed on
his own, Trump didn't waste any time. Boom Pam BONDI next,
he's not wasting time and that's a good sign. And speed.
These speedy nominations are important for two reasons. The first,

(27:38):
which I mentioned earlier, is that Trump doesn't have a
lot of time to push through his agenda twelve to
eighteen months. Second, he not only needs to name top
level people he's got to give them time to select
their deputies. They're under secretaries, those aides who occupy the

(28:00):
top three or four levels in every agency. They actually
controlled most of the day to day work. That's why
I saw my job as inter Secretary of Homeland Security
as implementing the President's policies within that behemoth. That's why.
That's why to this day, I'm proud it'd been a

(28:21):
part of the transition team because I wanted Homeland Security,
even though I got beat the most of it. I
wanted Homeland Security to operate a certain way, and we
designed it to operate a certain way. But then Bush
made a huge mistake. He brought in Tom Ridge, a
guy that I actually have respect for, former governor of Pennsylvania,

(28:43):
to be the first Secretary of Homeland Security. But then
he let Tom Ridge name all of his own people. Now,
fortunately I was one of those people that Ridge named,
but all the others came basically from the Pentagon. And
so they turned DHS into a military operation which expanded power, control, oversight,

(29:06):
and got way too nosing into our lives. But those
deputy secretaries, assistant secretaries, the under actually to put it
in write order deputy secretary, under secretary, assistant secretaries. Those
are probably just as important as the secretaries, because I

(29:29):
can tell you I was given free rein. Here's the agenda,
go implement it. So Trump's on the move, and that's good.
He doesn't have much time. He has to move quickly
and aggressively, and I see him doing that. It's the
weekend with Michael Brown. If you will send me a text,

(29:49):
the numbers three three, one zero three starts your message
with one of two words Mike or Michael. Tell me anything,
Ask me anything. Go follow me on X right now
at Michael Brown USA. I'll be right back. Hey, welcome
to Well Being with Michael Brown. Glad to have you with me.
Is I always say at the end of every program,

(30:10):
how much I appreciate everybody tuning in and sharing the
news of this program with all your friends and for
that matter, your enemies too. So let everybody know about it.
Don't forget to follow me. I'm ex that Michael Brown USA.
So it's Thanksgiving week and I thought long and hard
about what to say about Thanksgiving, and I'd decided to

(30:31):
let somebody else say something about Thanksgiving. Rush Limbaugh, We
all miss Rush you know, you you hear Rush mentioned
me numerous times on this program, and you hear him
say my name during the intro to the program. And
I'm very proud of that. So I went back into

(30:56):
the archives and I found Rush. You know, he always
talked about the true meaning and the true history of
Thanksgiving and on in twenty twenty, when he last talked
about it, he described in depth how the main thing

(31:18):
to learn about Thanksgiving was that socialism failed, it absolutely failed.
And then he went on to talk about Governor William
Bradford and what Bradford did, and I want you to
hear what he had to say about that. This is
from the archives of Russimanball dot com. Happy Thanksgiving, November

(31:42):
twenty fourth, twenty twenty. Was given a plot of land.
They can work it, manage it however they wanted to.

Speaker 1 (31:52):
If they just wanted to sit on it, get fat, dumb,
happy and lazy, they could. If they wanted to develop it,
If they wanted to grow corn whatever on it, they could.
If they wanted to build on it, they could do that.
If they wanted to turn it into a quasi business,
they could do whatever they wanted to do with it.
He turned loose the power of the capitalist marketplace. Long

(32:16):
before Carl Marx was even born, long before Carl Marx
was a sperm cell in his father's dreams, the Pilgrims
had discovered and experimented with what could only be described
as socialism, and they found that it didn't work. Now,
it wasn't called that then, but that's exactly what it was.

(32:37):
Everybody was given an equal share. You know what happened.
Nobody did anything. There was no incentive, nothing worked, nothing happened.
What Bradford and his community found was that the most
creative and industrious people had no incentive to work any
harder than anybody else did, lie less they could utilize

(33:02):
the power personal motivation. But while most of the rest
of the world's been experimenting with socialism for over one
hundred years longer now trying to refine it perfect it reinvented,
the Pilgrims decided early on to scrap it permanently. What
Bradford wrote about this experiment should be in every school

(33:26):
child's history lesson. If it were, we might prevent so
much suffering. We might have prevented this election. If the
true story of Thanksgiving had been taught for years and
years and years. So William Bradford, after putting everybody in
a common store, the Mayflower compact. They wanted to be fair.

(33:47):
They wanted everybody to have one common share of stock.
And everything that happened that the Pilgrim's produced and it bombed.
It didn't work. There was no prosperity, there was no
creativity because there was no incentive. Here's what Bradford wrote
about the failure for this community. So far as it

(34:12):
was was found to breed much confusion and discontent, they
were not happy. In other words, this community was found
to breed much confusion and discontent and retard much employment
that would have been to their benefit and comfort. In
the words, nobody worked.

Speaker 2 (34:30):
And he goes on to describe how when Bradford realized
that it wasn't working and that socialism had failed, that's
when he gave them each a plot of land to
do with it whatever they wanted to do. You see,
I think that those words of rush he would be
so happy today to see that we're going to unleash

(34:53):
that power again. We're going to unshackle ourselves, our hope, anyway,
to unshackle ourselves from this tyranny, this oppression of this
administrative state that just wants to rule over all of
our lives so much so that it provides a disincentive

(35:16):
from people to work, to try to achieve, to innovate,
to come up with the better mouse trap. And instead
we're going to unleash the power of individual liberty and
individual freedom. I think the election in November five shows
again how socialism has failed. And I think the American people,

(35:41):
and most encouraging to me, younger people, saw that, hey,
what we're doing is not working, and I don't see
a bright future for me. So we're going to change course.
And they re elected Donald Trump, and I think that
intervening four years in hindsight was a blessing in disguise.

(36:04):
Now is the road ahead of us easy? No, it
is not. Because when you start taking away some of
the comfort of the administrative state, because some people actually
live in comfort, they want to be told what to do,
they want to be told how to live, they want
to be told all the things that they have to
how to live their lives. They'll scream, but will know

(36:27):
the benefits has Rush taught us, So happy thanksgivting it. Everyone,
Enjoy your family, do good and I'll see you next Saturday.