11 - Chapter 6 Part 3: Our Liberal Practitioners

Episode Transcript

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Chapter six, Part three of Cultureand Anarchy. This is a LibriVox recording.
All LibriVox recordings are in the publicdomain. For more information or to
volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org. Recording by nicol Lei. Culture and
Anarchy by Matthew Arnold, Chapter six, Part three. But we all know

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it already, some one will sayit is the simplest law of prudence.
But how little reality must there bein our knowledge of it? How little
can we be putting it in practice? How little is it likely to penetrate
among the poor and struggling masses ofour population and to better our condition?
So long as an unintelligent Hebresm ofone sort keeps repeating as an absolute,

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eternal word of God the sound verse, which says that the man who has
a great many children is happy,or an unintelligent Hebrerism of another sort keeps
assigning as an absolute proof of nationalprosperity the multiplying of manufactures and population.
Surely the one set of hebrewisers haveto learn that their sound Verse was composed
at the resettlement of Jerusalem after theircaptivity, when the Jews of Jerusalem were

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a handful and under manned garrison,and every child was a blessing, and
that the word of God or thevoice of the divine order of things declares
the possession of a great many childrento be a blessing only when it really
is so. And the other setof Hebrewisers have they not to learn that
if they call their private acquaintances imprudentand unlucky, when with no means of

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support for them, or with precariousmeans, they have a large family of
children, then they ought not tocall the state well managed and prosperous merely
because its manufactures and its citizens multiply. If the manufactures which bring new citizens
into existence, just as much asif they had actually begotten them, bring
more of them into existence than theycan maintain, or are too precarious to
go on maintaining those whom for awhile they maintained. Hellenism surely, or

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the habit of fixing our mind uponthe intelligible law of things is most salutary
if it makes us see that theonly absolute good, the only absolute and
eternal object prescribed to us by God'slaw or the divine order of things,
is the progress towards perfection our ownprogress towards it and the progress of humanity.
And therefore, for every individual manand for every society of men,

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the possession and multiplication of children,like the possession and multiplication of horses and
pictures, is to be accounted goodor bad, not in itself, but
with reference to this object and theprogress towards it. And as no man
is to be excused in having horsesor pictures if his having them hinders his
own or other's progress towards perfection andmakes them lead a servile and ignoble life,

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so is no man to be excusedfor having children if his having them
makes him or others lead this plainThoughts of this kind are surely the spontaneous
product of our consciousness. When itis allowed to play freely and disinterestedly upon
the actual facts of our social condition, and upon our stock notions and stock
habits and respect to it, firmlygrasped and simply uttered, they are more

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likely, one cannot but think,to better that condition and to diminish our
formidable rate of one pauper to everynineteen of us, than is the hebrising
and mechanical pursuit of free trade byour liberal friends. So that here as
elsewhere, the practical operations of ourliberal friends by which they set so much
store, and in which they inviteus to join them and to show what

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mister Bright calls a commendable interest,do not seem to us so practical for
real good as they think. Andour liberal friends seem to us themselves to
need to hellenize, as we saya little, that is, to examine
into the nature of real good andto listen to what their consciousness tells them
about it, rather than to pursuewith such heat and confidence their present practical

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operations. And it is clear thatthey have no just cause so far as
regards several operations of theirs which wehave canvassed to reproach us with delicate conservative
skepticism. For often by hellenizing weseem to subvert stock conservative notions and usages
more effectually than they subvert them byhebrising. But in truth, the free,
spontaneous play of consciousness with which culturetries to float our stock habits of

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thinking and acting is, by itsvery nature, as has been said,
disinterested. Sometimes the result of floatingthem may be agreeable to this party,
sometimes to that Now it may beunwelcome to our so called liberals, now
to our so called conservatives. Butwhat culture seeks is above all to float
them, to prevent their being stiffand stark pieces of petrifaction any longer.

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It is mere hebrizing if we stopshort and refuse to let our consciousness play
freely whenever we or our friends donot happen to like what it discovers to
us. This is to make theLiberal party or the Conservative Party are one
thing needful instead of human perfection.And we have seen what mischief arises from
making an even greater thing than theLiberal or the Conservative Party the predominance of

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the moral side in man are onething needful. But wherever the free play
of our consciousness leads us, weshall follow, believing that in this way
we shall tend to make good atall points what is wanting to us,
and so shall be brought nearer toour complete human perfection. Thus we may
often perhaps praise much that a socalled liberal thinks himself forbidden to praise,

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and yet blame much that a socalled conservative thinks himself forbidden to blame,
because these are both of them partisans, and no partisan can afford to be
thus disinterested. But we who arenot partisans, can afford it. And
so after we have seen what nonconformistslose by being locked up in their New
Road forms of religious institution, wecan let ourselves see, on the other
hand, how their ministers, ina time of movement of ideas like our

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present time, are apt to bemore exempt than the ministers of a great
church establishment, from that self confidenceand sense of superiority to such a movement
which are natural to a powerful hierarchy, and which an Archdeacon Denison, for
instance, seem almost carried to sucha pitch that they may become one cannot
but fear his spiritual ruin. Butseeing this does not dispose us therefore to

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lock up all the nation of formsof worship of the New Road type.
But it points us to the quitenew ideal of combining grand and national forms
of worship with an openness and movementof mind not yet found in any hierarchy.
So again, if we see whatis called ritualism making conquest in our
puritan middle class, we may rejoicethat portions of this class should have become
alive to the esthetical weakness of theopposition, even although they have not yet

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become alive to the intellectual weakness ofit im Puritanism. On the other hand,
we can respect that idea of dealingsincerely with oneself, which is at
once the great force of Puritanism,Puritanism's great superiority over all products like ritualism
of our catholicizing tendencies, and alsoan idea rich in the latent seeds of
intellectual promise. But we do thiswithout, on that account hiding from ourselves

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that Puritanism has, by hebrizing misapplied, that idea has as yet developed none
or hardly one of those seeds,and that its triumph at its present stage
of development would be baneful. Everything, in short, confirms us in the
doctrine so unpalatable to the believers inaction, that our main business at the
present moment is not so much towork away at certain crude reforms of which

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we have already the scheme in ourown mind, as to create through the
help of that culture, which atthe very outset be began by praising and
recommending a frame of mind out ofwhich really fruitful reforms may with time grow.
At any rate, we ourselves mustput up with our friends impatience,
and with their approaches against cultivated inaction, I must still decline to lend a

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hand to their practical operations until we, for our own part, at least
have grown a little clearer about thenature of real good and have arrived nearer
to a condition of mind out ofwhich really fruitful, in solid operations may
spring. In the meanwhile, sinceour liberal friends keep loudly and resolutely assuring
us that their actual operations at presentare fruitful and solid, let us,
in each case keep testing these operationsin the simple way we have indicated,

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by letting the natural stream of ourconsciousness flow over them freely. And if
they stand this test successful, thenlet us give them a commendable interest.
But not else. For example,our liberal friends assure us at the very
top of their voices that their presentactual operation for the disestablishment of the Irish
Church is fruitful and solid. Butwhat if, on testing it, the

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truth appears to be that the statesmenand reasonable people of both parties wished for
much the same thing, the fairapportionment of the church property of Ireland among
the principal religious bodies there, Butthat behind the statesmen and reasonable people there
was on one side a mass ofTory prejudice, and on the other a
mass of nonconformist prejudice to which suchan arrangement was unpalatable. Well, the

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natural way, one thinks, wouldhave been for the statesmen and reasonable people
of both sides to have united andto have allayed and dissipated so far as
they could the resistance of their respectiveextremes, and where they could not,
to have confronted it in concert.But we see that instead of this,
liberal statesmen waited to trip up theirrivals if they proposed the arrangement which both
knew to be reasonable by means ofthe pre judice of their own nonconformist extreme,

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and then themselves proposing an arrangement toflatter this prejudice, made the other
arrangement, which they themselves knew tobe reasonable, out of the question,
and drove their arrivals in their turn, to blow up with all their might,
in the hope of baffling them agreat fire among their own Tory extreme
of fierce prejudice and religious bigotry,A fire which once kindled may always very

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easily spread further. If I say, on testing the present operation of our
liberal friends for the disestablishment of theIrish Church. The truth about it appears
to be very much this then,I think, even with a triumphant liberal
majority, and with our liberal friendsmaking impassioned appeals to us to take a
commendable interest in their operation and them, and to rally round what Sir Henry

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Hall, who may be described perhapsas a barbarian converted to philistinism, as
I, on the other hand,seemed to be a philistine converted to culture.
Finally, cause the conscientiousness of agladstone and the intellect were bright,
it is rather our duty to abstain, and, instead of lending a hand
to the operation of our liberal friends, to do what we can to abate

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and dissolve the mass of prejudice,tory or nonconformist, which make so doubtfully
begotten and equivocal an operation as thepresent producible and possible. And so we
bring to an end what we hadto say in praise of culture, and
in evidence of its special utility forthe circumstances in which we find ourselves and
the confusion which environs us. Throughculture seems to lie our way not only

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to perfection, but even to safety. Resolutely refusing to lend a hand to
the imperfect operations of our liberal friends, disregarding their impatience, taunts and reproaches,
firmly bent on trying to find inthe intelligible law of things a firmer
and sounder basis for future practice thanany which we have at present, and
believing this search and discovery to befor our generation and circumstances of yet more

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vital and pressing importance than practice itself, we nevertheless may do more, Perhaps
we poor disparage follow us of culture, to make the actual present and the
frame of society in which we livesolid and seaworthy than all which our bustling
politicians can do. For we haveseen how much of our disorders and perplexities
is due to the disbelief among theclasses and combinations of men, barbarian of

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philistine, which have hitherto governed oursociety in right reason, in a paramount
best self to the inevitable decay andbreak up of the organizations by which,
asserting and expressing in these organizations theirordinary self only they have so long ruled
us, and to their irresolution,when the society which their conscience tells them,
they have made and still managed,not with right reason, but with

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their ordinary self is rudely shaken inoffering resistance to its subvert us. But
for us who believe in right reason, in the duty and possibility of extricating
and elevating our best self, inthe progress of humanity towards perfection. For
us the framework of society, thattheater on which this augustrama has to unroll

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itself, is sacred. And whoeveradministers it, and however we may seek
to remove them from the tenure ofadministration. Yet while they administer resteadily and
with undivided hearts, support them inrepressing anarchy and disorder, because without order
there can be no society, andwithout society there can be no human perfection.

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With me, indeed, this ruleof conduct is hereditary. I remember
my father, in one of hisunpublished letters, written more than forty years
ago, when the political and socialstate of the country was gloomy and troubled,
and there were riots in many places, goes on, after strongly insisting
on the badness and foolishness of thegovernment, and on the harm and dangerousness
of our feudal and aristocratical constitution ofsociety. And ends. Thus, as

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for rioting, the old Roman wayof dealing with that is always the right
one, flog the rank and fileand fling the ring leaders from the Tarpeian
rock. And this opinion we cannever forsake. However, our liberal friends
may think a little rioting and whatthey call popular demonstrations useful sometimes to their
own interests and to the interests ofthe valuable practical operations they have in hand.
And however they may preach the rightof an Englishman to be left to

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do as far as possible what helikes, and the duty of his government
to indulge him and connive as muchas possible, and abstain from all harshness
of repression. And even when theyartfully show us operations which are undoubtedly precious,
such as the abolition of the slavetrade, and ask us if for
their sake foolish and obstinate governments maynot wholesomely be frightened by a little disturbance
the good design in view and thedifficulty of overcoming opposition to its being considered.

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Still, we say no, andthat monster processions in the streets and
forcible irruptions into the parks, evenin profess support of this good design ought
to be unflinchingly forbidden and repressed,and that far more is lost than is
gained by permitting them. Because astate in which law is authoritative and sovereign,
a firm and settled course of publicorder is requisite if man is to

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bring to maturity anything precious and lastingnow, or to found anything precious and
lasting for the future. Thus,in our eyes, the very framework and
exterior order of the state, whoevermay administer the state, is sacred,
and culture is the most resolute enemyof anarchy because of the great hopes and
designs for the state which culture teachesus to nourish. But as believing in

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right reason and having faith in theprogress of humanity towards perfection, and ever
laboring for this end, we growto have clearer sight of the ideas of
right reason and of the elements andhelps of perfection, and come gradually to
fill the framework of the state tothem, to fashion its internal composition and
all its laws and institutions conformably tothem, and to make the state more

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and more the expression, as wesay, of our best self, which
is not manifold and vulgar and unstableand contentious and ever varying, but one
and noble, and secure and peaceful, and the same for all mankind.
With what aversion shall we not thenregard anarchy with what firmness? Shall we
not check it? When there isso much that is so precious, which

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it will endanger, So that forthe sake of the present, but far
more for the sake of the future, the lovers of culture aren swervingly and
with a good conscience the opposers ofanarchy, and not as the barbarians and
philistines, whose honest in whose senseof humor make them shrink, as we
have seen, from treating the stateas too serious a thing, and from
giving it too much power. Forindeed, the only state they know of

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and think they administer, is theexpression of their ordinary self. And though
the headstrong and violent extreme among themmight gladly arm this with full authority,
yet their virtuous mean is, aswe have said, pricked in conscience at
doing this. And so our barbariansecretaries of state, let the park railings
be broken down, and our philistineAlderman colonels let the London russ rob them,

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beat the bystanders. But we beholdingin the state no expression of our
ordinary self, but even already,as it were, the appointed frame and
prepared vessel of our best self,and for the future our best selves,
powerful, beneficent and sacred expression andorgan We are willing and resolved even now
to strengthen against anarchy the trembling handsof our barbarian home secretaries and the feeble

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knees of our philistine aldermen journals,and to tell them that it is not
really in behalf of their own ordinaryself that they are called to protect the
park railings and to suppress the Londonroughs, but in behalf of the best
self, both of themselves and ofall of us in the future. Nevertheless,
therefore resisting anarchy, the lovers ofculture may prize and employ fire and
strength, yet they must at thesame time bear constantly in mind that it

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is not at this moment true whatthe majority of people tell us, that
the world wants fire and strength morethan sweetness and light, and that things
are for the most part to besettled first and understood afterwards. We have
seen how much of our present perplexitiesand confusion this untrue notion of the majority
of people amongst us has caused andtends to perpetrate. Therefore, the true

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business of the friends of culture nowis to dissipate this false notion, to
spread the belief in right reason andin affirm intelligible law of things, and
to get men to allow their thoughtand consciousness to play on their stock notions
and habits disinterestedly and freely. Toget men to try, in profer to
staunchly, acting with imperfect knowledge,to obtain some sounder basis of knowledge on
which to act. This is whatthe friends and lovers of culture have to

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do. However, the believers inaction may grow impatient with us for saying
so, and may insist on ourlending a hand to their practical operations and
showing a commendable interest in them.To this insistence, we must indeed turn
a deaf ear. But neither,on the other hand, must the friends
of culture expect to take the believersin action by storm, or to be
visibly and speedily important, and torule and cut a figure in the world.

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Aristotle says that those for whom ideasin the pursuit of the intelligible law
of things can have much attraction areprincipally the young, filled with generous spirit,
and with a passion for perfection.But the mass of mankind, he
says, follow seeming goods for real, bestowing hardly a thought upon true sweetness
and light. And to their lives, he adds, mournfully, who can
give another and a better rhythm.But although those chiefly attracted by sweetness and

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light will probably always be the youngand enthusiastic, and culture must not hope
to take the mass of mankind bystorm. Yet we will not. Therefore,
for our own day and for ourown people, admit and rest in
the desponding sentence of Aristotle. Foris not this the right crown of the
long discipline of hebrism, and thedue fruit of mankind's centries of painful schooling
in self conquest, and the justreward above all of the strenuous energy of

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our own nation and kindred in dealinghonestly with itself, and walking steadfastly according
to the best light. It knowsthat, when in the fullness of time
it has reason and beauty offered toit, and the law of things as
they really are, it should atlast walk by this true light with the
same staunchness and zeal with which itformerly walked by its imperfect light, and
thus man's too great natural forces Hebrismand Hellenism should no longer be dissociated and

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rival, but should be a jointforce of right thinking and strongdoing to carry
him on towards perfection. This iswhat the lovers of culture may perhaps dare
to augur for such a nation asours. Therefore, however great the changes
to be accomplished, and halver densethe array of barbarians, philistines and populace,
we will neither despair on the onehand, nor on the other,

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threaten violent revolution and change. Butwe all look forward cheerfully and hopefully to
a revolution, as the Duke ofWellington said, by due course of law,
though not exactly such laws as ourliberal friends are now, with their
actual lights fond of offering us.But if despondency and violence are both of
them forbidden to the believing culture,yet neither, on the other hand,
is public life and direct political actionmuch permitted to him. For it is

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his business, as we have seen, to get their present believers in action
and lovers of political talking and doingto make her return upon their own minds,
scrutinize their stock notions and habits muchmore value their present talking and doing
much less, in order that bylearning to think more clearly, they may
come at last to act less confusedly. But how shall we persuade our barbarian

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to hold lightly to his feudal usages? How shall we persuade our nonconformists that
is, time spent in agitating forthe abolition of church rates would have been
better spent in getting worthier ideas thanchurchmen have of God and the ordering of
the world. Or his time spentin battling for voluntarism in education, better
spent in learning to value and founda public and national culture. How shall

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we persuade finally, our alderman colonelnot to be content with sitting in the
hall of judgment or marching at thehead of his men of war without some
knowledge how to perform judgment and howto direct men of war? How I
say, shall we persuade all theseof this? If our olderman colonel sees
that we want to get his leadingstaff and his scales of justice for our
own hands, or the nonconformists thatwe want for ourselves his platform, or

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the barbarian that we want for ourselveshis pre eminency and function. Certainly they
will be less slow to believe,as we want them to believe, that
the intelligible law of things has initself something desirable and precious, and that
all place, function and bustle ourhollow goods without it. If they see
that, we can content ourselves withit and find in it our satisfaction without

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making it an instrument to give usfor ourselves place, function, and bustle.
And although mister Sidgwick says that socialusefulness really means losing one's in a
mass of disagreeable, hard mechanical details, and though all the believers in action
are fond of asserting the same thing, yet as to lose ourselves is not
what we want, but to findthe intelligible law of things. This assertion,

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too, we shall not blindly accept, but shall sift and try it
a little first. And if wesee that because the believer is in action
forgetting gertis maxim to act, aseasy to think is hard, imagine there
is some wonderful virtue in losing oneselfin a mass of mechanical details. Therefore
they excuse themselves from much thought aboutthe clear ideas which ought to govern these

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details, then we shall give ourchief care and pains to seeking out those
ideas and to setting them forth,being persuaded that if we have the ideas
firm and clear, the mechanical detailsfor their execution will come a great deal
more simply and easily than we nowsuppose. And even in education, where
our liberal friends are now with muchzeal bringing out their train of practical operations

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and inviting all men to lend thema hand, and where since education is
the road to culture, we mightgladly lend them a hand with their practical
operations, if we could lend themon anywhere. Yet, if we see
that any German or Swiss or Frenchlaw for education rests on very clear ideas
about the citizen's claim in this matterupon the state and the state's duty towards

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the citizen, but has its mechanicaldetails comparatively few and simple, while in
English law for the same concern isruled by no clear idea about the citizen's
claim in the state's duty, buthas in compensation a mass of minute mechanical
details about the number of members ona school committee, and how many shall
be a quorum, and how theyshall be summoned, and how often they
shall meet. Then we must concludethat our nation stands in more need of

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clear ideas on the main matter thanof labored details about the accessories of the
matter, and that we do moreservice by trying to help it to the
ideas than by lending it a handwith the details. So while mister Samuel
Morley and his friends talk of changingtheir policy and education not for the sake
of modeling it on more sound ideas, but for fear the management of education
should be taken out of their hands, sh t all are much care for

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taking the management out of their handsand getting it into ours. But rather
we shall try and make them perceivethat to model education on sound ideas is
of more importance than to have themanagement of it in one's own hands.
Ever so fully, at this excitingjuncture, then, while so many of
the lovers of new ideas, somewhatweary as we too are, of the
stock performances of our liberal friends uponthe political stage, are disposed to rush

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violently upon this public stage themselves,we cannot at all think that for wise
love of new ideas, this stageis the right one. Plenty of people
there will be without us country,gentlemen in search of a club, demagogues
in search of a tub, lawyersin search of a place, industrialists in
search of gentility, who will comefrom the east and from the West,
and will sit down at that thiestianbanquet of claptrap which English public life,

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for these many years past has been. Because so long as those old organizations
of which we have seen the insufficiency, those expressions of our ordinary self,
barbarian or philistine, have force anywhere, they will have force in Parliament.
They're the man whom the barbarons sendcannot but be impelled to please the barbarian's
ordinary self and their natural taste forthe bathos, and the man whom the
Philistines send cannot but be impelled toplease those of the Philistines. Parliamentary conservatism

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will and must long mean this,that the barbarons should keep their heritage and
parliamentary liberalism, that the barbarons shouldpass away as they will pass away,
and that into their heritage the Philistinesshould enter. This seems, indeed to
be the true and authentic promise ofwhich our liberal friends and mister Bright believe
themselves. The heirs and the goalof that great man's labors. Presently,
perhaps mister Odger and mister Bradlaw willbe there with their mission to oust both

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barbarians and philistines, and to getthe heritage for the populace. We,
on the other hand, are forgivingthe heritage. Neither to the barbarians,
nor to the philistines, nor yetto the populace. But we are for
the transformation of each and all ofthese, according to the law of perfection.
Through the length and breadth of ournation, a sense vague and obscure
as yet of weariness with the oldorganizations, of desire for this transformation works

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and grows in the House of Commons. The old organizations must inevitably be most
enduring and strongest. The transformation mustinevitably be longest insuring itself, and it
may truly be averred. Therefore,that at the present juncture the center of
movement is not in the House ofCommons. It is in the fermenting mind
of the nation, and his isfor the next twenty years the real influence

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who can address himself to this.Pericles was perhaps the most perfect public speaker
whoever lived, for he was theman who most perfectly combined thought and wisdom
with feeling and eloquence. Yet Platobrings in Alcibiades, declaring that men went
away from the oratory of Pericles,saying it was very fine, it was
very good, and after thinking nomore about it. But they went away

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from hearing Socrates talk, he says, with the point of what he had
said sticking fast in their minds,and they could not get rid of it.
Socrates is poisoned and dead, Butin his own breast, does not
every man carry about with him?Are possible Socrates in that power of a
disinterested play of consciousness upon his stocknotions and habits of which this wise and
admirable man gave all through his lifetimethe great example, and which was the

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secret of his incomparable influence. Andhe who leads men to call forth and
exercise in themselves this power, andwho busily calls it forth and exercises it
in himself, is, at thepresent moment, perhaps as Socrates was in
his time, more in concert withthe vital working of men's minds, and
more effectually significant than any house ofcommon sorrator or practical operator in politics.
Everyone is now boasting of what hehas done to educate men's minds and to

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give things a course they are taking. Mister Disraeli educates, mister Bright educates,
mister Beale's educates. We indeed pretendto educate no one, for we
are still engaged in trying to clearand educate ourselves. But we are sure
that they endeavor to reach through culturethe firm, intelligible law of things.
We are sure that the detaching ourselvesfrom our stock notions and habits, that

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a more free play of consciousness,an increased desire for sweetness and light,
and all the bent which we callhellenizing, is the master imper now of
the life of our nation and ofhumanity, somewhat obscurely, perhaps for this
moment, but decisively for the immediatefuture. And that those who work for
this are the sovereign educators, docileechoes of the eternal voice, pliant organs

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of the infinite will. They aregoing along with the essential movement of the
world. And this is their strengthand their happy and divine fortune. For
if the believers in action, whoare so impatient with us and call us
effeminate, had had the same fortune, they would no doubt have surpassed us
in this sphere of vital influence byall the superiority of their genius and energy
over ours. But now we gothe way the world is going, while

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they abolish the Irish Church by thepower of the nonconformist antipathy to establishments,
or they enable a man to marryhis deceased wife's sister the end end of
chapter six, End of Culture andAnarchy by Matthew Arnold