July 25, 2025 • 16 mins
Embark on a journey through the life of Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, a pivotal figure in the Italian unification movement. Born a nobleman in Turin, Cavour went on to establish the influential political newspaper Il Risorgimento. A fervent admirer of Britains constitutional monarchy, he built robust diplomatic ties with British statesmen, eventually ascending to the role of prime minister of Piedmont-Sardinia under King Victor Emmanuel II. Through his shrewd diplomacy, Cavour managed to secure the military assistance of Emperor Napoleon III of France to liberate the Italian states from Austrian oppression. Joining forces with the military strategist Giuseppe Garibaldi, albeit in an uneasy alliance, he masterminded the creation of the modern Italian state. - Summary by Pamela Nagami, M.D.
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Section eighteen of Cavour by the Countess Evelin martinengu Chesesco.
This librovox recording is in the public domain. Recording by
Pamela and Nagami, Chapter nine The War of eighteen fifty
nine Villa Franca, Part two. In Central Italy, the crisis
(00:21):
came at once. This had been foreseen by Cavour all
along at Plombiere. He made no secret of his expectation
that the defeat of the Austrians would entail the immediate
union of Parma, Modena and Romagna with Piedmont. Napoleon did
not then seem to object to him. Cavour did not
(00:41):
speak of Tuscany, but he expected that there too, the
actual government would be overthrown. What he doubted was what
would happen after. Many well informed persons thought that the
Grand Duke, who would have maintained the Constitution of eighteen
forty eight but for the threats of Ostria, would seize
the first opportunity of restoring it. Fortunately, Leopold the Second
(01:06):
looked beneath the surface. He saw that an Austrian prince
in Italy was henceforth an anachronism. The indignities which he
suffered when his Italian patriotism, possibly quite sincere caused him
to be disowned by his relations were not forgotten. He
had no heart for a bold stroke, and the exhortations
(01:28):
of the English government to remain neutral were hardly needed.
If he wavered, it was only for a moment. Nor
did he care to place his son in the false
position he declined for himself. The Grand Duke left Florence
openly at two o'clock on April twenty seventh, eighteen fifty nine,
(01:49):
carrying with him the personal good wishes of all the
chief boulder in the path of Italian unity was gone,
but for reasons internal and external, much would have to
be done before Tuscany became the cornerstone of New Italy.
The Tuscans clung to their autonomy. Though Victor Emmanuel was
(02:09):
invited to assume the protectorate, it was explained that this
was only meant to last. During the war, the French
Emperor thought that there was an opening for a new
kingdom of Etruria with Prince Napoleon at the head. All
sorts of intrigues were set afoot by all the great
powers except England to re erect Tuscany, as it damned
(02:30):
to stem the flood of unity midway. Cavor was determined
to defeat them. It was against his rule to discuss
remote events. He once said to a novice in public life,
if you want to be a politician, for mercy's sake,
do not look more than a week ahead. Every time, however,
(02:51):
that there arose a present chance of making another step
toward unity, Cavor was eagerly impatient to profit by it.
He now strode with all the energy he possessed to
procure the immediate annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont. The object
was good, but what he did not see was that
the slightest appearance of wishing to rush Tuscany would so
(03:14):
offend the municipal pride and intellectual exclusiveness of the polished
Tuscans that the seeds would be laid of a powerful
and perhaps fatal reaction. It was at this critical juncture
that Baron Bettino Ricossoli began his year of autocracy. His
program was neither fusions nor annexations, but union of the
(03:37):
Italian peoples under the constitutional scepter of Victor Emmanuel. It
was Tuscany's business, he said, to make the new kingdom
of Italy. He looked upon himself as providentially appointed to
carry that business into effect. He was called Minister of
the Interior, and he was in fact dictator. When anyone
(03:58):
tried to overawe him, his answer was that he had
existed for twelve centuries, he had not wished for foreign help,
and he was not afraid of foreign threats. He often
disagreed with Cavour, and he was the only man who
never gave in to him. When Rica Soli took office,
he and the Republican baker Dolphi, who was his invaluable auxiliary,
(04:22):
were possibly the only two thoroughgoing unionists at all costs
in Tuscany. When he resigned it twelve months later, there
was not a partisan of autonomy left in the province.
This was the work of the iron baron. In the
other three states where the first shock to the power
(04:42):
of Austria overturned the government, there were no such complicated
questions as in Tuscany. Parma and Modina returned to their
allegiance of eighteen forty eight, and in Romagna, those who
were not in favor of an Italian kingdom were not autonomists,
but were republicans who were willing to sacrifice their own
(05:03):
ideal to unity. The revolution in the states of the
Church was foiled at Ancona and put down with much
bloodshed at Perusia. It is curious to speculate what would
have been the result if it had spread to the
gates of Rome, as without this check it would have done.
Kavor sent Elzi Farini to Modina and Massimo dat Salio
(05:27):
to Bologna to take over what was called the Protectorate,
and special commissioners were also appointed at Parma and Florence,
but at Florence the real ruler was Rica Soli. On
July fifth, Kavor told Koshut that European diplomacy was very
anxious to patch up a worthless peace, but still he
(05:49):
had no fears. He did not guess that they were
on the verge of seeing realized Mazzini's prophecy of six
months before you will be in the camp in some
corner of Lombardy, when the peace which betrays Venice will
be signed without your knowledge in proportion. As Kavour had
(06:09):
placed faith in Napoleon's promises, so great was his revulsion
of feeling when he learnt that On July sixth, General
Fleuri went to the Emperor of Austria's headquarters at Verona
with proposals for a suspension of hostilities. The passionate nature,
which was generally kept under such rigorous control that few
(06:33):
suspected its existence, for once asserted itself unrestrained. Those around
Kavour were an apprehension for his life and reason. In
spite of all that has been said to the contrary,
it is probable that Napoleon's resolution, though not unpremeditated, was
of recent date. When he entered Milan, he seems to
(06:56):
have really contemplated pushing the war beyond the Minsho. There
is proof, however, that he was thinking of peace the
day before the Battle of Solferino, which disposes of the
semi official story that he changed his mind under the
impression left on him by the scene of carnage after
that battle. Between the beginning and the end of June,
(07:19):
reasons of no sentimental kind accumulated to make him pause.
Events in central Italy had gone farther than he looked for,
and his private map of the Kingdom of Upper Italy
was growing smaller every day. Why was this? He cannot
have been seized with a warm interest in the unattractive
despotism of the Duke of Modana, or the chronic anarchy
(07:42):
kept down by the Austrian bayonets at Bologna. But it
was becoming apparent that if Modona and Romagna were joined
to the new Italian Kingdom, Tuscany would come too, And
this Napoleon had not expected and did not want. He
was clever enough to see that with Tuscany the unity
of Italy was made. A great political genius would have said,
(08:07):
so be it. Never was there worse policy than that
of helping to free Italy and then deliberately rooting out
gratitude from her heart. Whatever Napoleon thought himself, he was
alarmed by the news from France. The Empress and the
clerical party were in despair at the revolution in the
(08:27):
Roman States, and the country was indignant at the prospect
of an Italy strong enough to have a voice of
her own and the councils of Europe. Besides all this,
there was still graver news from Germany. Six Prussian army
corps were ready to move for the Rhine frontier. The
history of Prussian policy in eighteen fifty nine has not
(08:49):
yet been fully written out, but the gaps in the
narrative are closing up that policy was directed by the
Prince Regent, and it gives the measure of the civils
which would have attended subsequent efforts if the day had
not arrived when he surrendered himself, body and soul into
the hands of a greater man. So much for the
(09:12):
present German Emperor's theory that the men in the council
of his grandfather only executed great things because they did
their master's will. It is true that William the First
aimed at the same end as that which Count Bismarck
had already in view, and which he was destined to achieve,
the ousting of Austria from Germany as a preliminary to
(09:35):
sublimer things. But while the Prince Regent would not fight
Austria and hoped to get rid of her by political conjuring,
the future Chancellor comprehended that the problem could only be
settled by the argument Pharaoh at Igny. Bismarck's policy in
eighteen fifty nine would have been neutrality, with a certain
(09:58):
leaning toward Napoleon. This advice, given by every post from
Saint Petersburg to Berlin, caused him to be accused of
selling his soul to the devil, on which he dryly
remarked that if it were so, the devil was Teutonic,
not Gallic. The Prince Regent tried to prevent the diet
(10:18):
from going to war because in a federal war, Prucia's
ruler would only figure as general of the armies of
the Confederation, which meant of Austria. His plan was to
let Austria get into very bad difficulties and then come
forward singly to save her. By means of this armed mediation,
(10:38):
he would be able afterwards to dictate what terms he
chose to the much indebted Austrian emperor. It looked well
on paper, but the Armistice of Villafranca spoilt everything. The Emperor,
Francis Joseph did not wish to be saved. This and
only this can explain his readiness to make peace, when
(11:00):
from a military point of view his situation was far
from desperate. No one knew this better than Napoleon. Before
the Allied armies lay the mouse trap of the Quadrilateral,
so much easier to get into than to get out of,
the limelight of victory. Could not hide from those who
(11:20):
knew the facts the complete deficiency of organization and discipline
which the war had revealed in the French army. According
to Prince Napoleon, the men considered their head and their
generals incapable, and had lost all confidence in them. Nevertheless,
they fought well. No troops ever fought better than the
(11:42):
French when storming the heights of Solfdino. But on the
very day after that battle, when the Austrians were miles
away in full retreat, an extraordinary, though little known incident occurred.
On a report spreading from the French outposts that the
enemy was upon them. There was an universal sauve quipu officers, men,
(12:05):
sick and sound, John Darmes, infantry, cavalry, artillery, trains. In
one word, every one made off. What would be the
effect of a single defeat on such an army. It
must always appear strange that none of these things struck Kavour.
He only saw the immense, immeasurable disappointment when he rushed
(12:28):
to the king's headquarters near Desenzano. It was to advise
him to refuse Lombardy and abdicate, or to continue the
war by himself. Cavor had never loved the king or
done justice to his statesmanlike qualities. A bitter scene took
place between them, which Victor Emmanuel closed abruptly. Afterwards, he
(12:50):
met Prince Napoleon, who replied to his reproaches, meon Phin,
do you want us to sacrifice France and our dynasty
to you? At that juncture it was the king, not
the minister, to whom the task of pilot fell. Cut
to the heart as he was, he kept his temper.
He signed the preliminaries poor sieu qui mit conseilne, and
(13:15):
as on the morrow of Novara he prepared to wait.
The terms on which the armistice was granted seemed like
a nightmare. Venice abandoned, Tuscany, Romagna, Madna to be handed
back to their former masters, the Pope to be made
honorary president of a confederation in which Austria was to
(13:35):
have a place. Cavor stood before Italy, responsible for the war,
And when he said to Monsieur Pietrie, in the presence
of Cochute, your Emperor has dishonored me, Yes, dishonored, He
meant the words in their most literal sense, but the
white heat of his passion burnt out the dishonor, and Cavour,
(13:58):
foiled and furious, was the most popular man in the country.
His grief was so genuine that even his enemies could
not call its sincerity and question. In three days, he
appeared to have grown ten years older. His first thought
was to go and get killed at Bologna, if, as
was expected, there was fighting there. Then, as always happened
(14:21):
with him, he was calmed by the idea of action.
I will take Solaro de la Margarita by one hand
and Mazzini by the other. I will become a conspirator,
a revolutionist. But this treaty will not be carried out.
When he said this, he had resigned office. He was
simply a private citizen, but all the consciousness of his
(14:43):
power had returned to him. Some delay occurred in forming
a new ministry. Count d'arese was first called, but his
position as a personal friend of the emperor disqualified him
from the task. Ratazzi succeeded better, but during the interregui
of eight or nine days, Kavor was obliged to carry
on the government, and it was thus devolved on him
(15:06):
to communicate the official order to the special commissioners to
abandon their posts. He accompanied the order by a private telegram,
telling them to stay where they were and work with
all their might for an Italian solution. Fardini telegraphed from
Modana that if the Duke, trusting to conventions of which
he knew nothing, were to attempt to return, he should
(15:29):
treat him as an enemy to the king and country.
Kavor's answer ran, the minister is dead. The friend applauds
your decision. Aurelio Safi well said that in these supreme
moments you would have called Kavor a follower of Mazzini.
The world often thinks that a man is changed when
(15:50):
he is revealing what he really is for the first time.
It suited Kavor's purpose to appear cool and calculating, but
patriotism was as much a passion with him as with
any of the great men who worked for Italian emancipation
and of Section eighteen
Section eighteen of Cavour by the Countess Evelin martinengu Chesesco.
This librovox recording is in the public domain. Recording by
Pamela and Nagami, Chapter nine The War of eighteen fifty
nine Villa Franca, Part two. In Central Italy, the crisis
(00:21):
came at once. This had been foreseen by Cavour all
along at Plombiere. He made no secret of his expectation
that the defeat of the Austrians would entail the immediate
union of Parma, Modena and Romagna with Piedmont. Napoleon did
not then seem to object to him. Cavour did not
(00:41):
speak of Tuscany, but he expected that there too, the
actual government would be overthrown. What he doubted was what
would happen after. Many well informed persons thought that the
Grand Duke, who would have maintained the Constitution of eighteen
forty eight but for the threats of Ostria, would seize
the first opportunity of restoring it. Fortunately, Leopold the Second
(01:06):
looked beneath the surface. He saw that an Austrian prince
in Italy was henceforth an anachronism. The indignities which he
suffered when his Italian patriotism, possibly quite sincere caused him
to be disowned by his relations were not forgotten. He
had no heart for a bold stroke, and the exhortations
(01:28):
of the English government to remain neutral were hardly needed.
If he wavered, it was only for a moment. Nor
did he care to place his son in the false
position he declined for himself. The Grand Duke left Florence
openly at two o'clock on April twenty seventh, eighteen fifty nine,
(01:49):
carrying with him the personal good wishes of all the
chief boulder in the path of Italian unity was gone,
but for reasons internal and external, much would have to
be done before Tuscany became the cornerstone of New Italy.
The Tuscans clung to their autonomy. Though Victor Emmanuel was
(02:09):
invited to assume the protectorate, it was explained that this
was only meant to last. During the war, the French
Emperor thought that there was an opening for a new
kingdom of Etruria with Prince Napoleon at the head. All
sorts of intrigues were set afoot by all the great
powers except England to re erect Tuscany, as it damned
(02:30):
to stem the flood of unity midway. Cavor was determined
to defeat them. It was against his rule to discuss
remote events. He once said to a novice in public life,
if you want to be a politician, for mercy's sake,
do not look more than a week ahead. Every time, however,
(02:51):
that there arose a present chance of making another step
toward unity, Cavor was eagerly impatient to profit by it.
He now strode with all the energy he possessed to
procure the immediate annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont. The object
was good, but what he did not see was that
the slightest appearance of wishing to rush Tuscany would so
(03:14):
offend the municipal pride and intellectual exclusiveness of the polished
Tuscans that the seeds would be laid of a powerful
and perhaps fatal reaction. It was at this critical juncture
that Baron Bettino Ricossoli began his year of autocracy. His
program was neither fusions nor annexations, but union of the
(03:37):
Italian peoples under the constitutional scepter of Victor Emmanuel. It
was Tuscany's business, he said, to make the new kingdom
of Italy. He looked upon himself as providentially appointed to
carry that business into effect. He was called Minister of
the Interior, and he was in fact dictator. When anyone
(03:58):
tried to overawe him, his answer was that he had
existed for twelve centuries, he had not wished for foreign help,
and he was not afraid of foreign threats. He often
disagreed with Cavour, and he was the only man who
never gave in to him. When Rica Soli took office,
he and the Republican baker Dolphi, who was his invaluable auxiliary,
(04:22):
were possibly the only two thoroughgoing unionists at all costs
in Tuscany. When he resigned it twelve months later, there
was not a partisan of autonomy left in the province.
This was the work of the iron baron. In the
other three states where the first shock to the power
(04:42):
of Austria overturned the government, there were no such complicated
questions as in Tuscany. Parma and Modina returned to their
allegiance of eighteen forty eight, and in Romagna, those who
were not in favor of an Italian kingdom were not autonomists,
but were republicans who were willing to sacrifice their own
(05:03):
ideal to unity. The revolution in the states of the
Church was foiled at Ancona and put down with much
bloodshed at Perusia. It is curious to speculate what would
have been the result if it had spread to the
gates of Rome, as without this check it would have done.
Kavor sent Elzi Farini to Modina and Massimo dat Salio
(05:27):
to Bologna to take over what was called the Protectorate,
and special commissioners were also appointed at Parma and Florence,
but at Florence the real ruler was Rica Soli. On
July fifth, Kavor told Koshut that European diplomacy was very
anxious to patch up a worthless peace, but still he
(05:49):
had no fears. He did not guess that they were
on the verge of seeing realized Mazzini's prophecy of six
months before you will be in the camp in some
corner of Lombardy, when the peace which betrays Venice will
be signed without your knowledge in proportion. As Kavour had
(06:09):
placed faith in Napoleon's promises, so great was his revulsion
of feeling when he learnt that On July sixth, General
Fleuri went to the Emperor of Austria's headquarters at Verona
with proposals for a suspension of hostilities. The passionate nature,
which was generally kept under such rigorous control that few
(06:33):
suspected its existence, for once asserted itself unrestrained. Those around
Kavour were an apprehension for his life and reason. In
spite of all that has been said to the contrary,
it is probable that Napoleon's resolution, though not unpremeditated, was
of recent date. When he entered Milan, he seems to
(06:56):
have really contemplated pushing the war beyond the Minsho. There
is proof, however, that he was thinking of peace the
day before the Battle of Solferino, which disposes of the
semi official story that he changed his mind under the
impression left on him by the scene of carnage after
that battle. Between the beginning and the end of June,
(07:19):
reasons of no sentimental kind accumulated to make him pause.
Events in central Italy had gone farther than he looked for,
and his private map of the Kingdom of Upper Italy
was growing smaller every day. Why was this? He cannot
have been seized with a warm interest in the unattractive
despotism of the Duke of Modana, or the chronic anarchy
(07:42):
kept down by the Austrian bayonets at Bologna. But it
was becoming apparent that if Modona and Romagna were joined
to the new Italian Kingdom, Tuscany would come too, And
this Napoleon had not expected and did not want. He
was clever enough to see that with Tuscany the unity
of Italy was made. A great political genius would have said,
(08:07):
so be it. Never was there worse policy than that
of helping to free Italy and then deliberately rooting out
gratitude from her heart. Whatever Napoleon thought himself, he was
alarmed by the news from France. The Empress and the
clerical party were in despair at the revolution in the
(08:27):
Roman States, and the country was indignant at the prospect
of an Italy strong enough to have a voice of
her own and the councils of Europe. Besides all this,
there was still graver news from Germany. Six Prussian army
corps were ready to move for the Rhine frontier. The
history of Prussian policy in eighteen fifty nine has not
(08:49):
yet been fully written out, but the gaps in the
narrative are closing up that policy was directed by the
Prince Regent, and it gives the measure of the civils
which would have attended subsequent efforts if the day had
not arrived when he surrendered himself, body and soul into
the hands of a greater man. So much for the
(09:12):
present German Emperor's theory that the men in the council
of his grandfather only executed great things because they did
their master's will. It is true that William the First
aimed at the same end as that which Count Bismarck
had already in view, and which he was destined to achieve,
the ousting of Austria from Germany as a preliminary to
(09:35):
sublimer things. But while the Prince Regent would not fight
Austria and hoped to get rid of her by political conjuring,
the future Chancellor comprehended that the problem could only be
settled by the argument Pharaoh at Igny. Bismarck's policy in
eighteen fifty nine would have been neutrality, with a certain
(09:58):
leaning toward Napoleon. This advice, given by every post from
Saint Petersburg to Berlin, caused him to be accused of
selling his soul to the devil, on which he dryly
remarked that if it were so, the devil was Teutonic,
not Gallic. The Prince Regent tried to prevent the diet
(10:18):
from going to war because in a federal war, Prucia's
ruler would only figure as general of the armies of
the Confederation, which meant of Austria. His plan was to
let Austria get into very bad difficulties and then come
forward singly to save her. By means of this armed mediation,
(10:38):
he would be able afterwards to dictate what terms he
chose to the much indebted Austrian emperor. It looked well
on paper, but the Armistice of Villafranca spoilt everything. The Emperor,
Francis Joseph did not wish to be saved. This and
only this can explain his readiness to make peace, when
(11:00):
from a military point of view his situation was far
from desperate. No one knew this better than Napoleon. Before
the Allied armies lay the mouse trap of the Quadrilateral,
so much easier to get into than to get out of,
the limelight of victory. Could not hide from those who
(11:20):
knew the facts the complete deficiency of organization and discipline
which the war had revealed in the French army. According
to Prince Napoleon, the men considered their head and their
generals incapable, and had lost all confidence in them. Nevertheless,
they fought well. No troops ever fought better than the
(11:42):
French when storming the heights of Solfdino. But on the
very day after that battle, when the Austrians were miles
away in full retreat, an extraordinary, though little known incident occurred.
On a report spreading from the French outposts that the
enemy was upon them. There was an universal sauve quipu officers, men,
(12:05):
sick and sound, John Darmes, infantry, cavalry, artillery, trains. In
one word, every one made off. What would be the
effect of a single defeat on such an army. It
must always appear strange that none of these things struck Kavour.
He only saw the immense, immeasurable disappointment when he rushed
(12:28):
to the king's headquarters near Desenzano. It was to advise
him to refuse Lombardy and abdicate, or to continue the
war by himself. Cavor had never loved the king or
done justice to his statesmanlike qualities. A bitter scene took
place between them, which Victor Emmanuel closed abruptly. Afterwards, he
(12:50):
met Prince Napoleon, who replied to his reproaches, meon Phin,
do you want us to sacrifice France and our dynasty
to you? At that juncture it was the king, not
the minister, to whom the task of pilot fell. Cut
to the heart as he was, he kept his temper.
He signed the preliminaries poor sieu qui mit conseilne, and
(13:15):
as on the morrow of Novara he prepared to wait.
The terms on which the armistice was granted seemed like
a nightmare. Venice abandoned, Tuscany, Romagna, Madna to be handed
back to their former masters, the Pope to be made
honorary president of a confederation in which Austria was to
(13:35):
have a place. Cavor stood before Italy, responsible for the war,
And when he said to Monsieur Pietrie, in the presence
of Cochute, your Emperor has dishonored me, Yes, dishonored, He
meant the words in their most literal sense, but the
white heat of his passion burnt out the dishonor, and Cavour,
(13:58):
foiled and furious, was the most popular man in the country.
His grief was so genuine that even his enemies could
not call its sincerity and question. In three days, he
appeared to have grown ten years older. His first thought
was to go and get killed at Bologna, if, as
was expected, there was fighting there. Then, as always happened
(14:21):
with him, he was calmed by the idea of action.
I will take Solaro de la Margarita by one hand
and Mazzini by the other. I will become a conspirator,
a revolutionist. But this treaty will not be carried out.
When he said this, he had resigned office. He was
simply a private citizen, but all the consciousness of his
(14:43):
power had returned to him. Some delay occurred in forming
a new ministry. Count d'arese was first called, but his
position as a personal friend of the emperor disqualified him
from the task. Ratazzi succeeded better, but during the interregui
of eight or nine days, Kavor was obliged to carry
on the government, and it was thus devolved on him
(15:06):
to communicate the official order to the special commissioners to
abandon their posts. He accompanied the order by a private telegram,
telling them to stay where they were and work with
all their might for an Italian solution. Fardini telegraphed from
Modana that if the Duke, trusting to conventions of which
he knew nothing, were to attempt to return, he should
(15:29):
treat him as an enemy to the king and country.
Kavor's answer ran, the minister is dead. The friend applauds
your decision. Aurelio Safi well said that in these supreme
moments you would have called Kavor a follower of Mazzini.
The world often thinks that a man is changed when
(15:50):
he is revealing what he really is for the first time.
It suited Kavor's purpose to appear cool and calculating, but
patriotism was as much a passion with him as with
any of the great men who worked for Italian emancipation
and of Section eighteen
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