Please enjoy June 24, 1938: Fireside Chat 13: On Purging the Democratic Party a great episode of the legendary Franklin D. Roosevelt - A Classic Old Time radio Show.
This content was created in partnership and with the help of Artificial Intelligence AI
This content was created in partnership and with the help of Artificial Intelligence AI
Mark as Played
Transcript
Episode Transcript
Available transcripts are automatically generated. Complete accuracy is not guaranteed.
(00:01):
My friends, the American public andthe American newspapers are certainly creatures of habit.
This is one of the warmest eveningsthat I have ever felt in Washington,
d C. And yet this talktonight will be referred to as a
fireside talk. Our government happily isa democracy. As part of the democratic
(00:28):
process, your president is again takingan opportunity to report on the progress of
national affairs, to report to thereal rulers of this country, the voting
public. The seventy fifth Congress,elected in November nineteen thirty six on a
platform uncompromisingly liberal, has adjourned.Barring unforeseen events, there will be no
(00:53):
session until the new Congress, tobe elected in November, assembles next January.
On the one hand, the seventyfifth Congress has left many things undone.
For example, it refused to providemore business like machinery for running the
executive branch of the government. TheCongress also failed to meet my suggestion that
(01:19):
it take the far reaching steps necessaryto put the railroads of the country back
on their feet. But on theother hand, the Congress, striving to
carry out the platform on which mostof them were elected, achieved more for
the future good of the country thanany Congress did between the end of the
(01:41):
World War and the spring of nineteenthirty three. I mentioned tonight. Only
the more important of these achievements.The Congress improved still further are agricultural laws
to give the farmer a fairer shareof the national income, to preserve our
soil, to provide an all weathergranary, to help the farm tenant towards
(02:05):
independence, to find new uses forfarm products, and to begin crop insurance.
After many requests on my part,the Congress passed a Fair Labor Standards
Act, what we call the Wagesand Hours Bills. That Act, applying
to products in interstate commerce, endschild labor, sets a floor below wages
(02:30):
and a ceiling over the hours oflabor. Except perhaps for the Social Security
Act, it is the most farreaching program, the most far sighted program
for the benefit of workers, thathas ever been adopted here or in any
other country. Without question, itstarts us towards a better standard of living
(02:53):
and increases purchasing power to buy theproducts of farm and of factory. Do
not let any calamity Howling executive withan income of one thousand dollars a day
who has been turning his employees overto the government relief roles in order to
(03:14):
preserve his company's undistributed reserves. Tellyou using his stockholder's money to pay the
postage for his personal opinions. Tellyou that a wage of eleven dollars a
week is going to have a disastrouseffect on all American industry. Fortunately for
(03:36):
business as a whole, and thereforefortunately for the nation, that type of
executive is a rarity with form mostbusiness executives most heartily disagree. The Congress
has provided effect Finding Commission to finda path through the jungle of contradictory theories
(03:58):
about the wise businessiness practices, tofind the necessary facts for any intelligent legislation
on monopoly, on price fixing,and on the relationship between big business and
medium sized business and little business.Different from a great part of the world,
we in America persist in our beliefin individual enterprise and in the profit
(04:23):
motive, but we realize we mustcontinually seek improved practices to ensure the continuance
of reasonable profits. Together with scientificprogress, individual initiative opportunities for the little
fellow, fair prices, decent wages, and continuing employment. The Congress has
(04:45):
coordinated the supervision of commercial aviation andair mail by establishing a new Civil Aeronautics
Authority, and it is placed allpostmasters under the Civil Service for the first
time in our Man national history.The Congress has set up the United States
Housing Authority to help finance large scaleslum clearance and provide low rent housing for
(05:11):
the low income groups in our cities. And by improving the Federal Housing Act,
the Congress has made it easier forprivate capital to build modest homes and
low rental dwellings. The Congress hasproperly reduced taxes on small corporate enterprises and
has made it easier for the ReconstructionFinance Corporation to make credit available to all
(05:35):
business I think the bankers of thecountry can fairly be expected to participate in
loans where the government, through theRFC, offers to take a fair portion
of the risk. So too.The Congress has provided additional funds for the
Works Progress Administration, the Public WorksAdministration, the Rural Electrification Administration, the
(06:01):
Civilian Conservation Corps, and other agenciesin order to take care of what we
hope is a temporary additional number ofunemployed at this time, and to encourage
production of every kind by private enterprise. All of these things together I call
(06:23):
our program for the national defense ofour economic system. It is a program
of balanced action, of moving onall fronts at once, in intelligent recognition
that all of our economic problems,of every group and of every section of
the country are essentially one problem.Finally, because of increasing armaments in other
(06:46):
nations and an international situation which isdefinitely, definitely disturbing to all of us,
the Congress has authorized important additions tothe national armed defense of ours,
our shores, and our people.On one other important subject, the net
result of a struggle in the Congresshas been an important victory for the people
(07:12):
of the United States, what mightwell be called a lost battle which won
a war. You will remember thata year and a half ago, nearly
on February fifth, nineteen thirty seven, I sent a message to the Congress
dealing with the real needs of FederalCourt reforms of several kinds in one way
(07:39):
or another, during the sessions ofthis Congress. The ends I spoke of,
the real objectives sought in that messagehave been substantially attained. The attitude
of the Supreme Court towards constitutional questionsis entirely changed. Its recent decisions are
(08:01):
eloquent testimony of a willingness to collaboratewith the two other branches of government to
make democracy work. The government hasbeen granted the right to protect its interests
in litigation between private parties when theconstitutionality of federal statutes is involved, and
(08:24):
to appeal directly to the Supreme Courtin all cases involving the constitutionality of federal
statutes, and no single judge isany longer empowered to suspend a federal statute
on his sole judgment as to itsconstitutionality. Justices of the Supreme Court may
(08:46):
now retire at the age of seventyafter ten years of service, and a
substantial number of additional judgeships have beencreated in order to expedite the trial of
cases. And finally, a greaterflexibility has been added to the federal judicial
system by allowing judges to be assignedto congested districts. Another indirect accomplishment of
(09:11):
this Congress has been, I think, its response to the devotion of the
American people to a course of sameeand consistent liberalism. The Congress has understood
that under modern conditions. Government hasa continuing responsibility to meet continuing problems,
(09:33):
and the government cannot take a holidayof a year, or a month,
or even a day, just becausea few people are tired or frightened by
the inescapable pace fast pace of thismodern world in which we live. Some
of my opponents and some of myassociates have considered that I have a mistakenly
(09:58):
said sentimental judgment as to the tenacityof purpose and the general level of intelligence
of the American people. I amstill convinced that the American people, since
nineteen thirty two, continue to insiston two requisites of private enterprise and the
(10:20):
relationship of government to it. Thefirst is a complete honesty, a complete
honesty at the top in looking afterthe use of other people's money, and
in apportioning and paying individual and corporatetaxes in accordance with ability to pay.
(10:43):
And the second is sincere respect forthe need of all people who are at
the bottom, all people at thebottom who need to get work and through
work to get a really fair shareof the good things of life, life
and a chance to save and achance to rise. After the election of
(11:05):
nineteen thirty six, I was toldand the Congress was told by an increasing
number of politically and worldly wise peoplethat I should coast along, enjoy an
easy presidency for four years, andnot take the democratic platform too seriously.
(11:28):
They told me that people were gettingweary of reform through political effort and would
no longer oppose that small minority,which, in spite of its own disastrous
leadership in nineteen twenty nine, isalways eager to resume its control over the
government of the United States. ThisCongress has ended on the side of the
(11:52):
people. My faith in the Americanpeople and their faith in themselves have been
justified. I congratulate the Congress andthe leadership thereof, and I congratulate the
American people on their own staying power. One word about our economic situation.
(12:18):
It makes no difference to me whetheryou call it a recession or a depression.
In nineteen thirty two, the totalnational income of all the people in
the country had reached the low pointof thirty eight billion dollars in that year.
With each succeeding year it rose.Last year, nineteen thirty seven,
(12:41):
it had risen to seventy billion dollars, despite definitely worse business and agricultural prices
in the last four months of lastyear this year nineteen thirty eight. While
it is too early to do morethan give a mere estimate, we hope
that the national income will not fallbelow sixty billion dollars, and that's a
(13:03):
lot better than thirty eight billion dollars. We remember also that banking and business
and farming are not falling apart likethe one Harsh Shay, as they did
in the terrible winter of nineteen thirtytwo to nineteen thirty three. Last year,
(13:24):
mistakes were made by the leaders ofprivate enterprise, by the leaders of
labor, and by the leaders ofgovernment. All three last year. The
leaders of private enterprise pleaded for asudden curtailment of public spending and said they
would take up the slack. Butthey made the mistake of increasing their inventories
(13:48):
too fast and setting many of theirprices too high for their goods to sell.
Some labor leaders go dead by thecaves of oppression. Of labor made
the mistake of going too far.They were not wise in using methods which
frightened many well wishing people. Theyasked employers not only to bargain with them,
(14:15):
but to put up with jurisdictional disputes. At the same time, government
too made mistakes, mistakes of optimismin assuming that industry and labor would themselves
make no mistakes, and government madea mistake of timing in not passing a
farm bill or a wageing of ourbill last year. As a result of
(14:41):
the lessons of all these mistakes,we hope that in the future private enterprise,
capital and labor alike will operate moreintelligently together, operating greater cooperation with
their own government than they have inthe past. Such cooperat on the part
of both of them will be verywelcome to me. Certainly, at this
(15:07):
stage there should be a united standon the part of both of them to
resist wage cuts which would further reducepurchasing power. This afternoon, only a
few hours ago, I am toldthat a great steel company announced a reduction
in prices with a view to stimulatingbusiness recovery. And I was told,
(15:33):
and I am gratified to know thatthis reduction in prices has involved no wage
cut. Every encouragement ought to begiven to industry which accepts a large volume
and high wage policy. If thisis done throughout the nation, it ought
(15:54):
to result in conditions which will replacea great part of the government spending which
the failure of cooperation has made necessary. This year. You will remember that
from March fourth, nineteen thirty threedown to date, not a single week
has passed without a cry from theopposition, a small opposition, a cry
(16:19):
to do something, to say something, to restore confidence. There is a
very articulate group of people in thiscountry, with plenty of ability to procure
publicity for their views, who haveconsistently refused to cooperate with the mass of
the people, whether things were goingwell or going badly, on the ground
(16:41):
that they required more concessions to theirpoint of view before they would admit having
what they called confidence. These peopledemanded restoration of confidence when the banks were
closed, and demanded it again whenthe bank's were reopened. They demanded restoration
(17:03):
of confidence when hungry people were throngingour streets, and demanded it again when
the hungry people were fed and putto work. They demanded restoration of confidence
when routs hit the country, anddemanded it again now when our fields are
laden with bounteous yields and excessive crops. They demanded restoration of confidence. Last
(17:27):
year when the automobile industry was runningthree shifts day and night, turning out
more cars than the country could buy, and they're demanding it again this year,
when the industry is trying to getrid of an automobile surplus and a
shut down its factories as a result. But, my friends, it is
(17:49):
my belief that many of these peoplewho have been crying aloud for confidence are
beginning today to realize that at handhas been overplayed, and that they are
now willing to talk cooperation instead.It is my belief that the mass of
the American people do have confidence,do have confidence in themselves, confidence in
(18:15):
their ability, with the aid oftheir government, to solve their own problem.
It is because you are not satisfied, and I am not satisfied with
the progress that we have made infinally solving our business and agricultural and social
problems, that I believe the greatmajority of you want your own government to
(18:38):
keep on trying to solve them.In simple frankness and in simple honesty,
I need all the help I canget, and I see signs of getting
more help in the future from manywho have fought against progress with tooth and
nail in the past and now,following out this line of thought, I
(19:03):
want to say a few words aboutthe coming political primaries. Fifty years ago,
party nominations were generally made in conventions, a system typified in the public
imagination by a little group in asmoke filled room who made out the party
slates. The direct primary was inventedto make the nominating process a more democratic
(19:30):
one, to give the party votersthemselves a chance to pick their party candidates.
What I am going to say toyou tonight does not relate to the
primaries of any particular political party,but to matters of principle in all parties,
Democratic, Republican, former Labor,progressive, Socialist, or any other.
(19:52):
Let that be clearly understood. Itis my hope that everybody affiliates with
any party will vote in the primary, and that every such voter will consider
the fundamental principles for which his orher party is on record. That makes
(20:15):
for a healthy choice between the candidatesof the opposing parties on election day in
November. An election cannot give acountry a firm sense of direction if it
has two or more national parties whichmerely have different names but are as alike
(20:36):
in their principles. And aims aspeas in the same pod. In the
coming primaries in all parties, therewill be many clashes between two schools of
thought generally classified as liberal and conservative. Roughly speaking, the liberal school of
thought recognizes that the new conditions throughoutthe world call for new remedies. Those
(21:04):
of us in America who hold tothis school of thought insists that these new
remedies can be adopted and successfully maintainedin this country under our present form of
government. If we use government asan instrument of cooperation to provide these remedies.
We believe that we can solve ourproblems through continuing effort through democratic processes
(21:27):
instead of fascism or communism. Weare opposed to the kind of moratorium honer
reform, which in effect means reactionitself. Be it clearly understood, however,
that when I use that word liberal, I mean the believer in progressive
(21:48):
principles of democratic representative government, andnot the wild man who in effect leans
in the direction of communism, forthat is just as dangerous to us as
fascism itself. The opposing or conservativeschool of thought, as a general proposition,
(22:10):
does not recognize the need for governmentitself to step in and take action
to meet these new problems. Itbelieves that individual initiative and private philanthropy will
solve them. That we ought toappeal many of the things we have done
and go back, for example,to the old gold standard, or stop
(22:32):
all this business of old age pensions, non employment insurance, or appeal the
Securities and Exchange Act, or letmonopolies thrive unchecked, return in effect to
the kind of government that we hadin the nineteen twenties. Assuming the mental
capacity of all the candidates, theimportant question, which it seems to me
(22:53):
the primary voter must ask, isthis, to which of these general schools
of thought does the candidate belong asPresident of the United States. I am
not asking the voters of the countryto vote for Democrats next November. Is
opposed to Republicans or members of anyother party. Nor am I, as
(23:18):
president, taking part in democratic primaries. As the head of the Democratic Party,
however, charged with the responsibility ofcarrying out the definitely liberal declaration of
principles set forth in the nineteen thirtysix Democratic Platform, I feel that I
have every right to speak in thosefew instances where there may be a clear
(23:44):
cut issue between candidates for a democraticnomination involving these principles or involving a clear
misuse of my own name, donot misunderstand me. I certainly would not
indicate a preference in a state primarymerely because a candidate otherwise liberal and outlook
(24:07):
had conscientiously differed with me on anysingle issue. I should be far more
concerned about the general attitude of acandidate towards present day problems and his own
inward desire to get practical needs attendedto in a practical way. And I
(24:27):
all know that progress may be blockedby outspoken reactionaries. But we also know
that progress can be blocked by thosewho say yes to a progressive objective,
but who always find some reason tooppose any special, specific proposal to gain
(24:52):
that objective. I call that typeof candidate a yes but and I am
concerned about the attitude of a candidateor his sponsors with respect to the rights
of American citizens to assemble peaceably andto express publicly their views and opinions on
(25:12):
important social and economic issues. Therecan be no constitutional democracy in any community
which denies to the individual his freedomto speak and worship as he wishes the
American people will not be deceived byanyone who attempts to suppress individual liberty under
(25:33):
the pretense of patriotism. This beinga free country with freedom of expression,
especially with freedom of the press,as is entirely proper, there will be
a lot of mean blows between nowand election day. By blows, I
(25:56):
mean misrepresentation and personal attack and appealsto prejudice. It'll be a lot better,
of course, if campaigns everywhere couldbe waged with arguments instead of with
blows. I hope the liberal candidateswill confine themselves to argument and not resort
(26:21):
to blows. For in nine casesout of ten, the speaker or the
writer, who seeking to influence publicopinions descends from calm argument to unfair blows,
hurts himself more than his opponent.The Chinese have a story on this,
(26:45):
a story based on three or fourthousand years of civilization. Two Chinese
coolies were arguing heatedly in the middleof a crowd in the street. A
stranger expressed surprise that no blows werebeing struck by them. His Chinese friend
(27:08):
replied, the man who strikes firstadmits that his ideas have given out I
know that neither in the summer primariesnor in the November elections will the American
voters fail to spot the candidate whoseideas have given out.
My friends, the American public andthe American newspapers are certainly creatures of habit.
This is one of the warmest eveningsthat I have ever felt in Washington,
d C. And yet this talktonight will be referred to as a
fireside talk. Our government happily isa democracy. As part of the democratic
(00:28):
process, your president is again takingan opportunity to report on the progress of
national affairs, to report to thereal rulers of this country, the voting
public. The seventy fifth Congress,elected in November nineteen thirty six on a
platform uncompromisingly liberal, has adjourned.Barring unforeseen events, there will be no
(00:53):
session until the new Congress, tobe elected in November, assembles next January.
On the one hand, the seventyfifth Congress has left many things undone.
For example, it refused to providemore business like machinery for running the
executive branch of the government. TheCongress also failed to meet my suggestion that
(01:19):
it take the far reaching steps necessaryto put the railroads of the country back
on their feet. But on theother hand, the Congress, striving to
carry out the platform on which mostof them were elected, achieved more for
the future good of the country thanany Congress did between the end of the
(01:41):
World War and the spring of nineteenthirty three. I mentioned tonight. Only
the more important of these achievements.The Congress improved still further are agricultural laws
to give the farmer a fairer shareof the national income, to preserve our
soil, to provide an all weathergranary, to help the farm tenant towards
(02:05):
independence, to find new uses forfarm products, and to begin crop insurance.
After many requests on my part,the Congress passed a Fair Labor Standards
Act, what we call the Wagesand Hours Bills. That Act, applying
to products in interstate commerce, endschild labor, sets a floor below wages
(02:30):
and a ceiling over the hours oflabor. Except perhaps for the Social Security
Act, it is the most farreaching program, the most far sighted program
for the benefit of workers, thathas ever been adopted here or in any
other country. Without question, itstarts us towards a better standard of living
(02:53):
and increases purchasing power to buy theproducts of farm and of factory. Do
not let any calamity Howling executive withan income of one thousand dollars a day
who has been turning his employees overto the government relief roles in order to
(03:14):
preserve his company's undistributed reserves. Tellyou using his stockholder's money to pay the
postage for his personal opinions. Tellyou that a wage of eleven dollars a
week is going to have a disastrouseffect on all American industry. Fortunately for
(03:36):
business as a whole, and thereforefortunately for the nation, that type of
executive is a rarity with form mostbusiness executives most heartily disagree. The Congress
has provided effect Finding Commission to finda path through the jungle of contradictory theories
(03:58):
about the wise businessiness practices, tofind the necessary facts for any intelligent legislation
on monopoly, on price fixing,and on the relationship between big business and
medium sized business and little business.Different from a great part of the world,
we in America persist in our beliefin individual enterprise and in the profit
(04:23):
motive, but we realize we mustcontinually seek improved practices to ensure the continuance
of reasonable profits. Together with scientificprogress, individual initiative opportunities for the little
fellow, fair prices, decent wages, and continuing employment. The Congress has
(04:45):
coordinated the supervision of commercial aviation andair mail by establishing a new Civil Aeronautics
Authority, and it is placed allpostmasters under the Civil Service for the first
time in our Man national history.The Congress has set up the United States
Housing Authority to help finance large scaleslum clearance and provide low rent housing for
(05:11):
the low income groups in our cities. And by improving the Federal Housing Act,
the Congress has made it easier forprivate capital to build modest homes and
low rental dwellings. The Congress hasproperly reduced taxes on small corporate enterprises and
has made it easier for the ReconstructionFinance Corporation to make credit available to all
(05:35):
business I think the bankers of thecountry can fairly be expected to participate in
loans where the government, through theRFC, offers to take a fair portion
of the risk. So too.The Congress has provided additional funds for the
Works Progress Administration, the Public WorksAdministration, the Rural Electrification Administration, the
(06:01):
Civilian Conservation Corps, and other agenciesin order to take care of what we
hope is a temporary additional number ofunemployed at this time, and to encourage
production of every kind by private enterprise. All of these things together I call
(06:23):
our program for the national defense ofour economic system. It is a program
of balanced action, of moving onall fronts at once, in intelligent recognition
that all of our economic problems,of every group and of every section of
the country are essentially one problem.Finally, because of increasing armaments in other
(06:46):
nations and an international situation which isdefinitely, definitely disturbing to all of us,
the Congress has authorized important additions tothe national armed defense of ours,
our shores, and our people.On one other important subject, the net
result of a struggle in the Congresshas been an important victory for the people
(07:12):
of the United States, what mightwell be called a lost battle which won
a war. You will remember thata year and a half ago, nearly
on February fifth, nineteen thirty seven, I sent a message to the Congress
dealing with the real needs of FederalCourt reforms of several kinds in one way
(07:39):
or another, during the sessions ofthis Congress. The ends I spoke of,
the real objectives sought in that messagehave been substantially attained. The attitude
of the Supreme Court towards constitutional questionsis entirely changed. Its recent decisions are
(08:01):
eloquent testimony of a willingness to collaboratewith the two other branches of government to
make democracy work. The government hasbeen granted the right to protect its interests
in litigation between private parties when theconstitutionality of federal statutes is involved, and
(08:24):
to appeal directly to the Supreme Courtin all cases involving the constitutionality of federal
statutes, and no single judge isany longer empowered to suspend a federal statute
on his sole judgment as to itsconstitutionality. Justices of the Supreme Court may
(08:46):
now retire at the age of seventyafter ten years of service, and a
substantial number of additional judgeships have beencreated in order to expedite the trial of
cases. And finally, a greaterflexibility has been added to the federal judicial
system by allowing judges to be assignedto congested districts. Another indirect accomplishment of
(09:11):
this Congress has been, I think, its response to the devotion of the
American people to a course of sameeand consistent liberalism. The Congress has understood
that under modern conditions. Government hasa continuing responsibility to meet continuing problems,
(09:33):
and the government cannot take a holidayof a year, or a month,
or even a day, just becausea few people are tired or frightened by
the inescapable pace fast pace of thismodern world in which we live. Some
of my opponents and some of myassociates have considered that I have a mistakenly
(09:58):
said sentimental judgment as to the tenacityof purpose and the general level of intelligence
of the American people. I amstill convinced that the American people, since
nineteen thirty two, continue to insiston two requisites of private enterprise and the
(10:20):
relationship of government to it. Thefirst is a complete honesty, a complete
honesty at the top in looking afterthe use of other people's money, and
in apportioning and paying individual and corporatetaxes in accordance with ability to pay.
(10:43):
And the second is sincere respect forthe need of all people who are at
the bottom, all people at thebottom who need to get work and through
work to get a really fair shareof the good things of life, life
and a chance to save and achance to rise. After the election of
(11:05):
nineteen thirty six, I was toldand the Congress was told by an increasing
number of politically and worldly wise peoplethat I should coast along, enjoy an
easy presidency for four years, andnot take the democratic platform too seriously.
(11:28):
They told me that people were gettingweary of reform through political effort and would
no longer oppose that small minority,which, in spite of its own disastrous
leadership in nineteen twenty nine, isalways eager to resume its control over the
government of the United States. ThisCongress has ended on the side of the
(11:52):
people. My faith in the Americanpeople and their faith in themselves have been
justified. I congratulate the Congress andthe leadership thereof, and I congratulate the
American people on their own staying power. One word about our economic situation.
(12:18):
It makes no difference to me whetheryou call it a recession or a depression.
In nineteen thirty two, the totalnational income of all the people in
the country had reached the low pointof thirty eight billion dollars in that year.
With each succeeding year it rose.Last year, nineteen thirty seven,
(12:41):
it had risen to seventy billion dollars, despite definitely worse business and agricultural prices
in the last four months of lastyear this year nineteen thirty eight. While
it is too early to do morethan give a mere estimate, we hope
that the national income will not fallbelow sixty billion dollars, and that's a
(13:03):
lot better than thirty eight billion dollars. We remember also that banking and business
and farming are not falling apart likethe one Harsh Shay, as they did
in the terrible winter of nineteen thirtytwo to nineteen thirty three. Last year,
(13:24):
mistakes were made by the leaders ofprivate enterprise, by the leaders of
labor, and by the leaders ofgovernment. All three last year. The
leaders of private enterprise pleaded for asudden curtailment of public spending and said they
would take up the slack. Butthey made the mistake of increasing their inventories
(13:48):
too fast and setting many of theirprices too high for their goods to sell.
Some labor leaders go dead by thecaves of oppression. Of labor made
the mistake of going too far.They were not wise in using methods which
frightened many well wishing people. Theyasked employers not only to bargain with them,
(14:15):
but to put up with jurisdictional disputes. At the same time, government
too made mistakes, mistakes of optimismin assuming that industry and labor would themselves
make no mistakes, and government madea mistake of timing in not passing a
farm bill or a wageing of ourbill last year. As a result of
(14:41):
the lessons of all these mistakes,we hope that in the future private enterprise,
capital and labor alike will operate moreintelligently together, operating greater cooperation with
their own government than they have inthe past. Such cooperat on the part
of both of them will be verywelcome to me. Certainly, at this
(15:07):
stage there should be a united standon the part of both of them to
resist wage cuts which would further reducepurchasing power. This afternoon, only a
few hours ago, I am toldthat a great steel company announced a reduction
in prices with a view to stimulatingbusiness recovery. And I was told,
(15:33):
and I am gratified to know thatthis reduction in prices has involved no wage
cut. Every encouragement ought to begiven to industry which accepts a large volume
and high wage policy. If thisis done throughout the nation, it ought
(15:54):
to result in conditions which will replacea great part of the government spending which
the failure of cooperation has made necessary. This year. You will remember that
from March fourth, nineteen thirty threedown to date, not a single week
has passed without a cry from theopposition, a small opposition, a cry
(16:19):
to do something, to say something, to restore confidence. There is a
very articulate group of people in thiscountry, with plenty of ability to procure
publicity for their views, who haveconsistently refused to cooperate with the mass of
the people, whether things were goingwell or going badly, on the ground
(16:41):
that they required more concessions to theirpoint of view before they would admit having
what they called confidence. These peopledemanded restoration of confidence when the banks were
closed, and demanded it again whenthe bank's were reopened. They demanded restoration
(17:03):
of confidence when hungry people were throngingour streets, and demanded it again when
the hungry people were fed and putto work. They demanded restoration of confidence
when routs hit the country, anddemanded it again now when our fields are
laden with bounteous yields and excessive crops. They demanded restoration of confidence. Last
(17:27):
year when the automobile industry was runningthree shifts day and night, turning out
more cars than the country could buy, and they're demanding it again this year,
when the industry is trying to getrid of an automobile surplus and a
shut down its factories as a result. But, my friends, it is
(17:49):
my belief that many of these peoplewho have been crying aloud for confidence are
beginning today to realize that at handhas been overplayed, and that they are
now willing to talk cooperation instead.It is my belief that the mass of
the American people do have confidence,do have confidence in themselves, confidence in
(18:15):
their ability, with the aid oftheir government, to solve their own problem.
It is because you are not satisfied, and I am not satisfied with
the progress that we have made infinally solving our business and agricultural and social
problems, that I believe the greatmajority of you want your own government to
(18:38):
keep on trying to solve them.In simple frankness and in simple honesty,
I need all the help I canget, and I see signs of getting
more help in the future from manywho have fought against progress with tooth and
nail in the past and now,following out this line of thought, I
(19:03):
want to say a few words aboutthe coming political primaries. Fifty years ago,
party nominations were generally made in conventions, a system typified in the public
imagination by a little group in asmoke filled room who made out the party
slates. The direct primary was inventedto make the nominating process a more democratic
(19:30):
one, to give the party votersthemselves a chance to pick their party candidates.
What I am going to say toyou tonight does not relate to the
primaries of any particular political party,but to matters of principle in all parties,
Democratic, Republican, former Labor,progressive, Socialist, or any other.
(19:52):
Let that be clearly understood. Itis my hope that everybody affiliates with
any party will vote in the primary, and that every such voter will consider
the fundamental principles for which his orher party is on record. That makes
(20:15):
for a healthy choice between the candidatesof the opposing parties on election day in
November. An election cannot give acountry a firm sense of direction if it
has two or more national parties whichmerely have different names but are as alike
(20:36):
in their principles. And aims aspeas in the same pod. In the
coming primaries in all parties, therewill be many clashes between two schools of
thought generally classified as liberal and conservative. Roughly speaking, the liberal school of
thought recognizes that the new conditions throughoutthe world call for new remedies. Those
(21:04):
of us in America who hold tothis school of thought insists that these new
remedies can be adopted and successfully maintainedin this country under our present form of
government. If we use government asan instrument of cooperation to provide these remedies.
We believe that we can solve ourproblems through continuing effort through democratic processes
(21:27):
instead of fascism or communism. Weare opposed to the kind of moratorium honer
reform, which in effect means reactionitself. Be it clearly understood, however,
that when I use that word liberal, I mean the believer in progressive
(21:48):
principles of democratic representative government, andnot the wild man who in effect leans
in the direction of communism, forthat is just as dangerous to us as
fascism itself. The opposing or conservativeschool of thought, as a general proposition,
(22:10):
does not recognize the need for governmentitself to step in and take action
to meet these new problems. Itbelieves that individual initiative and private philanthropy will
solve them. That we ought toappeal many of the things we have done
and go back, for example,to the old gold standard, or stop
(22:32):
all this business of old age pensions, non employment insurance, or appeal the
Securities and Exchange Act, or letmonopolies thrive unchecked, return in effect to
the kind of government that we hadin the nineteen twenties. Assuming the mental
capacity of all the candidates, theimportant question, which it seems to me
(22:53):
the primary voter must ask, isthis, to which of these general schools
of thought does the candidate belong asPresident of the United States. I am
not asking the voters of the countryto vote for Democrats next November. Is
opposed to Republicans or members of anyother party. Nor am I, as
(23:18):
president, taking part in democratic primaries. As the head of the Democratic Party,
however, charged with the responsibility ofcarrying out the definitely liberal declaration of
principles set forth in the nineteen thirtysix Democratic Platform, I feel that I
have every right to speak in thosefew instances where there may be a clear
(23:44):
cut issue between candidates for a democraticnomination involving these principles or involving a clear
misuse of my own name, donot misunderstand me. I certainly would not
indicate a preference in a state primarymerely because a candidate otherwise liberal and outlook
(24:07):
had conscientiously differed with me on anysingle issue. I should be far more
concerned about the general attitude of acandidate towards present day problems and his own
inward desire to get practical needs attendedto in a practical way. And I
(24:27):
all know that progress may be blockedby outspoken reactionaries. But we also know
that progress can be blocked by thosewho say yes to a progressive objective,
but who always find some reason tooppose any special, specific proposal to gain
(24:52):
that objective. I call that typeof candidate a yes but and I am
concerned about the attitude of a candidateor his sponsors with respect to the rights
of American citizens to assemble peaceably andto express publicly their views and opinions on
(25:12):
important social and economic issues. Therecan be no constitutional democracy in any community
which denies to the individual his freedomto speak and worship as he wishes the
American people will not be deceived byanyone who attempts to suppress individual liberty under
(25:33):
the pretense of patriotism. This beinga free country with freedom of expression,
especially with freedom of the press,as is entirely proper, there will be
a lot of mean blows between nowand election day. By blows, I
(25:56):
mean misrepresentation and personal attack and appealsto prejudice. It'll be a lot better,
of course, if campaigns everywhere couldbe waged with arguments instead of with
blows. I hope the liberal candidateswill confine themselves to argument and not resort
(26:21):
to blows. For in nine casesout of ten, the speaker or the
writer, who seeking to influence publicopinions descends from calm argument to unfair blows,
hurts himself more than his opponent.The Chinese have a story on this,
(26:45):
a story based on three or fourthousand years of civilization. Two Chinese
coolies were arguing heatedly in the middleof a crowd in the street. A
stranger expressed surprise that no blows werebeing struck by them. His Chinese friend
(27:08):
replied, the man who strikes firstadmits that his ideas have given out I
know that neither in the summer primariesnor in the November elections will the American
voters fail to spot the candidate whoseideas have given out.
Popular Podcasts
Stuff You Should Know
If you've ever wanted to know about champagne, satanism, the Stonewall Uprising, chaos theory, LSD, El Nino, true crime and Rosa Parks, then look no further. Josh and Chuck have you covered.
My Favorite Murder with Karen Kilgariff and Georgia Hardstark
My Favorite Murder is a true crime comedy podcast hosted by Karen Kilgariff and Georgia Hardstark. Each week, Karen and Georgia share compelling true crimes and hometown stories from friends and listeners. Since MFM launched in January of 2016, Karen and Georgia have shared their lifelong interest in true crime and have covered stories of infamous serial killers like the Night Stalker, mysterious cold cases, captivating cults, incredible survivor stories and important events from history like the Tulsa race massacre of 1921. My Favorite Murder is part of the Exactly Right podcast network that provides a platform for bold, creative voices to bring to life provocative, entertaining and relatable stories for audiences everywhere. The Exactly Right roster of podcasts covers a variety of topics including historic true crime, comedic interviews and news, science, pop culture and more. Podcasts on the network include Buried Bones with Kate Winkler Dawson and Paul Holes, That's Messed Up: An SVU Podcast, This Podcast Will Kill You, Bananas and more.
Dateline NBC
Current and classic episodes, featuring compelling true-crime mysteries, powerful documentaries and in-depth investigations. Follow now to get the latest episodes of Dateline NBC completely free, or subscribe to Dateline Premium for ad-free listening and exclusive bonus content: DatelinePremium.com