7-5-25 The Weekend Hour 1: The British Are Coming! Our Current Constitutional Crisis

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
The night Michael Brown joins me here, the former FEMA
director talk show host Michael Brown. Brownie, No, Brownie, You're
doing a heck of a job. The Weekend with Michael
Brown Hey broadcasting live not from Denver, Colorado, but from
the high mountains of the Sangrid to Cristo Mountains in
northern New Mexico from my undisclosed location. It's The Weekend
with Michael Brown. Glad to have you with me. I
appreciate you tuning in. You know, we got some rules

(00:22):
of engagement. The easiest one to remember is if you
want to text the show, you can do that at
any time twenty four hours a day, seven days a week.
The text line is always opened. So whether you're listening live,
or you're listening to late, or you're listening to the
podcast and something comes up you want to tell me
anything or ask me anything. The number on your messy
JAP is three three one zero three three three one
zero three. Just use a keyword, either Mike or Michael.

(00:45):
You can tell me anything or ask me anything. And
then on social media it's probably the most active place.
I mean there's always Facebook, there's Instagram, but Twitter or
four x formerly known as Twitter. Hey, it's at Michael
Brown USA, at Michael Brown USA. So I I'm going
to but I want to do it later. I want

(01:05):
to do it maybe in the second hour, get to
the provisions of and if I hear one more time,
I'm going to scream, Oh, the one big beautiful bill.
You know, I counted syllables. Can we just not say
O triple B, O triple B. That's four syllables versus
everyone calling it the one big beauty full bill. That's

(01:28):
six syllables. So we'll just call it the old triple B,
the old triple B. And many of you on the
text line we're saying, oh, gosh, I hope you're live
this weekend and you can give us some details about
what's really in the bill. Well, I will do that,
and I will eventually get to that, but before I do,
I just want to say something about today. Is we're

(01:49):
broadcasting live on Saturday, July fifth. Yesterday was obviously July fourth,
the two hundred and forty ninth anniversary of the Declaration
of Independence July fourth, seventeen seventy six, and I wanted
to take just a moment to remind us, all of
us what it is that we're celebrating. I am reading.

(02:13):
I thought one of the things I was going to
do this weekend and I've started it is I'm reading
a book, and I would encourage all of you to
do something similar. There are David McCullough, there are many authors,
even ken Burns, which I don't know why his is

(02:34):
going to turn out to be. Like ken Burns is
not exactly what I would call an objective writer or biographer.
But someone by the name of Rick Atkinson at k I.
N Son has written a trilogy, or I should say
he is writing a trilogy about the American Revolution. The

(02:54):
first two volumes are out. I'm reading the first volume,
titled The British Are Coming. It's don't don't, don't, don't
turn your head when I say this, don't turn your
head and cough. But it's I think twelve hundred pages,
so it's a fairly lengthy book. And I'm I started

(03:18):
reading it yesterday and I'm on page I don't know.
I'm getting close to page two hundred or so, and
parts of it I've skimmed through, primarily because he goes
into a lot of detail about some of the families
that were involved in the Revolutionary War, and they're not
famous families, but important families. You know, they have they

(03:40):
lived in Lexington, Earth, they lived and conquered where the
shot heard around the world was fired. But the detail
that he describes is much like the detail that we've
learned about the Civil War, and how it was a brutal,
brutal battle and before he actually got to the first
shot being fired, which is kind of where I've just

(04:01):
stopped and the British are retreating back to Boston trying
to get back on the ships, he has described that
first battle, now I should say the first series of battles,
and it's absolutely amazing when you hear some of the
details based on all of the letters, all of the

(04:21):
material that he has researched and found about that documented,
you know, the diaries of people. Everybody kept a diary
about that fateful day when the shot was first shot
heard around the world, and how King George the Third
was so arrogant that he believed that, ah, these Americans,

(04:42):
we can beat these Americans. And even after the first
British defeat, when they're retreating trying to get back, and
the reports of the battle finally get back to him
two or three months later. Now, remember the battle still
going on. They didn't have email, they didn't have text messages,
they couldn't pick up the phone and make an overseas

(05:03):
phone call. So everything was transmitted by letter, and of
course it had to make trips across the Atlantic. And
the most recent letter that King George was reading was received.
I think it was written in April. I think the
battle was in April, and he was reading this sometime

(05:24):
in June, So some ninety days later he's reading about something.
He's reading about the retreat from ninety days earlier, and
he's still arrogant about it. He still believes that Americans
can be defeated. But what Atkinson has done in this book,
again the title is the British Are Coming, is describing
exactly how all of these Americans, all of these people

(05:49):
who had come seeking independence, they had learned to trade, manufacture,
they were farming, they were doing everything on their own.
And yes, he describes the Tea Party, he describes the things,
all of the all of the acts that the Parliament
and the King had imposed on the colonies. And as

(06:12):
I read through it, I thought all I could think
about was the Declaration of Independence, and how it so
succinctly described everything that was going on in the colonies.
So I want to go through just parts of it.
We hold these truths to be self evident, that all

(06:35):
men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness, And that in order
to secure these rights I'm going to paraphrase a little bit,
but in order to secure those rights of life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness, we institute governments among ourselves.

(06:55):
That's our social compact. And that just governments derive their
powers from the consent of the governed. In other words,
we give our consent for you. In our Constitution that
was later adopted in seventeen eighty nine, we gave our
government certain enumerated and limited powers. They write that whenever

(07:20):
any form of government becomes destructive of those ends, in
other words, it becomes destructive of our ability to pursue life, liberty,
in the pursuit of happiness, it is the right of
the people to alter or to abolish it, and to
institute new government, laying its foundations for that new government
on such principles and organizing its powers in such form

(07:43):
as to them shall seem most likely to affect their
safety and happiness. That's what we were trying to establish
two hundred and forty nine years ago, and that's what
we're going to celebrate the two hundred and fiftieth a
quarter of a millennia next year. And I think it's

(08:05):
important for us at times to go back and understand.
I know, you know, in the first two hundred and
fifty pages, I've read about Paul Revere, I've read about
Charles Dawes both making the famous rides to warn about
the Red Coats are coming, and how we had every

(08:25):
you know, there was a line I should have I
should have highlighted the line in the book, but it
talked about how all of the colonists were armed. Everybody
had a musket, and if they didn't have a musket,
they had an axe. They didn't have an axe, they
had they had formed something. They had taken their plowshares,
and they plowshares, and they had formed them into shares.

(08:47):
They had they had done something so that everybody had
a weapon in order to exercise their god given right
of self defense. That's what we came from. That's our DNA,
and that's what we celebrate, and that's what we will
continue to celebrate, I hope over the next two hundred

(09:07):
and fifty years. It's the Weekend with Michael Brown. The
text lines always open. The numbers three three, one zero
three on your app. Be sure and follow me on
X It's at Michael Brown USA. I'll be right back. Hey,
welcome back to the Weekend with Michael Brown. Glad to
have you with me. I see I have another listener

(09:28):
at an undisclosed New Mexico location. Stay away from me.
I'm trying to stay away from everybody. Somebody asks me
to repeat the name of the book that I'm reading.
The book is. It's a trilogy. He's written two. The
third book is supposed to come out, I think sometime
this year, so I'm starting with the very first book.
The author's name is Rick Rick Uric k Atkinson at

(09:53):
K I N s O N Rick Atkinson. And this volume,
volume one is The British Are Coming. It's really gripping.
I mean, sometimes you know, if you know, sometimes I
will I'll speed read through a paragraph or two because
there's just a little too much detail, but then all
of a sudden you're really gripped into the middle of

(10:14):
the battle and what's going on, and the description of
some of the things that we've learned, you know that
we've learned, maybe not all of us, depending how what
your age is, but if old fart like me, things
that I actually learned about in school really come to life,
and it's a reminder of just what these colonists who

(10:35):
just simply wanted to be left alone. Just you know,
we've we've created, we've we're here and we've created this country,
and we're farming and we're building, and we're trading. We're
trading with all these other countries. You know, the British,
we're trading with the British, obviously, we're trading with the French,
and the Germans and the Dutch and everybody else. We're
you know, we're trading with Canada. We're trading all over

(10:56):
the place. And suddenly the king, because you know, they've
just come through the Seven Years War, Great Britain is
pretty much in the hole. They're in debt, and they
see us and they see the riches and they're like, ah,
let's tax the crap out of them, and it really was.
It was not just about taxation, but it was also

(11:18):
about the threat to the sovereignty of the king and
the colonists being so far away, and not just distance wives.
But as I say, sometimes, you know it would take
you three months to go from you know, London to Boston,
and three months by ship, and so it would take white,

(11:40):
take time to communicate, take time to understand what was
going on. And I'm just at the stage in the
book where Benjamin Franklin's decided that yes, this is going
to get real, and I'm going to leave England and
I'm going back home, and he's going back home, and
he wants to come back because he wants to help

(12:03):
with the revolution. And when that first shot is fired
in Lexington and conquered, there are so many descriptions of
the colonists writing in their diaries, and in fact even
of some of the British generals writing in their diaries
about how we can't beat them, this is over, this

(12:28):
is a huge mistake. Some of the generals even told
King George they thought that, they thought it was a mistake.
But King George was adamant, absolutely adamant, as was the
British Parliament, Parliament, and so it eventually leads to I'm
obviously not that far in the book, but it leads
to the writing of the Declaration of Independence being signed

(12:49):
in July fourth, seventeen seventy six. Now, the Communal Congress
has already been meeting because they were already establishing their
own governments, every little town, every every colony, every so
called i'll put air quotes around at state. It was
just a colony at the time. They'd all they'd all
started their own self governance. So they were already practicing

(13:12):
self governance at the local level and at even at
a regional level. And then the Continent of Congress decided
the form because they wanted to make sure that they
could trade and do all these things among themselves. And
it's just it's just it's a vibrant retelling of stuff
that we know, and that as you read it, dare

(13:32):
I say, you tend to think about what's going on
today and for all who And I'm not I'm not criticizing.
I'm not saying yeah, pooh pooh on you, not saying
anything like that. But I do question that if we

(13:53):
reach it, if the rubber band is stretched so far
in this country that it ultimately snapped. Are we ready
to fight that kind of war on our own soil?
And what will in a modern age, when telecommunications and
for that matter, warfare can be fought instantaneously, what will

(14:17):
that be like? I don't know. I mean, I really
don't know. But this is the kind of thing that
when you go back and you read history, and you
go back and you read, for example, the Declaration of Independence,
you suddenly find yourself saying cheetas sounds familiar. Cheet, This
sounds like something I just heard on CNN or MSNBC

(14:39):
or Fox News. The history of the present King of
Great Britain, they write in the Declaration, is a history
of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object
the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these dates. And

(15:01):
they right to prove this. Let facts be submitted to
a candid world, and then the lists their grievances. He
has refused his assent to laws. In other words, he
has refused to recognize the laws that we have passed
in the colonies. He has forbidden his governors to pass
laws of a mediate impressing importance. What they did they

(15:22):
suspended all of the local governments in America and decided
they were going to concentrate ooh, this sound familiar. They're
going to concentrate all the power in London, all the
power in the king and the Parliament. He has refused
to pass other laws for the accommodation, for the accommodation
of large districts of people Boston, you know, he dissolves

(15:47):
the Boston government. He has called together legislative bodies that
place is unusual, uncomfortable, and distance from the depository of
the public records, for the sole purpose of fatigue them
into compliance with his measures. So what what George the
third was doing was he was establishing his own legislative bodies,

(16:09):
putting his own people in there. And then rather meet
in Boston, we'll go meet out in Framingham somewhere. We'll
go meet somewhere far away, which you know, and today
it'd just be well, during rush hour, it might seem
like a long ways away. But in Boston, you know,
during during the seventeen hundreds, he might be thirty miles away,

(16:30):
but that might take you a couple of days to travel.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states
for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners,
refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither and
raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. That the
people in the colonies wanted to expand and grow, and

(16:53):
they wanted to move westward, north and south. They wanted
to expand, they wanted to grow further. He wouldn't let
him do it. He has made judges dependent on his
will alone for the tenure of their offices and the
amount of payment of their salaries. Oh, you want to
be a judge in the colonies, Well, I will appoint you,

(17:14):
and you must follow what I want done. If you
want to remain in office, and depending you know how
good you are, how well you follow what I want
you to do, that will determine how much you get paid.
It was total tyranny, total tyranny. And the people in
America said, we've had enough. I see, I read through

(17:37):
the book, and I just keep thinking, as I say,
I mean again, I'm only a maybe a tenth of
the way through the book, about twenty percent of the
way through the book, and I think to myself, Geeus
sounds familiar, happy to a hundred forty ninth birthday America.
Happy to under forty ninth birthday. When me get back,
let's talk about the court for a moment. So we

(17:57):
came with Michael Brown. Hang tight, coming right back tonight.
Michael Brown joins me here, the former FEMA director of
talk show host Michael Brown. Brownie, No, Brownie, You're doing
a heck of a job the weekend with Michael Brown. Hey,
So begin with Michael Brown. Glad to have you with me,

(18:18):
broadcasting live from the undisclosed location in northern New Mexico
in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains at about oh, I
don't know, eight thousand feet or so. Glad to have
you with me. If you want to text me, the
text line numbers always open three three, one zero three
keyword Michael, Michael, go follow me on X at Michael
Brown USA. I want to go back to the text
messages for just a moment because Guber number forty six

(18:39):
to seventy nine rights Michael. I don't think most people
realize that the United States had a civil war in
less than one hundred years of its existence. Has this
country been this threatened since then? With the rise of
the Far left a rise that has the fingerprints of
our most ardent foreign adversaries all throughout it. Oh, but

(19:01):
that's why we need to understand our history. That's why
we need to understand what's in our DNA. Why are
we the way we are because there was no guarantee
that the revolution was going to win. I remember, I've
only started reading. Obviously, I've seen this movie before, so
I know how it ends. But when you read about

(19:22):
some of the battles and how close we came to losing,
we'd still be living under a monarchy. We'd be singing,
you know, God save the King, start to say the queen,
But I guess, I guess Charles is there now, God
save the King as opposed to star spangled banner. So

(19:42):
just stop and think about that. This is and it's
why we need to understand what the radical left is
doing in this country if we want to be prepared
either for God forbid another civil war, or how do
we do the things that we need to do to
prevent another civil war. And I don't mean by somehow
capitulating to the far left, but by recognizing it. What

(20:06):
they're doing is an anathema to the basic constitutional principles
that we believe in, which is a good segue into
what I want to talk about about the courts for
a moment. I'm not Catholic. I just want to make
that clear. But historically we understand that the Catholic Church

(20:27):
held Europe together socially, politically, and even economically for centuries.
And then what happened, Oh, the Reformation came along and
destroyed that cohesion. Well, similarly, the United States of America
is held together by what not by a pope, not
by the Catholic Church, not by a group of Protestant churches.

(20:48):
What are we held together by the Constitution and the
rule of law that emanates from the United States Constitution. Well,
just like the Athlete Church was that cohesive glue that
kept Europe together, the Constitution is that cohesive glue that

(21:10):
keeps us together. Well, the respect for the Constitution is
now threatened by the very courts, and the very courts
which are supposed to just follow the rule of law
are about to spark a destabilizing constitutional reformation. And if anything, Look,

(21:33):
we can talk about Mondamie in New York, we can
talk about Gavin Newsom in California, We can talk about
which I if I get that, if I have time today,
we're going to talk about how democrats in urban areas
are one of the greatest threats to us. Pull it
to us conservatives. Politically, urban white liberal democrats represent probably

(21:55):
the greatest threat to democracy because they're they're basically the
foothold that would allow many red states or even purple
states that lean red to become blue and then boom,
we just go off the deep end. But go back
to the Protestant Reformation. The Protestant Reformation occurred when all

(22:18):
these kind of accepted Catholic practices were carried to such
extremes that he became abusy, most notably simony, the selling
of church offices, indulgences. I always love the concept of
Catholic indulgences, Pardons purchased to get out of purgatory. Pardons

(22:41):
purchased for the sins that you're committed. Ah, you know, father,
I have sinned, And how much would it cost to
get rid of that sin? Oh? Well, just give the
church X amount of money and you know we'll take
care of that. Neither which of those things, the selling
of church offices or the selling of indulgences, was what.

(23:01):
None of that had any basis in scripture whatsoever. But
once you started down that road, once they started taking
them and abusing those things, the Reformation was seized upon
and was accelerated by the ambitious German princes who sought
to free themselves from the financial and the political influence
of the Pope. So the Catholic Church did what well.

(23:24):
They stopped selling those bis bishop positions. They stopped selling forgivenesses,
the indulgences. But the problem was they were dollar late
and a dollar short because the fabric of European civilization
had been ripped apart. Much as sixteenth century Europe was
anchored by respect for religious institutions, this country today is

(23:48):
united by our respect for the Constitution. I see I've
said this a thousand times on the almost twenty years
I've been on the radio. I believe the Constitution was
divinely in inspired. I believe it to be a sacred
document to which all of us, as citizens, the bureaucrats
that want to try to run our lives, and the military,

(24:11):
all the elected officials, we all regularly swear allegiance to
the United States Constitution. And unlike the constitutions of Europe, France, Germany,
the United Kingdom. They all change willy nilly as political
movements come and go, their constitutions change. But here we

(24:33):
are now in since it's July fifth, we're now in
our two hundred and fiftieth year of this republic, about
to celebrate our two hundred and fiftieth anniversary. Yet nowhere,
nowhere does the United States Constitution give any of the
more than six hundred and seventy seven unelected District court

(24:57):
judges the authority to block the policies of an elected president,
which is what they've been doing regularly with these nationwide injunctions,
which you think is over because of the Supreme Court
decision in Trump versus Casa, But guess what they've been

(25:17):
doing those regularly for the past decade. And these injunctions
cover everybody in the United States, not just those who
brought the case. Yet the use of those sweeping injunctions
is a manufactured practice created by legislation, and the legislation
has no basis whatsoever in the Constitution. And just like

(25:40):
the Catholic selling indulgences, these judges have abused by excess
use of these nationwide injunctions. And while I would normally
say it needs to stop. You would retort, well, Michael,
the Supreme Court has stopped them. Well, that may be

(26:02):
what you think, and you might be wrong. The court,
the Supreme Court is still trying to stop them. So
don't just blow off this idea of a constitutional reformation.
Because for centuries, going back to my example of Catholicism,
the Pope himself was a powerful and respective figure throughout

(26:25):
the entirety of Europe until the one day that he
wasn't respected anymore. Today, the American judiciary is very powerful.
But they're powerful because just like Catholics put their faith
in the Pope, there is a large element of faith
and mystery upholding the respect for the Supreme Court. Think

(26:50):
about the justices themselves. Now, I've got great respect for them.
I know Clarence Thomas. I've had dinner with Clarence Thomas,
Clarence Tie. I can't say that Clarence Thomas is a
close friend of mine, but I know him. I know
his wife Jenny very well. I have the greatest respect

(27:10):
for his legal mind and for him individually. But think
about all nine of them. They they reside and they
do their work in a building. If you ever go
go take a look at a photo of the United
States Supreme Court building. It was specifically designed to resemble

(27:34):
what a Roman temple. And then the justices come out.
They're wearing costumes, they resemble the robes of a high priest,
and then they inform us, like some sort of oracles,
that only they are qualified to disciple the Constitution. And
just like with the papacy, just like with the Pope,
faith in our US Supreme Court will quickly just disappear.

(27:58):
It will just dissipate overnight if the Court is seen
to endorse the widespread abuse of contrived practices not found
in our scripture, much like the pope issued indulgences not
based on scripture, but just based on their own political whims.

(28:22):
The facts that we're dealing with right now speak for themselves.
Issuing nationwide injunctions to block executive orders has become a
partisan political tool. In Trump's first term, sixty four nationwide
injunctions were issued against him, But that's been cited a

(28:42):
thousand times on talk shows all across the country. But
those sixty four nationwide injunctions issued against him, ninety two
percent of them were granted by Democrat appointed judges. In
the first five months of Trump, two point zero ninety

(29:03):
two percent were granted have been is ninety two percent
were granted have been issued against him, the overwhelming majority
coming from just five one, two, three, four five judicial districts,
all of which are located in liberal cities San Francisco
and Boston, and in a lot of the recent cases,

(29:24):
the terms arbitrary and capricious were used by those federal
court judges to block any executive order that the judge
just politically disagreed with, including policies that most Americans strongly
support when you look at all the poll numbers, such
as deporting illealaliens and reducing government waste. Now, Conservatives, hang on,

(29:47):
because you've played the same game. Republican judges issued all
fourteen of the injunctions against President Biden as a result
of this. If I tell you that I think judges
are playing political games, I just gave you the receipts,
and I think too many citizens not blaming them, just

(30:11):
saying too many citizens are beginning to regard some judges
as just unelected politicians that happen to wear robes and
citizen suits. That should worry all of us. It is
the Weekend with Michael Brown. Textra asks me anything the
text line three three one zero three keyword Micha or Michael.
Follow me x at Michael Brown USA. I'll be right back.

(30:41):
Welcome back to the Weekend with Michael Brown. Glad to
have you with me. You know, be sure and subscribe
to the podcast on your podcast app, search for the
Situation with Michael Brown, The Situation with Michael Brown. Hit
that subscribe button, leave us a five star review, and
then you will that will automatically download for you all
five days of the weekday in the Weekend program, so

(31:01):
you'll get all of me that you need. During the
Biden administration, when Republican judges issued nationwide injunctions, Justice Elena
Kagan said this quote, it just can't be right that
one district judge can stop a national policy in its track.
Yet last week she voted against ending those very sane

(31:21):
nationwide injunctions that she said, it just can't be right
to allow that to happen. So here's what's going on.
Regardless of the legal reasoning behind Justice Sotomayor's decision, which
I read, I read her dissent, it appears to me
that she is engaged in politically motivated hypocrisy. And then

(31:45):
you had the rebuke which we talked about, of Justice
Amy Combe Barrett against Justice Katanji Brown Jackson, basically saying
that what we observe only this that Justice Jackson to
cries an imperial executive while she embraces an imperial judiciary.
That division is worth noting because you know, you think

(32:10):
about Letitia James, Attorney General of New York. Remember Judge
Arthur Ingern oversaw the real estate case against Donald Trump.
Remember the raid of Donald Trump's Marlogal resort, his home.
So while the Supreme Court decision limited the use of
nationwide injunctions, it still allows class certification. That still allows

(32:34):
class action lawsuits. So the decision neither enhanced the Supreme
Court's legitimacy, nor did it we really resolve the issue
of judicial overreach. The potential for abuse still remains. And
once there's a tipping point in public trust, then these
partisan actors like the German nobles who you know went

(32:55):
against the pope, they'll seize the issue. They'll twist legitimate
reform efforts to their own immediate gain, and they'll undermine
the entire process of judicial review. You know, it was
just it was simply the Court itself, under Chief Justice
John Marshall, who promulgated the idea that the Supreme Court

(33:15):
was the only place that could interpret the US Constitution
back in eighteen o three in the case of Marlbury
versus Madison, and ever since then it has been accepted
because it is generally regarded as useful. But so was
the infallibility of previous popes. The Protestant Reformation began on

(33:38):
All Saints Day in fifteen seventeen, when Martin Luther nailed
those ninety five theses to the cathedral door in Wittenberg
and publicly declared that selling forgiveness of sins was a fraud.
So Luther's Reformation became a political as much as a
religious event. And today the authority of these district court

(33:58):
judges has become a political as much as a legal issue.
In fact, we know this from Federal's forty seven when
James Madison noted that it is the concentration of power
that defines tyranny, not the ends to which that power
is used. We need I guess what we need today

(34:23):
is we need the Lutherans and the Catholics on the
Supreme Court to firmly reign in these highly partisan district
judges from both parties before somebody nails ninety five theces
to the courthouse door of the U. S. Supreme Court
or the district court somewhere out in the flyover country.
This is the constitutional crisis that we face, and Congress

(34:45):
needs to reign these judges in. Congress needs to take action.
And because of what I didn't think could be done
by yesterday. Oh, I thought it might be done sometime
this month, but I certainly didn't think they would get
it done by July third, in time for Trump to
sign the bill on July fourth. Was as somebody said,

(35:08):
I said, we need to call it the OBBB and
somebody said, how about let's call it OB cube only
three syllables. My concern about OB cube does how many
how many people know what cube is? To the third
power ob cubed. Well, if if we can get that

(35:33):
humongous piece of legislation, some of which I agree with,
some of which I disagree with, but that's the nature
of legislation. If we can get that size of a
bill done doing those many drastic things that it did do,
in time for Trump to have signed it yesterday evening
at the White House, and then perhaps Congress can reign
in these federal district court judges too, because what they're

(35:54):
doing is not based on the Constitution and it's not
based on legislation. So Congress, who has authority over the
Article three courts, should limit their authority to issue nationwide junctions,
and they should also limit them from using class action
lawsuits to effect the same thing. That's what Congress needs

(36:18):
to do. If Congress wants to bitch about an imperial presidency,
how about bitching about an imperial judiciary. If you want
to reassert your authority, then get off your butts and
do something. Oh I'm sorry, I forgot. They're on break.
They had to get everything done by July third because
they had already had Juneteenth off, and now they needed

(36:38):
July third off so they could take a few d
you know. So they go back to the districts and
talk about what a great job they had done. I
say it's time to rein in the courts. So weekend
with Michael Brown coming up next. You wanted it, you
asked for it, So we're going to go through it
for the next two months, The one big beautiful bill.

(37:02):
What's really in it? Do you have a clue