July 26, 2025 • 57 mins
Delve into the life of Joseph Warren, an influential figure in the early stages of the American Revolution. His understanding and advocacy for civil freedom made him a beloved leader in Boston and eventually propelled him to the forefront of public affairs in Massachusetts. Warrens ten-year commitment to the cause of liberty made him a notable figure in New Englands history. His life was marked by action, his words were as powerful as deeds. He tirelessly fought against the encroachments of unjust power, championing the principles of liberty through his writings, private club discussions, and leadership in public meetings. Join us as we explore the dignity and glory of Warrens life - a man whose legacy continues to inspire. - Summary by Richard Frothingham
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Chapter eleven, Part one of Life and Times of Joseph
Warren by Richard Frothingham. This LibriVox recording is in the
public domain. The Regulating Act and the Suffolk Resolves. The
Regulating Act, Hutchinson and the King, the reception of the
Act in the colonies, the resistance to it, the Suffolk Resolves,
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their effect on public opinion. Seventeen seventy four June to September,
Warren's words became more and more the mirror of the
passions of his countrymen. The important service which he rendered
in promoting the passage of the famous Suffolk Resolves brought
his name prominently before the General Congress. These resolves were
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occasioned by the passage of two additional penal acts by Parliament,
one regulating the government of Massachusetts and the other altering
the mode of administering justice. They were signed on the
twenty May. They were designed to carry into effect the
principle that Parliament had the right to legislate for the
colonies in all cases whatsoever. As George the Third was
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about to enter upon the work of enforcing these despotic acts,
Hutchinson arrived July first in London, when he was immediately
sent for by Lord Dartmouth, and without even being obliged
to change his dress, the ex governor was ushered into
the Royal closet, where he had a conference with the
King of nearly two hours on American affairs, of which
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Hutchinson has left a circumstantial relation. The conversation commenced in
the following way, King, how do you do mister Hutchinson
after your voyage? Hutchinson much reduced sir by sea sickness
and unfit upon that account, as well as my new
England dress to appear before your majesty, Lord Dartmouth observed.
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Mister Hutchinson apologized to me for his dress, but I
thought it very well as he has just come ashore,
to which the King assented. King, how did you leave
your government and how did the people receive the news
of the late measures of parliament? Hutcheson. When I left Boston,
we had no news of any act of Parliament except
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the one for shutting up the port, which was extremely
alarming to the people. Lord Dartmouth said. Mister Hutchinson came
from Boston to day that act was to take place
the first of June. I hear the people of Virginia
have refused to comply with the request to shut up
their ports from the people of Boston, and mister Hutchinson
seems to be of opinion that no colony will comply
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with that request. King, do you believe, mister Hutchinson, that
the account from Virginia is true? Hutchinson, I have no
other reason to doubt it, except that the authority for
it seems to be only a newspaper, and it is
very common for articles to be inserted in newspapers without
any foundation. I have no doubt that when the people
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of Rhode Island received the like request, they gave this
answer that if Boston would stop all the vessels which
they then had in port, which they were hurrying away
before the act commenced, the people of Rhode Island would
then consider the proposal. The King smiled, Lord Dartmouth, Mister Hutchinson,
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may it please your majesty has shown me a newspaper
with an address from a great number of merchants, another
from the episcopal clergy, another from the lawyers, all expressing
their sense of his conduct in the most favorable terms.
Lord Dartmouth thereupon took the paper out of his pocket
and showed it. King. I do not see how it
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could be otherwise. I am sure his conduct has been
universally approved of here by people of all parties. Hutchinson.
I am very happy in your Majesty's favorable opinion of
my administration. King. I am entirely satisfied with it, well
acquainted with the difficulties you have encountered, and with the
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abuse and injury offered you. The conversation for some time
turned on the publication of Hutchinson's private letters, and then
went on as follows. King. In such abuse, mister Hutchinson,
as you have met with, I suppose there must have
been personal malevolence as well as party rage. Hutchinson, it
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has been my good fortune, Sir, to escape any charge
against me in my private character. The attacks have been
upon my public conduct, and for such things as my
duty to your Majesty required me to do, and which
you have been pleased to approve of. I don't know
that any of my enemies have complained of a personal injury. King.
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I see they threatened to pitch and feather you, Hutchinson,
tar and feather, May it please your Majesty, But I
don't remember that. I was ever threatened with it. Oh, yes,
when Malcolm was tarred and feathered to commit city for
tarring and feathering, blamed the people for doing it, that
being a punishment reserved for a higher person. And we
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suppose you were intended Hutchinson, I remember something of that sort,
which was only to make diversion, there being no such
committee or none known by that name. King, what guard
had you, mister Hutchinson? Hutchinson, I depended, sir, on the
protection of heaven. I had no other guard. I was
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not conscious of having done anything of which they could
justly complain or make a pretense for offering violence to
my person. I was not sure, but I hoped they
only meant to intimidate. By discovering that I was afraid,
I should encourage them to go on by taking measures
for my security. I should expose myself to calumny and
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be censured as designing to render them odious for what
they never intended to do. I was therefore obliged to
appear to disregard all the menaces in the newspapers. And
also I have intimations from my friends who frequently advised
me to take care of myself. The King was particular
in inquiry's relative to several of the popular leaders. King Pray,
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what does Hancock do now? How will the late affair
affect him? Hutchinson. I don't know to what particular affair,
your Majesty, refers King Oh, A late affair in the city,
his bills being refused, turning to Lord Dartmouth, who is
that in the city, my Lord, Lord Dartmouth not recollecting Hutchinson,
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I have heard, Sir, that mister Haley, a merchant in
the city, is mister Hancock's principal correspondent. King I, that's
the name Hutchinson. I heard, may it please your Majesty
before I came from New England, that some small sums
were returned, but none of consequence. King Oh, No, I
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mean within this month large sums. Lord Dartmouth, I have
heard such rumors, but don't know the certainty, Hutchinson. Mister Hancock, Sir,
had a very large fortune left him by his uncle,
and I believe his political engagements have taken off his
attention from his private affairs. He was sensible not long
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ago of the damage it was to him, and told
me he was determined to quit all public business. But
soon altered his mind. King. Then there's mister Cushing. I
remember his name a long time. Is he not a
great man of the party? Hutchinson? He has been many
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years speaker. But a speaker, Sir, is not always the
person of the greatest influence. A mister Adams is rather
considered as the opposer of government and a sort of
Wilkes in New England. King What gave him his importance Hutchinson?
A great pretended zeal for liberty and a most inflexible
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natural temper. He was the first that publicly asserted that
the independency of the colonies upon the Kingdom or the
supreme authority of it. The King made particular inquiries in
relation to the productions of the country. On the same
day he wrote to Lord North of the colonies, I
have seen mister Hutchinson, late Governor of Massachusetts, and am
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now well convinced they will soon submit. He owns the
Boston Port Bill has been the only wise and effectual method.
The modern revelations of the temper of the King are
remarkable and important. It is history that his unintelligent ironwill
was bending his minister, Lord North to the task of
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fixing the old world. Policy of centralization on a people
who had for their root individual liberty, civil and religious,
tempered by respectful Lilas law. These sweeping acts cut down,
trunk and branch the old and dearly cherished rights of Massachusetts,
invading even those palladiums the town meeting and trial by jury,
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and the rough drafts of them, Gordon says, on their
being received at Boston, were instantly circulated through the continent
and filled up whatever was before wanting of violence and indignation.
In most of the colonies, even those who were moderate
or seemed wavering, now became resolute and resentful. Nothing was
to be heard of but meetings and resolutions. Each colony
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felt that its own right of framing its internal government
was in danger. If Lord Mahon says, one charter might
be canceled, so might all. If the rights of any
one colony might hang suspended on the votes of an
exasperated majority. In England, could any other deem itself secure?
The King was soon to learn, in the words of
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Doctor Ramsay, that to force the inhabitants a form of
government to which they were totally averse was not within
the fancied omnipotence of Parliament. Warren shared the feelings of
his countrymen at this hour, and on the reception of
the bills before they were passed into laws early in
June by the Committee of Correspondence, they excited the indignation
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of the members. Samuel Adams had long seen that Great Britain,
by oppressive measures, was hastening the day of independence our people,
He wrote to Charles Thompson, as he dwelt on the
desire to unite all in one indissoluble bond. Think they
should pursue the line of the Constitution as far as
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they can, and if they are driven from it, they can, then,
with propriety and justice, appeal to God in the world.
And as he counseled prudence, moderation, and fortitude, he grandly wrote,
I would wish to have all the impartial and reasonable
world on our side. I would wish to have the
humanity of the English nation engaged in our cause, and
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that the friends of the Constitution might see and be
convinced that nothing is more foreign from our hearts than
a spirit of rebellion would to God. They all, even
our enemies, knew the warm attachment we have for Great Britain. Notwithstanding,
we have been contending these ten years with them for
our rights. To the deep feeling awakened by the Boston
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port Act. The new Acts added the stimulus of common interests,
and on the twentieth of June, the Boston Gazette said,
the present aspect of affairs is highly favorable to the
liberties of America. The whole continent seems inspired by one soul,
and that soul a rigorous and determined one. A week
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later there was another great town meeting in Fanuel Hall,
the adjournment of the Port Act Meeting of the seventeenth
when Samuel Adams was in the chair. So large were
the numbers that the meeting adjourned to the Old South Meetinghouse,
whereas William Cooper, the town Clerk, was reading the letters
that had passed between the committees of correspondents, one of
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the tories moved that the Boston Committee be censured and annihilated.
Samuel Adams left the chair and Thomas Cushing took the
place of moderator. Those in favor of the motion were
patiently heard, and when it was dark and they had
said they had more to offer, the meeting was adjourned
to the next day, Samuel Adams spoke. During this long debate,
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a vast majority rejected the motion, and the town passed
the vote, urging the committee to preserve with their usual
activity and firmness, and continue steadfast in the way of
well doing. A protest was made by one hundred and
twenty nine citizens against the doings of the Committee of Correspondents,
the Solemn League and Covenant, and the proceedings of the
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Town in endorsing the work of the committee. On the
next day, June twenty ninth, Governor Gage, in a proclamation,
strictly enjoyed and commanded all magistrates to arrest all who
signed the League and Covenant or who asked others to
sign it. The month of July was full of excitement.
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On the first Admiral Graves arrived in the Preston. Other
regiments also arrived, and it was supposed that there would
be arrests of the popular leaders. It is recorded in
the journals of the Committee of Correspondents that on the
fifth a report being prevalent that some gentlemen were to
be apprehended, it was unanimously voted we will attend to
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the Committee of Correspondents as usual unless prevented by brutal force.
On the twenty sixth a Donation Committee was finally organized
to receive and distribute to contributions that were flowing in
from the colonies to relieve the poor of Boston, and
Warren was appointed a member. On this day a Committee
of Safety was chosen, which consisted of James Bodwin, Samuel Adams,
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John Adams, John Hancock, William Phillips, Joseph Warren, and Josiah Quincy.
A Committee in the name of Boston appealed to those
dear companions in the cause of God and their country,
their friends and brethren of the province, to whom they
looked for that advice, example, and wisdom that would give
strength to their understanding, vigor to their action, and with
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the blessing of God, saved them from destruction. General Gage,
on the sixth of August received officially the two acts
relative to Massachusetts, one altering the Charter and the other
relating to the administration of justice, which the Patriots called
the Regulating Act and the Murder Act. Also commissions for
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thirty six councilors, who, instead of being chosen in the
old way of election, were appointed by the King and
were termed madamus councilors. The instructions of Lord Dartmouth on
the second of June were long, minute and determined, averring
the that whatever violence might be attempted should be resisted
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with firmness, for the dignity power and the very existence
of the Empire were an issue, and declaring that should
the ideas of independence take root, the union between the
colonies and the Kingdom would cease, and destruction must follow
this union. The Act went into operation immediately, and various
functionaries under it promptly prepared to exercise authority the Councilors,
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twenty five of whom accepted to have sessions, the sheriffs
to some injurers, and the judges to hold courts. More
than ever before were eyes now fixed on the patriots
of Boston or Massachusetts, when the hitherto invincible British power
commanded the submission of a free people in the words
of the protests of the minority of the lords against
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the Acts, to a governor and council entrusted with powers
which the British Constitution had not trusted His Majesty and
Privy Council, so that and property were subject to absolute power.
The issue concerned territory wider than Massachusetts, for it was
now to be determined whether the Old World, or more precisely,
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the Tory Party of England, was to shape the institutions
of the New World, or whether America should, as of right,
frame her own law. The interests felt by the people
of the other colonies in the result was intense, not
so much because they were moved by oppression, actually felt
as by a conviction on the part of the majorities
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who sided with the Whig or National Party, that a
foundation was laid and a precedent about to be established
for future oppressions. Their views were expressed through their organs
the Committees of Correspondence in letters addressed to the Boston Committee.
We view a letter from Cape Fair, North Carolina, says
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the attack made by the Minister upon the colony of
Massachusetts Bay to be intended to pave the way to
a general subvert version of the constitutional rights of North America.
A letter from South Carolina, accompanying a sloop load of rice, says,
your situation at this time is truly hazardous in trying,
but all you will not fail for want of support,
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because all British America, are your friends, for God's sake,
be firm and discreet. At this time, Christopher Gadsten or
Charleston wrote to Samuel Adams, in a letter not printed,
we will not think so basely of you as to
imagine you will pay for an ounce of the tea,
And before he could get a reply, he thus renewed
the injunction we depend on your firmness and that you
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will not pay for an ounce of the damned tea.
The Committee of the Town of Brooklyn, Connecticut, accompanied its
contributions with the letter August eleventh, in which they said,
to Boston, you are held up as a spectacle to
the whole world. All Christendom is longing to see the
event of the American contest. And do most noble citizens
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play your part manfully, of which we make no doubt.
Your names are either to be held in eternal veneration
or execration. If you stand out, your names cannot be
too much applauded by all Europe and all future generations.
An able Tory address, circulated first in the Pennsylvania Assembly
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and widely copied, said of the growing Whig organization in
Snaring capitals, it is the beginning of Republicanism, which it
was declared, was setting up anarchy above order. The word
that came in from the country towns of Massachusetts was
not less decisive. Among the letters were two from patriots
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who fought in the Bunker Hill Battle. Colonel William Prescott,
who commanded this action, said to Boston, in the name
of the men of Pepperrell, be not dismayed nor disheartened
in this day of great trial. We heartily sympathize with you,
and are always ready to do all in our power
for your support, comfort and relief. Knowing that Providence has
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placed you where you must stand the first shock, we
consider we are all embarked in one bottom and must
sink or swim together. Colonel Thomas Gardner of Cambridge, who
fell by Warren's side, nobly wrote to the Boston Committee.
Thomas Gardner to the Boston Committee of Correspondence, Cambridge, August twelfth,
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seventeen seventy four. Friends and brethren, the time has come
that everyone that has a tongue and an arm is
called upon by their country to stand forth in its behalf.
And I consider the call of my country as the
call of God, and desire to be all obedience to
such a call. In obedience thereunto would administer some consolation
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unto you by informing you of the glorious union of
the good people of this province, both in sentiment and action.
I am informed from good authority that the Committee of
Correspondence for the several towns in the Country of Worcester
have assembled, are in high spirits and perfectly united. The
Committee for Cambridge and Charlestown are to have a conference tomorrow,
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and I trust the whole country of Middlesex will soon
be assembled by delegates from their respective towns in said county.
I have the greatest reason to believe that the people
will choose to fall gloriously in the cause of their country,
then meanly to submit to slavery. I am your friend
and brother, Thomas Gardner. In this crisis hour, when the
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people were expected to prevent the execution of the Regulating Act,
Samuel Adams left Boston August tenth to attend the meeting
of the General Congress, and Warren became the central figure
in the political movements of Massachusetts. His impetuous fearlessness, Bancroft
says of him as he was now acting, was tempered
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by self possession, gentleness and good sense, and he had
reluctantly become convinceminced that all connection with the British Parliament
must be broken off. It was necessary that the revolutionary
work at hand, though it should be thorough, as in
the case of the destruction of the Tea, should be systematic.
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On the day on which this letter is dated, at
a meeting of the Committee of Correspondence and Selectmen of Boston,
Warren was named at the head of the delegation to
meet in a county convention that was to be held
in Stoughton, of which he gives some account in the
following letter, Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, August fifteenth,
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seventeen seventy four. Dear Sir, our public affairs have not
changed their appearance since your departure. The people are in
high spirits and have the greatest confidence in the wisdom
and spirit of the Congress, whose decisions they seemed determined
to abide by. Mister Gage sent the day before yesterday
for the Selectmen and informed them that he had received
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an Act of Parliament prohibiting their calling town meetings without
a license from him. They told him that they should
obey the law of the land, and that they had
two adjournments of their meeting and knew of no occasion
to call another. He replied that he would endeavor to
put the act in execution, and if any ill consequences followed,
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they only were blameable as to their adjournment. He must
consider of it, for by such means they might keep
their meeting alive these ten years. Upon this they left him.
On Friday, agreeable to her request. From the other towns
in this county, the selectmen and Committee of Correspondents met
and chose five members to attend the County Congress at
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Stoughton tomorrow. Joseph Warren, William Phillips, Esquire, mister Oliver Wendell,
doctor Benjamin Church, mister John Pitts. Mister Phillips has refused,
we shall elect a member to fill his place. General
Lee leaves us today enclosed. You have a hint which
I think very important, But it ought to come from
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a member for some other quality. Nay, if it was
done wholly by the other members of the Congress, I
should like it better, as it will perhaps be injurious
to you to come into such resolutions. With respect to
some who are sworn in as members. The poor fellows
hang their heads already. Some spirited resolutions of the Congress
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will drive them to despair. The gentlemen from the royal
governments may possibly think that, although our council is appointed
by mandamus, we are nevertheless upon as good a foundation
in that respect as themselves. But they will consider that
it is not simply the appointment of the Council by
the King that we complain of. It is the breach
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thereby made in our charter. And if we suffer this,
none of our charter rights are worth naming. The charters
of all the colonies are no more than blank paper.
The same power that can take away our right of
electing councilors by our representatives can take away from other
colonies the right of choosing even representatives. And the Bill
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for Regulating the Government of Canada shows plainly that it
would be very pleasing to the Ministry to deprive the
Americans totally of the right of representation, And indeed, by
the acts of the British Parliament, and by the instructions
given to governors, that they are already deprived of all
the advantages derived from representation. A fair state of this matter,
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done by the masterly hand of some of our worthy
friends at the Congress, would open the eyes of many.
I am sure the Congress will be able to convince
the world that the present American representation is a shadow
and not a substance. And I am certain that unless
it is put upon a better footing, the people themselves
will in a few years readily consent to throw off
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the useless burden. But I am perhaps too much like
the declaimer who delivered a lecture upon the art of
war to the illustrious General Hannibal. Missus Adams and your
family are well. The doctor and she set out for
the Eastern Country today. Missus Cushing and family are in
good health. Mister Adams friends in town are well, as
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I heard his lady was last Saturday. Please to present
my very respectful regards to your three brethren, and believe
me to be your fast friend and humble servant. Joseph
Warren ps. While writing, mister Pitts comes in and informs
me that Doctor Williamson has written to his friend in
Philadelphia assuring him that the Ministry have lately written instructions
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to General Gage not to take one step against the Americans,
if the opposition to ministerial of measures should be general.
The celebrated Colonel Putnam is now in my house, having
arrived since I subscribed this letter with a generous donation
of sheep. Warren's guest, Colonel Putnam remained in town several days.
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The old hero Putnam, doctor Young writes, arrived in town
on Monday, bringing with him one hundred and thirty sheep
from the little parish of Brooklyn. He cannot get away.
He is so much caressed, both by the officers and citizens.
He has had a long combat with major small in
the political way, much to the disadvantage of the latter.
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He looks fresh and hearty, and on an emergency, would
be as likely to do good business as ever. The
patriot received due notice in the newspapers, which said he
was so well known through North America that no words
were necessary to inform the public. Further than that, his
generosity led him to Boston to cherish his oppressed brethren
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and support them by every means in his power. The
provisions of the Regulating Act forbade town meetings except by
the permission of the Governor, but most of the towns
of Suffolk met and chose delegates in all sixty to
attend a convention held on the sixteenth at Stoughton at
Colonel Dodi's tavern. It was called a country Congress. Some
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of the towns had not had the requisite notice. It
was found that the committees of many towns were not
specially authorized to negotiate the affairs of a country Congress,
and to enable all towns and districts to choose delegates,
and thus to show contempt for the Act of Parliament
touching town meetings. The convention, after adopting the form of
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a call and choosing a committee to send it to
the towns, adjourned to the sixth of September in the
town of Denham. One of the Boston delegates says, we
were perfectly unanimous and firm in the common cause. Colonel
Fair particularly said we must all appear undisguised upon one
side or the other. Good mister Dunbar gave us the
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most extraordinary liberty prayer that ever I heard. He appeared
to have the most divine, if not prophetical, enthusiasm in
favor of our rights, and stood with us till eight
o'clock at night. We rode all together in the Berlin
with four horses and two servants, and returned at eleven
o'clock at night in good health. On the day of
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this convention, the judges of the Inferior Court of Great
Barrington were forced by the people to pledge their honor
that they would do no business. Warren's time was now
greatly occupied with public affairs. Among his students was doctor
William Eustace, subsequently Member of Congress, Governor of Massachusetts, and
Secretary of War. He was now about twenty one. His
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amiable character, fine address, and culture won the strong attachment
of Warren. The young student is found by the side
of his instructor in trying scenes. He now sent the
following note in a neat handwriting to Samuel Adams, Boston,
August eighteenth, seventeen seventy four. I am inform you that
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doctor Warren would do himself the pleasure to write you,
but opportunity will not permit it. He sends you the
enclosed and wishes you much prosperity, Sir, your very humble servant, W. Eustace,
Mister Adams. This was an exciting week, and the Committee
of Correspondence was often in session. Letters and resolves. Young
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writes on the nineteenth come into us from all quarters,
and still on the rising. Tenor thirteen were received last
Tuesday evening, and many are come to hand, since we
meet every day or two as usual, and proceed with
great harmony. Warren now wrote to Samuel Adams that the
county meeting already appointed would have important consequences. Joseph Warren
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to Samuel Adams, Boston, twenty one August seventeen seventy four.
My dear Sir, I received yours from Hartford and enclose
you the vote of the House passed on the seventeenth
of June. I shall take care to follow your advice
respecting the county meeting, which depend upon it will have
very important consequences. The spirits of our friends rise every day,
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and we seem animated by the proofs which every hour
appear of the villainous designs of our enemies, which justifies
and all we have done to oppose them hitherto and
in all that we can do in future. A non
importation and non exportation to Britain, Ireland and the West
Indies is now the most moderate measure talked. It is
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my opinion that nothing less will prevent bloodshed two months longer.
The non importation and non exportation to Britain and Ireland
ought to take place immediately to the West Indies, not
until December next because should the non exportation to the
West Indies take place immediately, thousands of innocent people must
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say inevitably perish. Whereas if it takes place at some distance,
they and the proprietors of the islands may use their
influence to ward off the blow, and if they fail
in that, they may come to the continent, where they
will be treated with humanity. By stopping the exportation of
flax seed Ireland and giving them immediate notice, they may
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obtain a repeal of the Act soon enough to get
the supply before sowing time. This stoppage of exportation of
flax seed will not fall heavy upon anyone in this country,
as scarcely any farmer raises more than four, six or
eight bushels, but it will throw a million of people
in Ireland out of bread. There are about one hundred
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thousand acres of land sowed in Ireland with flax seed
every year, and is computed that with dressing and spinning, weaving, bleaching,
et cetera. Ten persons are employed by every acre, and
the Ministry will not find it easy to maintain so
many persons in idleness, especially as the national revenue, if
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computed as the best writers have computed at eight million sterling,
will be one eighth part lost by the loss of
their trade with America and the West Indies. In my
next I will endeavor to make some calculations of the
interest which the British nation have in the West Indies
and Ireland. Also how many Irish peers and peers of
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Great Britain. And if I can, though I hardly know
how to go about it, we'll give some pretty near
guests at the number of members in the House of
Commons whose chief fortunes lie in Ireland and the West Indies.
I enclose you all the papers, as far as they
are printed. I think nothing material is omitted. The extract
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of a letter from London day to June first is
from mister Sheriff Lee. The lord said to be very
lint against America. In the cabinet is Dartmouth. In the
letter the Lord said to be brought over to the
American Justices Temple. The letter was written to the Honorable
mister Cushing, I have now a matter of private concern
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to mention to you by the desire of mister Pitts.
Our friend, mister William Turner has, as you know, been
persecuted for his political sentiments and ruined in his business.
The dancing and fencing master named Pike in Charlestown, South Carolina,
is about leaving the school and has invited mister Turner
(33:26):
to take his place. I am myself and I know
you are always deeply interested for the prosperity of persons
of merit who have suffered for espousing the cause of
their country. If you can by giving mister Turner his
true character interests the gentleman with you in his favor,
you will do a benevolent action and oblige mister Pitts,
(33:48):
mister Turner, and myself if they could be induced to
write to their friends and know what encouragement he might expect.
It might save him the expense of a journey which
he can all afford to take. I am, dear sir,
your most obedient service jw PS, please to make my
(34:08):
respectful compliments to your three fellow laborers. As far as
I have been able to get information their families and
friends are in health. Let them know that I consider
everything I write to one of you is written to all.
Great expectations are formed by the spirited resolves which the
Congress will pass relative to our traitors by mandamus. There
(34:32):
was a delay in organizing a body to receive the
donations that were sent to Boston. The Town, at the
meeting on the seventeenth of June, authorized the Overseers of
the Poor, as they were, a body politic by law
in concert with the Committee of the Ways and Means
of Employing the Poor, to receive and distribute the donations
made to the town. Accordingly, the earliest replies to the
(34:56):
Committee are signed by order of this Board on in
the nineteenth of July. This body desired to be discharged
from further service in relation to this subject, and on
the twenty sixth of July, the Committee on Donations was
finally organized. It was a body distinct from the Committee
of Correspondence, and its duties were urgent and arduous. One
(35:19):
of them was to reply to the letters that were
sent with the contributions, and Warren wrote some of these replies.
One of them was the following addressed to Stonington Connecticut.
Joseph Warren to the Stonington Committee, Boston, August twenty fourth,
seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen, your elegant and benevolent favor of
(35:42):
the first instant yielded us that support and consolation amid
our distresses which the generous sympathy of assured friends can
never fail to inspire. 'tis the part of this people
to frown on danger face to face, to stand the
focus of rage and malevolence of the inexorable enemies of
American freedom. Permit us to glory in the dangerous distinction,
(36:04):
and be assured that, while actuated by the spirit and
confident of the aid of such noble auxiliaries, we are
compelled to support the conflict when liberty is the prize.
Who would shun the warfare, who would stoop to waste
a coward thought on life? We esteem no sacrifice too great,
no conflict too severe, to redeem our inestimable rights and privileges.
(36:29):
'tis for you, brethren, for ourselves, for our united posterity.
We hazard all and permit us humbly to hope that
such a measure of vigilance, fortitude, and perseverance will still
be afforded by us, that by patiently suffering and nobly daring,
we may eventually secure that more precious than hesperian fruit,
(36:51):
the golden apples of freedom. We eye the hand of
Heaven in the rapid and wonderful union of the colonies,
and that generous and universe emulation to prevent the sufferings
of the people of this place gives a prelibation of
the cup of deliverance. May unerring wisdom dictate the measures
to be recommended by the Congress. May a smiling God
(37:13):
conduct this people through the thorny paths of difficulty, and
finally gladden our hearts with success. We are, gentlemen, your
friends in the cause of liberty. Joseph Warren, Chairman to
the Committee of Correspondence at Stonington. This letter, Hollister says,
that rises like a heavenly vision into the regions where
(37:36):
such poets as Milton hymn their prophetic songs. It is
still in the keeping of the town Clerk of Stonington.
It does, indeed stir the heart like the sound of
a trumpet, and is worthy to be carved for an
epitaph upon a monument of granite that should forever rest
upon the ashes of Warren. On the same day, Warren
(37:58):
replied to the town of Preston, in the letter of
which was the remark that their people, on the reception
of the second and third unrighteous acts of Parliament, were
anxiously looking for some important event to take place, that
while it was becoming to be watchful, there was great
reason to fear that nothing short of another kind of
(38:19):
resistance would regain and secure their privileges, and that it
had given them fresh alarm to hear that arms were
not suffered to be carried out of town. The reply
indicates the difficulty the patriots of Boston encountered in avoiding
both submission and violence. Joseph Warren to the Preston Committee, Boston,
(38:42):
October twenty fourth, seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen, we received by
Captain Belcher your letter of the twentieth and the sum
of money you were kind enough to send for the
support of our poor. It gives us pleasure, amidst our sufferings,
to find our brethren in detail er to assist and
support us while we are struggling for American freedom. Our enemies,
(39:06):
we know, will use every artifice that Hell can suggest,
and human power can execute to enslave us, But we
are determined not to submit. We choose to affect our
salvation from bondage by policy rather than by arms. Considering
that the blood of freemen who fight for their country
is of more value than the blood of a soldiery
(39:27):
who fight for pay, we doubt not but a virtuous
continental adherence to the non importation, non exportation and non
consumption Agreement will produce such changes in Britain as will
compel them to give us everything we wish. But if
this should fail, and we should be obliged to seek
(39:48):
redress in the way you have hinted, we flatter ourselves
that we shall act like men and merit the approbation
of all America. The conduct of our adversaries is to
us astonishing. Policy is no more their guide than justice.
They have shut their eyes against daylight, and if they
lead the British nation into the pit they have digged
(40:09):
for us, the blame must be laid to their own door.
The motions of our governor are like those of other machines.
They move as they are directed. He is clad in
the garb of ministerial instructions, and has declared his determination
implicitly to obey them. We shall always receive with gratitude
your advice and assistance, not doubting that the end of
(40:32):
our warfare will be freedom to America. We are with sincerity, gentlemen,
your very humble servants, Jay Warren, per order of the
Committee of Donations PS. The arms have been several times
detained in going out of town, but never finally stopped.
Even if a private gentleman carries one out of town
(40:55):
with him for diversion, he is not permitted to bring
it back again to the gentlemen of the Committee of
the Town of Preston. Warren now took the lead in
an important movement designed to systematize the opposition to the
execution of the Regulating Act, which was spontaneous throughout the
province before this time. The people of the other colonies
(41:18):
not merely counseled, but enjoined on the citizens of Massachusetts
to defeat this law. There was a county convention held
at Worcester on the ninth of August, which, without other
action than passing resolves, had adjourned to the last Tuesday
of the month. It is worthy of remark that these resolves,
which were ordered to be circulated by handbills averred that
(41:40):
the people bore true allegiance to the King while they
make this declaration, we have within ourselves the exclusive right
of originating each and every law respecting ourselves, and ought
to be on an equal footing with His Majesty's subjects.
In England, the Committee of the Town of Worcester now
requests a conference with the Committee of Boston to agree
(42:03):
on a general plan in relation to resisting the Regulating Act.
On the invitation of the Boston Committee, there was a
convention of the delegates of the four counties of Suffolk, Essex,
Middlesex and Worcester at Faniel Hall on the twenty sixth
of August. One of the Essex delegates was Elbridge Jerry, who,
(42:23):
by similarity of taste, disposition, principles and aims, was in
close friendship with Warren. This was the most general political
consultation held since the remarkable Convention of seventeen sixty eight.
Warren was chosen the chairman. The meeting voted that the
officials under the new Act were unconstitutional officers, and chose
(42:45):
a committee to report the measures that might be expedient.
Their report on the next day was read repeatedly and
accepted paragraph by paragraph. It provided for a thorough defeat
of the regulating Act. It recommended the use important step
of a provincial Congress in order to mature an effectual
(43:05):
plan for counteracting the systems of despotism, and that previous
to the Congress, courts held under the Act ought to
be properly opposed. In a resolve, they said that all
who attempted to execute this act ought to be held
in the highest detestation, and that individuals who maintained the
rights of the province and continent in resisting it ought
(43:29):
to be defended by the whole province if necessary. The
Convention recommended the choice as soon as it may be,
of delegates to the proposed congress. These resolves were not
intended for the public, but were an agreement for perilous
political action. This was not a declaration of independence, nor
(43:50):
was even the thing intended, whatever might have been the consequences.
It was a blow level that the measures of the administration,
rather than at the sovereignty of the British Empire. On
this day, Warren, in behalf of the Committee of Donations,
replied to a letter of the Committee of Norwich, Connecticut,
who in sending on a contribution of sheep, say in
(44:12):
their letter that they should be glad to know of
the true state of affairs per return of the gentlemen
who drive the sheep. In replying, Warren drew a lifelike
sketch of affairs in the town and province, and announced
the plan agreed upon that day to avoid in action
with the soldiery until it should be necessary. Joseph Warren
(44:35):
to the Committee of Norwich, Boston, August twenty seventh, seventeen
seventy four. Gentlemen, your letter with the two hundred and
ninety one sheep were received safely and met with a
very hearty welcome. We have good reason to think that
our oppressors see their mistake, and that they will ere
long be convinced that Americans are not to be fritted
(44:57):
or wheedled out of their rights. The arm of a
tyrant is never supported by justice, and therefore must fall.
Mister Gage is executing the late Acts of Parliament in
their several branches to the best of his ability. He
is furnished with a council who will be careful, as
their existence depends on the will of his master. To
(45:19):
study his inclination and to act everything in conformity to
his pleasure. We don't expect justice from them, and have
no hopes that they will be guided by the laws
of equity or the dictates of conscience. Certainly, men who
will serve such an administration as the present, and suffer
themselves to be promoted at the expense of the charter
(45:41):
of their country must be destitute of every idea of right,
and ready instruments to introduce abject slavery. Mister Gage may
issue his precepts, and his counsel may sanctify them. His
juries may give verdicts, and an unconstitutional and venal bent
may pass judgments. But what will this avail unless the
(46:04):
people will acquiesce in them. If the people think them unconstitutional,
of what importance are their determinations? Sallus popularized Suprema lexe
Esto is a precious old maxim. The ministry have forgotten it,
but the people are determined to remember it. We consider
(46:24):
a suspension of trade through the continent with Great Britain,
Ireland and the West Indies as the grand machine that
will deliver us. If this should fail, we must then
have recourse to the last resort. As yet we have
been preserved from action with the soldiery, and we shall
endeavor to avoid it until we see that it is
(46:44):
necessary and settled plan is fixed on for that purpose.
The late acts of Parliament are such gross infringements on
us that our consciences forbid us to submit to them.
We think it is better to put up with some
inconvenience and pursue with patients the plan of commercial opposition,
as it will be more for the honor and interest
(47:06):
of the continent, as well as more consistent with the
principles of humanity and religion. Mister Gage finds himself very
unequal to the task that is set him, and is
at a loss for measures. He sees and is astonished
at the spirit of the people. He forbids their town meetings,
and they meet in counties. If he prevents county meetings,
(47:28):
we must call provincial meetings. And if he forbids these,
we trust that our worthy brethren on the continent, and
especially of the town of Norwich and Connecticut, will lend
us their helping arms in time of danger, and will
be no less conspicuous for their fortitude than they now
are for their generosity. We have nothing important to inform
(47:49):
you of besides what you see in the public papers.
Should anything worthy your notice take place, we shall gladly
communicate it to you. We are gentlemen, grateful friends, and
humble servants. Joseph Warren, per order, the Committee of Donations
to the Gentleman, the Committee of the Town of Norwich.
(48:11):
The following hastily written note shows how energetically Warren was
helping forward to political machines in all parts of the province.
Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, August twenty ninth, seventeen
seventy four. Dear Sir, I have enclosed all the late
public papers worthier notice, and shall, by the next opportunity,
(48:34):
give you all the public intelligence in my power. Haste
now prevents it, as I am constantly busied in helping
forward to political machines in all parts of this province.
Friend Quincy is going to London. I wish he may
have such letters from you and the other gentlemen of
the Congress as may make him immediately noticed by persons
(48:55):
of distinction there Missr's Payne of Worcester, Oliver of Salem,
Winslow of Roxbury, and Pepperell of Roxbury have resigned their
seats at the board. Nothing will satisfy the people here
but a resolve of the Congress never to commence any
commercial intercourse with Britain, whilst one person who has accepted
(49:16):
a commission or acted under the authority of the late
Acts of Parliament is in any office of power or
trust in America. This, say they and justify, is the
only measure that can save us from being perpetually plagued
with villains who will traduce their country to advance themselves
to places of trust and gain. Mister Webster, the bearer
(49:40):
hereof a merchant of Philadelphia, is a man of very
extensive political knowledge, especially respecting commerce. I wish you to
see him and converse with him. I shall write you
particulars by the next opportunity, and am your most humble
servant and constant friend, Joseph Warren. The determination to avoid
(50:02):
a collision with the British soldiery was put to a
severe test by the endeavours of both parties to secure
what they could of the scanty stock of arms and
ammunition in the province. The powder belonging to towns and
the province was kept in the powder House in Charlestown,
in the portion which is now Somerville. The towns had
(50:23):
withdrawn their portion. Very early on the morning of the
first of September, a detachment of soldiers went from Boston
in boats, landed at Temple's Farm, passed over to Quarry
Hill to the powder house, and carried the powder in
some cannon to Castle William. This was the occasion of
the famous powder alarm, which was sounded not merely through
(50:44):
Middlesex County, but through the province and into other colonies,
causing a great commotion. There was a large gathering before evening,
and the next morning the people with arms in their
hands assembled in Cambridge. The ever vigilant committees early in
the morning sent several messengers into Boston asking the aid
of the Committee of Correspondents. Warren, on being informed that
(51:08):
his presence was needed to prevent an immediate outbreak. At
six o'clock, notified such of the committee as he could,
crossed over the ferry to Charlestown, met several of its
Committee of Correspondents, and by eight o'clock was in the
midst of the excited multitude in Cambridge. Counselor Danforth was
addressing about four thousand people and resigning his commission. Warren
(51:31):
now used his influence efficiently to prevent a collision with
the troops. Spent the day with this company of freemen,
and was witness of their patience, temperance, and fortitude as
they compelled obnoxious officials to obey the popular will. The
Governor wisely remained inactive in Warren's judgment. Had the troops
(51:52):
marched out of Boston against this body of men, not
a man would have returned on this day. He addressed
the letter in reply to the UK Committee of the
Town of East HadAM, which, in contributing its might for
the relief of the poor, said, as you are the
first that are attacked as the head of all America,
and so more immediately suffering. Yet all the members, in
(52:14):
a greater or lesser degree, are suffering with you. Reply
to East HadAM, Boston, September one, seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen,
the Town of East Hatham, in their letter of the
twenty fourth August, discovers such a cordial sympathy for our
distress and gives such a pleasing proof of their resolution
(52:37):
to assist us as makes us more than ever determined
to support our sufferings. For the philosophic fortitude, Boston is
the stage on which our tyrants choose to act at present.
But how soon they will choose to figure in some
spot where they have a greater probability of success. Time
only will discover, we hope, however, to convince them that
(52:59):
not only by then, but all America is designed by
Heaven for an asylum for oppressed and injured virtue, rather
than to be a theater of sport for usurping despots.
The late acts of Parliament are cruel and oppressive to
the last degree. For that blockading our harbor is perhaps
without a parallel, But we are nevertheless of opinion that
(53:23):
they have operated for our advantage. Our enemies imagined that,
by exhibiting to our views some signal instances of their
immediate power to distress us, we should be intimidated, that
we should submit to kiss the rod and beg them
to accept of our obedience. They now see that we
are neither to be persuaded nor frighted from that standard
(53:46):
which we are most sacredly bound to protect. They have
done their utmost, and it is ineffectual in policy. We
flatter ourselves that they have not yet exceeded us. Arms
are as yet untried. There was a time when some
good men among us were insensible of their danger, and
seemed to prefer obscurity to action. But the late maneuvers
(54:09):
of tyranny have roused them from their lethargy, and now
pant for the field in which the fate of our
country is to be decided. Nothing has so dampened the
spirits of those who aspire to be our masters as
the accounts we are daily receiving of the glorious spirit
that inspires the different parts of the continent. Some have believed,
(54:29):
or have pretended to believe, that if the faction of
Boston was quelled, the provinces would acquiesce in whatever changes
the Administration were pleased to make in the Charter and
constitution of the Massachusetts Bay. But now they see that
a firm bond is formed in America which the most
powerful monarch on earth will not easily break. You will
(54:52):
be pleased to accept our most hearty wishes for a
continuance of your friendship and gratitude and justice. Oblige us
to tell you that the Colony of Connecticut have behaved
to us like brothers, and signalized themselves in the cause
of American liberty in such a manner as will redound
to their honor so long as the sun and moon endure.
(55:14):
The generous benefaction from the town of East Atham, so
modestly mentioned in your letter, excites those emotions which the
grateful hearts of their brethren here can better conceive than express.
We are, gentlemen, with sincerity, your much obliged servants, Joseph Warren,
per order of the Committee of Donations to mister Daniel
(55:38):
Brainerd and others of the Committee of East HadAM. Warren
now wrote to Samuel Adams that he never saw a
more glorious prospect than there then was, and that the
generous spirit of their ancestors seemed to have revived beyond
the most sanguine expectations. Though it seemed to him that
the court which bound the province to the King was
(56:00):
by his act cut asunder. Yet he was aware that
the subject of a change in the government should be
handled very gently and cautiously, lest the Massachusetts patriots should
be thought for the advantage of their colony only to
aim at more than the other colonies were willing to
contend for with Britain. Thus was the idea of union
(56:22):
ever present with the popular leaders. It will be seen
that though the first of the two following letters is
without date, both were of the fourth of September. Joseph
Warren to Samuel Adams. Dear Sir, our friends, doctor Church
and young, whose letters I have seen, write so fully
(56:43):
to you by this conveyance that it will be needless
for me to take up your time in giving a
minute account of what has passed since my last. I
can only assure you that I never saw a more
glorious prospect than the present. The generous spirit of our
Antswersters seemed to have revived beyond our most sanguine expectations.
(57:05):
I promised you in my last some account of the
mighty expedition against the arsenal at Cambridge. But as you
will have a particular detail of that campaign in the
public papers, you will not wish me to take up
your time. End of Chapter eleven, Part one
Chapter eleven, Part one of Life and Times of Joseph
Warren by Richard Frothingham. This LibriVox recording is in the
public domain. The Regulating Act and the Suffolk Resolves. The
Regulating Act, Hutchinson and the King, the reception of the
Act in the colonies, the resistance to it, the Suffolk Resolves,
(00:25):
their effect on public opinion. Seventeen seventy four June to September,
Warren's words became more and more the mirror of the
passions of his countrymen. The important service which he rendered
in promoting the passage of the famous Suffolk Resolves brought
his name prominently before the General Congress. These resolves were
(00:47):
occasioned by the passage of two additional penal acts by Parliament,
one regulating the government of Massachusetts and the other altering
the mode of administering justice. They were signed on the
twenty May. They were designed to carry into effect the
principle that Parliament had the right to legislate for the
colonies in all cases whatsoever. As George the Third was
(01:11):
about to enter upon the work of enforcing these despotic acts,
Hutchinson arrived July first in London, when he was immediately
sent for by Lord Dartmouth, and without even being obliged
to change his dress, the ex governor was ushered into
the Royal closet, where he had a conference with the
King of nearly two hours on American affairs, of which
(01:33):
Hutchinson has left a circumstantial relation. The conversation commenced in
the following way, King, how do you do mister Hutchinson
after your voyage? Hutchinson much reduced sir by sea sickness
and unfit upon that account, as well as my new
England dress to appear before your majesty, Lord Dartmouth observed.
(01:55):
Mister Hutchinson apologized to me for his dress, but I
thought it very well as he has just come ashore,
to which the King assented. King, how did you leave
your government and how did the people receive the news
of the late measures of parliament? Hutcheson. When I left Boston,
we had no news of any act of Parliament except
(02:17):
the one for shutting up the port, which was extremely
alarming to the people. Lord Dartmouth said. Mister Hutchinson came
from Boston to day that act was to take place
the first of June. I hear the people of Virginia
have refused to comply with the request to shut up
their ports from the people of Boston, and mister Hutchinson
seems to be of opinion that no colony will comply
(02:39):
with that request. King, do you believe, mister Hutchinson, that
the account from Virginia is true? Hutchinson, I have no
other reason to doubt it, except that the authority for
it seems to be only a newspaper, and it is
very common for articles to be inserted in newspapers without
any foundation. I have no doubt that when the people
(03:02):
of Rhode Island received the like request, they gave this
answer that if Boston would stop all the vessels which
they then had in port, which they were hurrying away
before the act commenced, the people of Rhode Island would
then consider the proposal. The King smiled, Lord Dartmouth, Mister Hutchinson,
(03:22):
may it please your majesty has shown me a newspaper
with an address from a great number of merchants, another
from the episcopal clergy, another from the lawyers, all expressing
their sense of his conduct in the most favorable terms.
Lord Dartmouth thereupon took the paper out of his pocket
and showed it. King. I do not see how it
(03:43):
could be otherwise. I am sure his conduct has been
universally approved of here by people of all parties. Hutchinson.
I am very happy in your Majesty's favorable opinion of
my administration. King. I am entirely satisfied with it, well
acquainted with the difficulties you have encountered, and with the
(04:03):
abuse and injury offered you. The conversation for some time
turned on the publication of Hutchinson's private letters, and then
went on as follows. King. In such abuse, mister Hutchinson,
as you have met with, I suppose there must have
been personal malevolence as well as party rage. Hutchinson, it
(04:25):
has been my good fortune, Sir, to escape any charge
against me in my private character. The attacks have been
upon my public conduct, and for such things as my
duty to your Majesty required me to do, and which
you have been pleased to approve of. I don't know
that any of my enemies have complained of a personal injury. King.
(04:45):
I see they threatened to pitch and feather you, Hutchinson,
tar and feather, May it please your Majesty, But I
don't remember that. I was ever threatened with it. Oh, yes,
when Malcolm was tarred and feathered to commit city for
tarring and feathering, blamed the people for doing it, that
being a punishment reserved for a higher person. And we
(05:07):
suppose you were intended Hutchinson, I remember something of that sort,
which was only to make diversion, there being no such
committee or none known by that name. King, what guard
had you, mister Hutchinson? Hutchinson, I depended, sir, on the
protection of heaven. I had no other guard. I was
(05:27):
not conscious of having done anything of which they could
justly complain or make a pretense for offering violence to
my person. I was not sure, but I hoped they
only meant to intimidate. By discovering that I was afraid,
I should encourage them to go on by taking measures
for my security. I should expose myself to calumny and
(05:48):
be censured as designing to render them odious for what
they never intended to do. I was therefore obliged to
appear to disregard all the menaces in the newspapers. And
also I have intimations from my friends who frequently advised
me to take care of myself. The King was particular
in inquiry's relative to several of the popular leaders. King Pray,
(06:14):
what does Hancock do now? How will the late affair
affect him? Hutchinson. I don't know to what particular affair,
your Majesty, refers King Oh, A late affair in the city,
his bills being refused, turning to Lord Dartmouth, who is
that in the city, my Lord, Lord Dartmouth not recollecting Hutchinson,
(06:39):
I have heard, Sir, that mister Haley, a merchant in
the city, is mister Hancock's principal correspondent. King I, that's
the name Hutchinson. I heard, may it please your Majesty
before I came from New England, that some small sums
were returned, but none of consequence. King Oh, No, I
(07:01):
mean within this month large sums. Lord Dartmouth, I have
heard such rumors, but don't know the certainty, Hutchinson. Mister Hancock, Sir,
had a very large fortune left him by his uncle,
and I believe his political engagements have taken off his
attention from his private affairs. He was sensible not long
(07:22):
ago of the damage it was to him, and told
me he was determined to quit all public business. But
soon altered his mind. King. Then there's mister Cushing. I
remember his name a long time. Is he not a
great man of the party? Hutchinson? He has been many
(07:43):
years speaker. But a speaker, Sir, is not always the
person of the greatest influence. A mister Adams is rather
considered as the opposer of government and a sort of
Wilkes in New England. King What gave him his importance Hutchinson?
A great pretended zeal for liberty and a most inflexible
(08:06):
natural temper. He was the first that publicly asserted that
the independency of the colonies upon the Kingdom or the
supreme authority of it. The King made particular inquiries in
relation to the productions of the country. On the same
day he wrote to Lord North of the colonies, I
have seen mister Hutchinson, late Governor of Massachusetts, and am
(08:29):
now well convinced they will soon submit. He owns the
Boston Port Bill has been the only wise and effectual method.
The modern revelations of the temper of the King are
remarkable and important. It is history that his unintelligent ironwill
was bending his minister, Lord North to the task of
(08:50):
fixing the old world. Policy of centralization on a people
who had for their root individual liberty, civil and religious,
tempered by respectful Lilas law. These sweeping acts cut down,
trunk and branch the old and dearly cherished rights of Massachusetts,
invading even those palladiums the town meeting and trial by jury,
(09:12):
and the rough drafts of them, Gordon says, on their
being received at Boston, were instantly circulated through the continent
and filled up whatever was before wanting of violence and indignation.
In most of the colonies, even those who were moderate
or seemed wavering, now became resolute and resentful. Nothing was
to be heard of but meetings and resolutions. Each colony
(09:36):
felt that its own right of framing its internal government
was in danger. If Lord Mahon says, one charter might
be canceled, so might all. If the rights of any
one colony might hang suspended on the votes of an
exasperated majority. In England, could any other deem itself secure?
The King was soon to learn, in the words of
(09:57):
Doctor Ramsay, that to force the inhabitants a form of
government to which they were totally averse was not within
the fancied omnipotence of Parliament. Warren shared the feelings of
his countrymen at this hour, and on the reception of
the bills before they were passed into laws early in
June by the Committee of Correspondence, they excited the indignation
(10:21):
of the members. Samuel Adams had long seen that Great Britain,
by oppressive measures, was hastening the day of independence our people,
He wrote to Charles Thompson, as he dwelt on the
desire to unite all in one indissoluble bond. Think they
should pursue the line of the Constitution as far as
(10:41):
they can, and if they are driven from it, they can, then,
with propriety and justice, appeal to God in the world.
And as he counseled prudence, moderation, and fortitude, he grandly wrote,
I would wish to have all the impartial and reasonable
world on our side. I would wish to have the
humanity of the English nation engaged in our cause, and
(11:03):
that the friends of the Constitution might see and be
convinced that nothing is more foreign from our hearts than
a spirit of rebellion would to God. They all, even
our enemies, knew the warm attachment we have for Great Britain. Notwithstanding,
we have been contending these ten years with them for
our rights. To the deep feeling awakened by the Boston
(11:25):
port Act. The new Acts added the stimulus of common interests,
and on the twentieth of June, the Boston Gazette said,
the present aspect of affairs is highly favorable to the
liberties of America. The whole continent seems inspired by one soul,
and that soul a rigorous and determined one. A week
(11:45):
later there was another great town meeting in Fanuel Hall,
the adjournment of the Port Act Meeting of the seventeenth
when Samuel Adams was in the chair. So large were
the numbers that the meeting adjourned to the Old South Meetinghouse,
whereas William Cooper, the town Clerk, was reading the letters
that had passed between the committees of correspondents, one of
(12:07):
the tories moved that the Boston Committee be censured and annihilated.
Samuel Adams left the chair and Thomas Cushing took the
place of moderator. Those in favor of the motion were
patiently heard, and when it was dark and they had
said they had more to offer, the meeting was adjourned
to the next day, Samuel Adams spoke. During this long debate,
(12:29):
a vast majority rejected the motion, and the town passed
the vote, urging the committee to preserve with their usual
activity and firmness, and continue steadfast in the way of
well doing. A protest was made by one hundred and
twenty nine citizens against the doings of the Committee of Correspondents,
the Solemn League and Covenant, and the proceedings of the
(12:50):
Town in endorsing the work of the committee. On the
next day, June twenty ninth, Governor Gage, in a proclamation,
strictly enjoyed and commanded all magistrates to arrest all who
signed the League and Covenant or who asked others to
sign it. The month of July was full of excitement.
(13:10):
On the first Admiral Graves arrived in the Preston. Other
regiments also arrived, and it was supposed that there would
be arrests of the popular leaders. It is recorded in
the journals of the Committee of Correspondents that on the
fifth a report being prevalent that some gentlemen were to
be apprehended, it was unanimously voted we will attend to
(13:34):
the Committee of Correspondents as usual unless prevented by brutal force.
On the twenty sixth a Donation Committee was finally organized
to receive and distribute to contributions that were flowing in
from the colonies to relieve the poor of Boston, and
Warren was appointed a member. On this day a Committee
of Safety was chosen, which consisted of James Bodwin, Samuel Adams,
(13:59):
John Adams, John Hancock, William Phillips, Joseph Warren, and Josiah Quincy.
A Committee in the name of Boston appealed to those
dear companions in the cause of God and their country,
their friends and brethren of the province, to whom they
looked for that advice, example, and wisdom that would give
strength to their understanding, vigor to their action, and with
(14:22):
the blessing of God, saved them from destruction. General Gage,
on the sixth of August received officially the two acts
relative to Massachusetts, one altering the Charter and the other
relating to the administration of justice, which the Patriots called
the Regulating Act and the Murder Act. Also commissions for
(14:43):
thirty six councilors, who, instead of being chosen in the
old way of election, were appointed by the King and
were termed madamus councilors. The instructions of Lord Dartmouth on
the second of June were long, minute and determined, averring
the that whatever violence might be attempted should be resisted
(15:03):
with firmness, for the dignity power and the very existence
of the Empire were an issue, and declaring that should
the ideas of independence take root, the union between the
colonies and the Kingdom would cease, and destruction must follow
this union. The Act went into operation immediately, and various
functionaries under it promptly prepared to exercise authority the Councilors,
(15:28):
twenty five of whom accepted to have sessions, the sheriffs
to some injurers, and the judges to hold courts. More
than ever before were eyes now fixed on the patriots
of Boston or Massachusetts, when the hitherto invincible British power
commanded the submission of a free people in the words
of the protests of the minority of the lords against
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the Acts, to a governor and council entrusted with powers
which the British Constitution had not trusted His Majesty and
Privy Council, so that and property were subject to absolute power.
The issue concerned territory wider than Massachusetts, for it was
now to be determined whether the Old World, or more precisely,
(16:11):
the Tory Party of England, was to shape the institutions
of the New World, or whether America should, as of right,
frame her own law. The interests felt by the people
of the other colonies in the result was intense, not
so much because they were moved by oppression, actually felt
as by a conviction on the part of the majorities
(16:32):
who sided with the Whig or National Party, that a
foundation was laid and a precedent about to be established
for future oppressions. Their views were expressed through their organs
the Committees of Correspondence in letters addressed to the Boston Committee.
We view a letter from Cape Fair, North Carolina, says
(16:53):
the attack made by the Minister upon the colony of
Massachusetts Bay to be intended to pave the way to
a general subvert version of the constitutional rights of North America.
A letter from South Carolina, accompanying a sloop load of rice, says,
your situation at this time is truly hazardous in trying,
but all you will not fail for want of support,
(17:15):
because all British America, are your friends, for God's sake,
be firm and discreet. At this time, Christopher Gadsten or
Charleston wrote to Samuel Adams, in a letter not printed,
we will not think so basely of you as to
imagine you will pay for an ounce of the tea,
And before he could get a reply, he thus renewed
the injunction we depend on your firmness and that you
(17:38):
will not pay for an ounce of the damned tea.
The Committee of the Town of Brooklyn, Connecticut, accompanied its
contributions with the letter August eleventh, in which they said,
to Boston, you are held up as a spectacle to
the whole world. All Christendom is longing to see the
event of the American contest. And do most noble citizens
(18:00):
play your part manfully, of which we make no doubt.
Your names are either to be held in eternal veneration
or execration. If you stand out, your names cannot be
too much applauded by all Europe and all future generations.
An able Tory address, circulated first in the Pennsylvania Assembly
(18:20):
and widely copied, said of the growing Whig organization in
Snaring capitals, it is the beginning of Republicanism, which it
was declared, was setting up anarchy above order. The word
that came in from the country towns of Massachusetts was
not less decisive. Among the letters were two from patriots
(18:41):
who fought in the Bunker Hill Battle. Colonel William Prescott,
who commanded this action, said to Boston, in the name
of the men of Pepperrell, be not dismayed nor disheartened
in this day of great trial. We heartily sympathize with you,
and are always ready to do all in our power
for your support, comfort and relief. Knowing that Providence has
(19:02):
placed you where you must stand the first shock, we
consider we are all embarked in one bottom and must
sink or swim together. Colonel Thomas Gardner of Cambridge, who
fell by Warren's side, nobly wrote to the Boston Committee.
Thomas Gardner to the Boston Committee of Correspondence, Cambridge, August twelfth,
(19:24):
seventeen seventy four. Friends and brethren, the time has come
that everyone that has a tongue and an arm is
called upon by their country to stand forth in its behalf.
And I consider the call of my country as the
call of God, and desire to be all obedience to
such a call. In obedience thereunto would administer some consolation
(19:47):
unto you by informing you of the glorious union of
the good people of this province, both in sentiment and action.
I am informed from good authority that the Committee of
Correspondence for the several towns in the Country of Worcester
have assembled, are in high spirits and perfectly united. The
Committee for Cambridge and Charlestown are to have a conference tomorrow,
(20:10):
and I trust the whole country of Middlesex will soon
be assembled by delegates from their respective towns in said county.
I have the greatest reason to believe that the people
will choose to fall gloriously in the cause of their country,
then meanly to submit to slavery. I am your friend
and brother, Thomas Gardner. In this crisis hour, when the
(20:33):
people were expected to prevent the execution of the Regulating Act,
Samuel Adams left Boston August tenth to attend the meeting
of the General Congress, and Warren became the central figure
in the political movements of Massachusetts. His impetuous fearlessness, Bancroft
says of him as he was now acting, was tempered
(20:54):
by self possession, gentleness and good sense, and he had
reluctantly become convinceminced that all connection with the British Parliament
must be broken off. It was necessary that the revolutionary
work at hand, though it should be thorough, as in
the case of the destruction of the Tea, should be systematic.
(21:15):
On the day on which this letter is dated, at
a meeting of the Committee of Correspondence and Selectmen of Boston,
Warren was named at the head of the delegation to
meet in a county convention that was to be held
in Stoughton, of which he gives some account in the
following letter, Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, August fifteenth,
(21:37):
seventeen seventy four. Dear Sir, our public affairs have not
changed their appearance since your departure. The people are in
high spirits and have the greatest confidence in the wisdom
and spirit of the Congress, whose decisions they seemed determined
to abide by. Mister Gage sent the day before yesterday
for the Selectmen and informed them that he had received
(22:00):
an Act of Parliament prohibiting their calling town meetings without
a license from him. They told him that they should
obey the law of the land, and that they had
two adjournments of their meeting and knew of no occasion
to call another. He replied that he would endeavor to
put the act in execution, and if any ill consequences followed,
(22:21):
they only were blameable as to their adjournment. He must
consider of it, for by such means they might keep
their meeting alive these ten years. Upon this they left him.
On Friday, agreeable to her request. From the other towns
in this county, the selectmen and Committee of Correspondents met
and chose five members to attend the County Congress at
(22:44):
Stoughton tomorrow. Joseph Warren, William Phillips, Esquire, mister Oliver Wendell,
doctor Benjamin Church, mister John Pitts. Mister Phillips has refused,
we shall elect a member to fill his place. General
Lee leaves us today enclosed. You have a hint which
I think very important, But it ought to come from
(23:05):
a member for some other quality. Nay, if it was
done wholly by the other members of the Congress, I
should like it better, as it will perhaps be injurious
to you to come into such resolutions. With respect to
some who are sworn in as members. The poor fellows
hang their heads already. Some spirited resolutions of the Congress
(23:26):
will drive them to despair. The gentlemen from the royal
governments may possibly think that, although our council is appointed
by mandamus, we are nevertheless upon as good a foundation
in that respect as themselves. But they will consider that
it is not simply the appointment of the Council by
the King that we complain of. It is the breach
(23:49):
thereby made in our charter. And if we suffer this,
none of our charter rights are worth naming. The charters
of all the colonies are no more than blank paper.
The same power that can take away our right of
electing councilors by our representatives can take away from other
colonies the right of choosing even representatives. And the Bill
(24:10):
for Regulating the Government of Canada shows plainly that it
would be very pleasing to the Ministry to deprive the
Americans totally of the right of representation, And indeed, by
the acts of the British Parliament, and by the instructions
given to governors, that they are already deprived of all
the advantages derived from representation. A fair state of this matter,
(24:33):
done by the masterly hand of some of our worthy
friends at the Congress, would open the eyes of many.
I am sure the Congress will be able to convince
the world that the present American representation is a shadow
and not a substance. And I am certain that unless
it is put upon a better footing, the people themselves
will in a few years readily consent to throw off
(24:56):
the useless burden. But I am perhaps too much like
the declaimer who delivered a lecture upon the art of
war to the illustrious General Hannibal. Missus Adams and your
family are well. The doctor and she set out for
the Eastern Country today. Missus Cushing and family are in
good health. Mister Adams friends in town are well, as
(25:18):
I heard his lady was last Saturday. Please to present
my very respectful regards to your three brethren, and believe
me to be your fast friend and humble servant. Joseph
Warren ps. While writing, mister Pitts comes in and informs
me that Doctor Williamson has written to his friend in
Philadelphia assuring him that the Ministry have lately written instructions
(25:42):
to General Gage not to take one step against the Americans,
if the opposition to ministerial of measures should be general.
The celebrated Colonel Putnam is now in my house, having
arrived since I subscribed this letter with a generous donation
of sheep. Warren's guest, Colonel Putnam remained in town several days.
(26:05):
The old hero Putnam, doctor Young writes, arrived in town
on Monday, bringing with him one hundred and thirty sheep
from the little parish of Brooklyn. He cannot get away.
He is so much caressed, both by the officers and citizens.
He has had a long combat with major small in
the political way, much to the disadvantage of the latter.
(26:27):
He looks fresh and hearty, and on an emergency, would
be as likely to do good business as ever. The
patriot received due notice in the newspapers, which said he
was so well known through North America that no words
were necessary to inform the public. Further than that, his
generosity led him to Boston to cherish his oppressed brethren
(26:49):
and support them by every means in his power. The
provisions of the Regulating Act forbade town meetings except by
the permission of the Governor, but most of the towns
of Suffolk met and chose delegates in all sixty to
attend a convention held on the sixteenth at Stoughton at
Colonel Dodi's tavern. It was called a country Congress. Some
(27:12):
of the towns had not had the requisite notice. It
was found that the committees of many towns were not
specially authorized to negotiate the affairs of a country Congress,
and to enable all towns and districts to choose delegates,
and thus to show contempt for the Act of Parliament
touching town meetings. The convention, after adopting the form of
(27:34):
a call and choosing a committee to send it to
the towns, adjourned to the sixth of September in the
town of Denham. One of the Boston delegates says, we
were perfectly unanimous and firm in the common cause. Colonel
Fair particularly said we must all appear undisguised upon one
side or the other. Good mister Dunbar gave us the
(27:57):
most extraordinary liberty prayer that ever I heard. He appeared
to have the most divine, if not prophetical, enthusiasm in
favor of our rights, and stood with us till eight
o'clock at night. We rode all together in the Berlin
with four horses and two servants, and returned at eleven
o'clock at night in good health. On the day of
(28:19):
this convention, the judges of the Inferior Court of Great
Barrington were forced by the people to pledge their honor
that they would do no business. Warren's time was now
greatly occupied with public affairs. Among his students was doctor
William Eustace, subsequently Member of Congress, Governor of Massachusetts, and
Secretary of War. He was now about twenty one. His
(28:42):
amiable character, fine address, and culture won the strong attachment
of Warren. The young student is found by the side
of his instructor in trying scenes. He now sent the
following note in a neat handwriting to Samuel Adams, Boston,
August eighteenth, seventeen seventy four. I am inform you that
(29:05):
doctor Warren would do himself the pleasure to write you,
but opportunity will not permit it. He sends you the
enclosed and wishes you much prosperity, Sir, your very humble servant, W. Eustace,
Mister Adams. This was an exciting week, and the Committee
of Correspondence was often in session. Letters and resolves. Young
(29:29):
writes on the nineteenth come into us from all quarters,
and still on the rising. Tenor thirteen were received last
Tuesday evening, and many are come to hand, since we
meet every day or two as usual, and proceed with
great harmony. Warren now wrote to Samuel Adams that the
county meeting already appointed would have important consequences. Joseph Warren
(29:52):
to Samuel Adams, Boston, twenty one August seventeen seventy four.
My dear Sir, I received yours from Hartford and enclose
you the vote of the House passed on the seventeenth
of June. I shall take care to follow your advice
respecting the county meeting, which depend upon it will have
very important consequences. The spirits of our friends rise every day,
(30:17):
and we seem animated by the proofs which every hour
appear of the villainous designs of our enemies, which justifies
and all we have done to oppose them hitherto and
in all that we can do in future. A non
importation and non exportation to Britain, Ireland and the West
Indies is now the most moderate measure talked. It is
(30:39):
my opinion that nothing less will prevent bloodshed two months longer.
The non importation and non exportation to Britain and Ireland
ought to take place immediately to the West Indies, not
until December next because should the non exportation to the
West Indies take place immediately, thousands of innocent people must
(30:59):
say inevitably perish. Whereas if it takes place at some distance,
they and the proprietors of the islands may use their
influence to ward off the blow, and if they fail
in that, they may come to the continent, where they
will be treated with humanity. By stopping the exportation of
flax seed Ireland and giving them immediate notice, they may
(31:21):
obtain a repeal of the Act soon enough to get
the supply before sowing time. This stoppage of exportation of
flax seed will not fall heavy upon anyone in this country,
as scarcely any farmer raises more than four, six or
eight bushels, but it will throw a million of people
in Ireland out of bread. There are about one hundred
(31:41):
thousand acres of land sowed in Ireland with flax seed
every year, and is computed that with dressing and spinning, weaving, bleaching,
et cetera. Ten persons are employed by every acre, and
the Ministry will not find it easy to maintain so
many persons in idleness, especially as the national revenue, if
(32:02):
computed as the best writers have computed at eight million sterling,
will be one eighth part lost by the loss of
their trade with America and the West Indies. In my
next I will endeavor to make some calculations of the
interest which the British nation have in the West Indies
and Ireland. Also how many Irish peers and peers of
(32:24):
Great Britain. And if I can, though I hardly know
how to go about it, we'll give some pretty near
guests at the number of members in the House of
Commons whose chief fortunes lie in Ireland and the West Indies.
I enclose you all the papers, as far as they
are printed. I think nothing material is omitted. The extract
(32:45):
of a letter from London day to June first is
from mister Sheriff Lee. The lord said to be very
lint against America. In the cabinet is Dartmouth. In the
letter the Lord said to be brought over to the
American Justices Temple. The letter was written to the Honorable
mister Cushing, I have now a matter of private concern
(33:06):
to mention to you by the desire of mister Pitts.
Our friend, mister William Turner has, as you know, been
persecuted for his political sentiments and ruined in his business.
The dancing and fencing master named Pike in Charlestown, South Carolina,
is about leaving the school and has invited mister Turner
(33:26):
to take his place. I am myself and I know
you are always deeply interested for the prosperity of persons
of merit who have suffered for espousing the cause of
their country. If you can by giving mister Turner his
true character interests the gentleman with you in his favor,
you will do a benevolent action and oblige mister Pitts,
(33:48):
mister Turner, and myself if they could be induced to
write to their friends and know what encouragement he might expect.
It might save him the expense of a journey which
he can all afford to take. I am, dear sir,
your most obedient service jw PS, please to make my
(34:08):
respectful compliments to your three fellow laborers. As far as
I have been able to get information their families and
friends are in health. Let them know that I consider
everything I write to one of you is written to all.
Great expectations are formed by the spirited resolves which the
Congress will pass relative to our traitors by mandamus. There
(34:32):
was a delay in organizing a body to receive the
donations that were sent to Boston. The Town, at the
meeting on the seventeenth of June, authorized the Overseers of
the Poor, as they were, a body politic by law
in concert with the Committee of the Ways and Means
of Employing the Poor, to receive and distribute the donations
made to the town. Accordingly, the earliest replies to the
(34:56):
Committee are signed by order of this Board on in
the nineteenth of July. This body desired to be discharged
from further service in relation to this subject, and on
the twenty sixth of July, the Committee on Donations was
finally organized. It was a body distinct from the Committee
of Correspondence, and its duties were urgent and arduous. One
(35:19):
of them was to reply to the letters that were
sent with the contributions, and Warren wrote some of these replies.
One of them was the following addressed to Stonington Connecticut.
Joseph Warren to the Stonington Committee, Boston, August twenty fourth,
seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen, your elegant and benevolent favor of
(35:42):
the first instant yielded us that support and consolation amid
our distresses which the generous sympathy of assured friends can
never fail to inspire. 'tis the part of this people
to frown on danger face to face, to stand the
focus of rage and malevolence of the inexorable enemies of
American freedom. Permit us to glory in the dangerous distinction,
(36:04):
and be assured that, while actuated by the spirit and
confident of the aid of such noble auxiliaries, we are
compelled to support the conflict when liberty is the prize.
Who would shun the warfare, who would stoop to waste
a coward thought on life? We esteem no sacrifice too great,
no conflict too severe, to redeem our inestimable rights and privileges.
(36:29):
'tis for you, brethren, for ourselves, for our united posterity.
We hazard all and permit us humbly to hope that
such a measure of vigilance, fortitude, and perseverance will still
be afforded by us, that by patiently suffering and nobly daring,
we may eventually secure that more precious than hesperian fruit,
(36:51):
the golden apples of freedom. We eye the hand of
Heaven in the rapid and wonderful union of the colonies,
and that generous and universe emulation to prevent the sufferings
of the people of this place gives a prelibation of
the cup of deliverance. May unerring wisdom dictate the measures
to be recommended by the Congress. May a smiling God
(37:13):
conduct this people through the thorny paths of difficulty, and
finally gladden our hearts with success. We are, gentlemen, your
friends in the cause of liberty. Joseph Warren, Chairman to
the Committee of Correspondence at Stonington. This letter, Hollister says,
that rises like a heavenly vision into the regions where
(37:36):
such poets as Milton hymn their prophetic songs. It is
still in the keeping of the town Clerk of Stonington.
It does, indeed stir the heart like the sound of
a trumpet, and is worthy to be carved for an
epitaph upon a monument of granite that should forever rest
upon the ashes of Warren. On the same day, Warren
(37:58):
replied to the town of Preston, in the letter of
which was the remark that their people, on the reception
of the second and third unrighteous acts of Parliament, were
anxiously looking for some important event to take place, that
while it was becoming to be watchful, there was great
reason to fear that nothing short of another kind of
(38:19):
resistance would regain and secure their privileges, and that it
had given them fresh alarm to hear that arms were
not suffered to be carried out of town. The reply
indicates the difficulty the patriots of Boston encountered in avoiding
both submission and violence. Joseph Warren to the Preston Committee, Boston,
(38:42):
October twenty fourth, seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen, we received by
Captain Belcher your letter of the twentieth and the sum
of money you were kind enough to send for the
support of our poor. It gives us pleasure, amidst our sufferings,
to find our brethren in detail er to assist and
support us while we are struggling for American freedom. Our enemies,
(39:06):
we know, will use every artifice that Hell can suggest,
and human power can execute to enslave us, But we
are determined not to submit. We choose to affect our
salvation from bondage by policy rather than by arms. Considering
that the blood of freemen who fight for their country
is of more value than the blood of a soldiery
(39:27):
who fight for pay, we doubt not but a virtuous
continental adherence to the non importation, non exportation and non
consumption Agreement will produce such changes in Britain as will
compel them to give us everything we wish. But if
this should fail, and we should be obliged to seek
(39:48):
redress in the way you have hinted, we flatter ourselves
that we shall act like men and merit the approbation
of all America. The conduct of our adversaries is to
us astonishing. Policy is no more their guide than justice.
They have shut their eyes against daylight, and if they
lead the British nation into the pit they have digged
(40:09):
for us, the blame must be laid to their own door.
The motions of our governor are like those of other machines.
They move as they are directed. He is clad in
the garb of ministerial instructions, and has declared his determination
implicitly to obey them. We shall always receive with gratitude
your advice and assistance, not doubting that the end of
(40:32):
our warfare will be freedom to America. We are with sincerity, gentlemen,
your very humble servants, Jay Warren, per order of the
Committee of Donations PS. The arms have been several times
detained in going out of town, but never finally stopped.
Even if a private gentleman carries one out of town
(40:55):
with him for diversion, he is not permitted to bring
it back again to the gentlemen of the Committee of
the Town of Preston. Warren now took the lead in
an important movement designed to systematize the opposition to the
execution of the Regulating Act, which was spontaneous throughout the
province before this time. The people of the other colonies
(41:18):
not merely counseled, but enjoined on the citizens of Massachusetts
to defeat this law. There was a county convention held
at Worcester on the ninth of August, which, without other
action than passing resolves, had adjourned to the last Tuesday
of the month. It is worthy of remark that these resolves,
which were ordered to be circulated by handbills averred that
(41:40):
the people bore true allegiance to the King while they
make this declaration, we have within ourselves the exclusive right
of originating each and every law respecting ourselves, and ought
to be on an equal footing with His Majesty's subjects.
In England, the Committee of the Town of Worcester now
requests a conference with the Committee of Boston to agree
(42:03):
on a general plan in relation to resisting the Regulating Act.
On the invitation of the Boston Committee, there was a
convention of the delegates of the four counties of Suffolk, Essex,
Middlesex and Worcester at Faniel Hall on the twenty sixth
of August. One of the Essex delegates was Elbridge Jerry, who,
(42:23):
by similarity of taste, disposition, principles and aims, was in
close friendship with Warren. This was the most general political
consultation held since the remarkable Convention of seventeen sixty eight.
Warren was chosen the chairman. The meeting voted that the
officials under the new Act were unconstitutional officers, and chose
(42:45):
a committee to report the measures that might be expedient.
Their report on the next day was read repeatedly and
accepted paragraph by paragraph. It provided for a thorough defeat
of the regulating Act. It recommended the use important step
of a provincial Congress in order to mature an effectual
(43:05):
plan for counteracting the systems of despotism, and that previous
to the Congress, courts held under the Act ought to
be properly opposed. In a resolve, they said that all
who attempted to execute this act ought to be held
in the highest detestation, and that individuals who maintained the
rights of the province and continent in resisting it ought
(43:29):
to be defended by the whole province if necessary. The
Convention recommended the choice as soon as it may be,
of delegates to the proposed congress. These resolves were not
intended for the public, but were an agreement for perilous
political action. This was not a declaration of independence, nor
(43:50):
was even the thing intended, whatever might have been the consequences.
It was a blow level that the measures of the administration,
rather than at the sovereignty of the British Empire. On
this day, Warren, in behalf of the Committee of Donations,
replied to a letter of the Committee of Norwich, Connecticut,
who in sending on a contribution of sheep, say in
(44:12):
their letter that they should be glad to know of
the true state of affairs per return of the gentlemen
who drive the sheep. In replying, Warren drew a lifelike
sketch of affairs in the town and province, and announced
the plan agreed upon that day to avoid in action
with the soldiery until it should be necessary. Joseph Warren
(44:35):
to the Committee of Norwich, Boston, August twenty seventh, seventeen
seventy four. Gentlemen, your letter with the two hundred and
ninety one sheep were received safely and met with a
very hearty welcome. We have good reason to think that
our oppressors see their mistake, and that they will ere
long be convinced that Americans are not to be fritted
(44:57):
or wheedled out of their rights. The arm of a
tyrant is never supported by justice, and therefore must fall.
Mister Gage is executing the late Acts of Parliament in
their several branches to the best of his ability. He
is furnished with a council who will be careful, as
their existence depends on the will of his master. To
(45:19):
study his inclination and to act everything in conformity to
his pleasure. We don't expect justice from them, and have
no hopes that they will be guided by the laws
of equity or the dictates of conscience. Certainly, men who
will serve such an administration as the present, and suffer
themselves to be promoted at the expense of the charter
(45:41):
of their country must be destitute of every idea of right,
and ready instruments to introduce abject slavery. Mister Gage may
issue his precepts, and his counsel may sanctify them. His
juries may give verdicts, and an unconstitutional and venal bent
may pass judgments. But what will this avail unless the
(46:04):
people will acquiesce in them. If the people think them unconstitutional,
of what importance are their determinations? Sallus popularized Suprema lexe
Esto is a precious old maxim. The ministry have forgotten it,
but the people are determined to remember it. We consider
(46:24):
a suspension of trade through the continent with Great Britain,
Ireland and the West Indies as the grand machine that
will deliver us. If this should fail, we must then
have recourse to the last resort. As yet we have
been preserved from action with the soldiery, and we shall
endeavor to avoid it until we see that it is
(46:44):
necessary and settled plan is fixed on for that purpose.
The late acts of Parliament are such gross infringements on
us that our consciences forbid us to submit to them.
We think it is better to put up with some
inconvenience and pursue with patients the plan of commercial opposition,
as it will be more for the honor and interest
(47:06):
of the continent, as well as more consistent with the
principles of humanity and religion. Mister Gage finds himself very
unequal to the task that is set him, and is
at a loss for measures. He sees and is astonished
at the spirit of the people. He forbids their town meetings,
and they meet in counties. If he prevents county meetings,
(47:28):
we must call provincial meetings. And if he forbids these,
we trust that our worthy brethren on the continent, and
especially of the town of Norwich and Connecticut, will lend
us their helping arms in time of danger, and will
be no less conspicuous for their fortitude than they now
are for their generosity. We have nothing important to inform
(47:49):
you of besides what you see in the public papers.
Should anything worthy your notice take place, we shall gladly
communicate it to you. We are gentlemen, grateful friends, and
humble servants. Joseph Warren, per order, the Committee of Donations
to the Gentleman, the Committee of the Town of Norwich.
(48:11):
The following hastily written note shows how energetically Warren was
helping forward to political machines in all parts of the province.
Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, August twenty ninth, seventeen
seventy four. Dear Sir, I have enclosed all the late
public papers worthier notice, and shall, by the next opportunity,
(48:34):
give you all the public intelligence in my power. Haste
now prevents it, as I am constantly busied in helping
forward to political machines in all parts of this province.
Friend Quincy is going to London. I wish he may
have such letters from you and the other gentlemen of
the Congress as may make him immediately noticed by persons
(48:55):
of distinction there Missr's Payne of Worcester, Oliver of Salem,
Winslow of Roxbury, and Pepperell of Roxbury have resigned their
seats at the board. Nothing will satisfy the people here
but a resolve of the Congress never to commence any
commercial intercourse with Britain, whilst one person who has accepted
(49:16):
a commission or acted under the authority of the late
Acts of Parliament is in any office of power or
trust in America. This, say they and justify, is the
only measure that can save us from being perpetually plagued
with villains who will traduce their country to advance themselves
to places of trust and gain. Mister Webster, the bearer
(49:40):
hereof a merchant of Philadelphia, is a man of very
extensive political knowledge, especially respecting commerce. I wish you to
see him and converse with him. I shall write you
particulars by the next opportunity, and am your most humble
servant and constant friend, Joseph Warren. The determination to avoid
(50:02):
a collision with the British soldiery was put to a
severe test by the endeavours of both parties to secure
what they could of the scanty stock of arms and
ammunition in the province. The powder belonging to towns and
the province was kept in the powder House in Charlestown,
in the portion which is now Somerville. The towns had
(50:23):
withdrawn their portion. Very early on the morning of the
first of September, a detachment of soldiers went from Boston
in boats, landed at Temple's Farm, passed over to Quarry
Hill to the powder house, and carried the powder in
some cannon to Castle William. This was the occasion of
the famous powder alarm, which was sounded not merely through
(50:44):
Middlesex County, but through the province and into other colonies,
causing a great commotion. There was a large gathering before evening,
and the next morning the people with arms in their
hands assembled in Cambridge. The ever vigilant committees early in
the morning sent several messengers into Boston asking the aid
of the Committee of Correspondents. Warren, on being informed that
(51:08):
his presence was needed to prevent an immediate outbreak. At
six o'clock, notified such of the committee as he could,
crossed over the ferry to Charlestown, met several of its
Committee of Correspondents, and by eight o'clock was in the
midst of the excited multitude in Cambridge. Counselor Danforth was
addressing about four thousand people and resigning his commission. Warren
(51:31):
now used his influence efficiently to prevent a collision with
the troops. Spent the day with this company of freemen,
and was witness of their patience, temperance, and fortitude as
they compelled obnoxious officials to obey the popular will. The
Governor wisely remained inactive in Warren's judgment. Had the troops
(51:52):
marched out of Boston against this body of men, not
a man would have returned on this day. He addressed
the letter in reply to the UK Committee of the
Town of East HadAM, which, in contributing its might for
the relief of the poor, said, as you are the
first that are attacked as the head of all America,
and so more immediately suffering. Yet all the members, in
(52:14):
a greater or lesser degree, are suffering with you. Reply
to East HadAM, Boston, September one, seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen,
the Town of East Hatham, in their letter of the
twenty fourth August, discovers such a cordial sympathy for our
distress and gives such a pleasing proof of their resolution
(52:37):
to assist us as makes us more than ever determined
to support our sufferings. For the philosophic fortitude, Boston is
the stage on which our tyrants choose to act at present.
But how soon they will choose to figure in some
spot where they have a greater probability of success. Time
only will discover, we hope, however, to convince them that
(52:59):
not only by then, but all America is designed by
Heaven for an asylum for oppressed and injured virtue, rather
than to be a theater of sport for usurping despots.
The late acts of Parliament are cruel and oppressive to
the last degree. For that blockading our harbor is perhaps
without a parallel, But we are nevertheless of opinion that
(53:23):
they have operated for our advantage. Our enemies imagined that,
by exhibiting to our views some signal instances of their
immediate power to distress us, we should be intimidated, that
we should submit to kiss the rod and beg them
to accept of our obedience. They now see that we
are neither to be persuaded nor frighted from that standard
(53:46):
which we are most sacredly bound to protect. They have
done their utmost, and it is ineffectual in policy. We
flatter ourselves that they have not yet exceeded us. Arms
are as yet untried. There was a time when some
good men among us were insensible of their danger, and
seemed to prefer obscurity to action. But the late maneuvers
(54:09):
of tyranny have roused them from their lethargy, and now
pant for the field in which the fate of our
country is to be decided. Nothing has so dampened the
spirits of those who aspire to be our masters as
the accounts we are daily receiving of the glorious spirit
that inspires the different parts of the continent. Some have believed,
(54:29):
or have pretended to believe, that if the faction of
Boston was quelled, the provinces would acquiesce in whatever changes
the Administration were pleased to make in the Charter and
constitution of the Massachusetts Bay. But now they see that
a firm bond is formed in America which the most
powerful monarch on earth will not easily break. You will
(54:52):
be pleased to accept our most hearty wishes for a
continuance of your friendship and gratitude and justice. Oblige us
to tell you that the Colony of Connecticut have behaved
to us like brothers, and signalized themselves in the cause
of American liberty in such a manner as will redound
to their honor so long as the sun and moon endure.
(55:14):
The generous benefaction from the town of East Atham, so
modestly mentioned in your letter, excites those emotions which the
grateful hearts of their brethren here can better conceive than express.
We are, gentlemen, with sincerity, your much obliged servants, Joseph Warren,
per order of the Committee of Donations to mister Daniel
(55:38):
Brainerd and others of the Committee of East HadAM. Warren
now wrote to Samuel Adams that he never saw a
more glorious prospect than there then was, and that the
generous spirit of their ancestors seemed to have revived beyond
the most sanguine expectations. Though it seemed to him that
the court which bound the province to the King was
(56:00):
by his act cut asunder. Yet he was aware that
the subject of a change in the government should be
handled very gently and cautiously, lest the Massachusetts patriots should
be thought for the advantage of their colony only to
aim at more than the other colonies were willing to
contend for with Britain. Thus was the idea of union
(56:22):
ever present with the popular leaders. It will be seen
that though the first of the two following letters is
without date, both were of the fourth of September. Joseph
Warren to Samuel Adams. Dear Sir, our friends, doctor Church
and young, whose letters I have seen, write so fully
(56:43):
to you by this conveyance that it will be needless
for me to take up your time in giving a
minute account of what has passed since my last. I
can only assure you that I never saw a more
glorious prospect than the present. The generous spirit of our
Antswersters seemed to have revived beyond our most sanguine expectations.
(57:05):
I promised you in my last some account of the
mighty expedition against the arsenal at Cambridge. But as you
will have a particular detail of that campaign in the
public papers, you will not wish me to take up
your time. End of Chapter eleven, Part one
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