July 26, 2025 • 35 mins
Delve into the life of Joseph Warren, an influential figure in the early stages of the American Revolution. His understanding and advocacy for civil freedom made him a beloved leader in Boston and eventually propelled him to the forefront of public affairs in Massachusetts. Warrens ten-year commitment to the cause of liberty made him a notable figure in New Englands history. His life was marked by action, his words were as powerful as deeds. He tirelessly fought against the encroachments of unjust power, championing the principles of liberty through his writings, private club discussions, and leadership in public meetings. Join us as we explore the dignity and glory of Warrens life - a man whose legacy continues to inspire. - Summary by Richard Frothingham
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Chapter twelve, Part one of Life and Times of Joseph
Warren by Richard Frothingham. This LibriVox recording is in the
public domain Massachusetts and the General Congress the State of
the Province the Question of Local Government, Letters of Warren
and Adams, a Provincial Congress Committee of Safety Preparation for
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War September seventeen seventy four to January seventeen seventy five. Warren,
soon after the adoption of the Suffolk Resolves, was required
by the progress of events, to take a prominent part
in the organization and administration of a provisional government for
the colony. His agency in the process by which Massachusetts
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passed from allegiance to the British Crown to become a
part of an American nationality, renders this portion of his
life not only of deep interest, but of much importance.
The Province of Massachusetts Bay included the territory which is
now the state of Maine, and comprised an area of
about thirty nine thousand square miles. It was divided into
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fourteen counties and over two hundred towns. The population was
not far from three hundred and fifty thousand. There were
thirteen episcopal churches and about four hundred congregational societies. It
will be perhaps a sufficient introduction to the letters of
Warren of this period to remark that there was a
traditionary love for the old Charter, under which the colony
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had enjoyed popular liberty in large measure, and which was
so thoroughly democratic that the men of the Tory School
said there was not an ingredient of royalty in it.
Under it, the people elected their governor and managed their
exclusively local concerns. Since the reign of William and Mary,
the New Charter had been the government, or the Constitution
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as it was called, which with the English Constitution, was
regarded as guaranteeing the fundamentals of free institutions, representation, the
right of the majority to rule, trial by jury, the
heaviest corpus, the town meeting, freedom of the press, the
immunities embodied in Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights,
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in a word, civil and religious liberty. The people needed
but to recur to Blackstone's commentaries to learn a line
of precedence that maintained the superiority of the laws above
the king. And it was an American idea that Parliament
could not go in legislation beyond the limits fixed by
the Constitution. It was said by the colonists that the
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authority of Parliament in its proper extent is justly supreme,
and by the same ought to be said of the
general Assembly of the colonies. And it was held as
fundamental that the making of laws for internal police was
essential to liberty. In the broken Hints which Joseph Hawley
gave to John Adams when on his way to Congress,
the regular Lating Act is characterized as calculated to introduce
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perfect despotism, as evil against right, utterly intolerable to every
man who has any idea or feeling of right or liberty.
A wanton violation of municipal charters is pronounced the great
and leading justification of the event which drove King James
from the throne. Hawley, in dwelling on the Regulating Act,
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said we must fight. When John Adams read this to Patrick, Henry,
the Great Virginian solemnly exclaimed, I am of that man's mind.
The state of affairs in Massachusetts at this time is
described in the following letter as the public affairs. Here
I shall only say that things seem to be running
into confusion, and that all the ministerial measures that have
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been of late pursued here look as if they were
designed to drive the people, if possible, into something which
they might call rebellion. The late act from better regulating
the civil government of this province has operated just as
I expected it would. It has an effect dissolved the government.
The people will never acknowledge the new councilors. Several of
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them refuse to take their places. The people in different
parts of the country have obliged some others to resign,
so that there are none now but what are in Boston.
A stop is also put to holding the courts of
justice upon the new plan. Thus we have neither legislative
nor executive powers left in the province. There are but
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two possible ways to restore order and good government here.
One is by repealing the acts which have been the
sole occasion of these commotions, and this I firmly believe
would quickly end them. The other by laying the country
waste by fire and sword and extirpating the present inhabitants,
leaving none to be governed. If that can be called
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restoring government. Any hostile measures short of this will never
answer the end. They will not alter the sentiments of
the people, whose spirit universally is now risen to a
degree not easily to be conceived. Which part of the
alternative the ministry will adopt. God knows the people expect
and are determined to abide even the horrors of a
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civil war rather than give up their just rights. This
temporarily written account of the condition of the province will
not agree either with the contemporary exaggerated relations of the
Tories or of the Whigs. The former described the province
as being in anarchy, and the latter as in a
state of nature, but as still and peaceable as it
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was when the government was in full vigor. The people
were far from being in a state of nature, for
a body of local law was as much respected as ever,
and the police of the towns had full authority to
arrest violators of the peace. And there were many disturbances
and invasions of personal rights which the popular leaders deplored
and endeavored to redress. General, the affairs of society went
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on as before. Individuals enjoyed security, even though they differed
from the public sentiment, if they accommodated themselves. So far
to the times as to restrain their temper and observe
a neutrality in repelling the charge of being rebels and hypocrites,
and claiming to be true to the King. The Whigs asked,
can it be said of any other part of all
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the British dominions, what is known to be true of
New England, that in all the four provinces so called,
there never was known so much as one single native Jacobite.
And could we catch the pretender or any other usurper here,
we would soon give a good account of him at
the court of Great Britain. The Patriots did not intend
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to deal blows upon the Royal oak, but they meant
at every hazard to keep their native soil clear for
the roots of the tree of liberty. There were now
among the Whigs a party ripe for extreme measures, who
impatiently waited for the action of the other colonies, the
same element that was seen in the town meetings six
years before, who were for declaring Massachusetts to be separated
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by the King from the Empire, raising the Pine Tree flag,
and fixing on the terms on which they would continue
to be of the old nationality, offering them for the
King to accept or reject, as he might think fit.
In a word, they would leave the General Congress nothing
to do but to prosecute the work which they might inaugurate.
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Another class kept steadily in view the necessity of a
unity of the colonies as the requisite element for success
our slidation, Joseph Hawley now said, depends upon an established,
preserving union of the colonies. All possible devices and endeavors
must be used to establish, improve, brighten, and maintain such union.
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This class were not willing that Massachusetts should go any
further than there was reason to believe she would be
supported by the other colonies. Warrens led show in a
striking manner his appreciation of this consideration, his words are,
nothing can be more important than this. On the day
after he sent the Suffolk resolves to the Massachusetts delegates,
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he wrote to them the following weighty letter, stating the
public feeling and anxiously asking how far Congress would support Massachusetts.
Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, September twelfth, seventeen seventy four, Gentlemen,
I wrote yesterday by mister Revere, and requested your advice
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concerning our public affairs. But I wrote in so much
haste that I believe I was not explicit enough. Many
among us, and almost all in the Western counties, are
for taking up the old form of government according to
the First Charter. It is exceedingly disagreeable to them to
think of being obliged to contend with their rulers and
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quarrel for their rights every year or two. They think
this must always be the case in government of so
heterogeneous a kind as that under which they have lived.
They say, too, that no security can be given to them,
that they shall enjoy their estates without molestation, even if
the Late Charter should be again restored in all its parts,
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since the possession of their lands may be rendered precarious
by any alterations in the Charter which the Parliament shall
think fit to make. Other persons, more especially in the
Eastern counties, think that it will be trifling to resume
the old Charter. They say that the connection between the
King and the people is dissolved by his breaking the
compact made between them, and they have now a right
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to take what form of government they please, and make
such proposals of certain limited subjection to the King as
they shall judge convenient, which he may accept or reject
as he pleases. I know you are deeply engaged, but
nothing can be more important than this subject, and I
beg you would give me immediate advice. Pray do not
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fail to inform how far the other colonies will be
likely to favor us, and what conduct is necessary to
ensure at least their approbation. Our General Assembly is called
to meet on the fifth day of October. The County
of Essex, in their County Convention, have resolved to instruct
the representatives of their several towns, when met agreeably to
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the precept at Salem, to resolve themselves if it could
be obtained in the House into a provincial convention. I
would gladly know whether it is probable that we can
have any service from you at that time, and inter
knows let me know whether it will be agreeable to
elect mister and mister Adams. I subscribe myself your known friend.
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The following letters in reply to this letter are so
important that I print them entire One of them seems
to be incomplete. It will be seen that the one
without date was written on the twenty fourth of September.
Samuel Adams to Joseph Warne, Philadelphia, September seventeen seventy four.
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My dear sir, your letter of the twelfth Instant, directed
to mister Cushing and others, came duly to hand. The
subject of it is of the greatest importance. It is
difficult at this distance to form a judgment with any
degree of accuracy of what is best to be done.
The Eastern and Western counties appear to differ in sentiment
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with regard to the two measures mentioned in your letter.
This difference of sentiment might produce opposition in case either
part should be taken. You know the vast importance of union.
That union is most likely to be obtained by a
consultation of deputies from the several towns, either at a House
of Representatives or provincial Congress. But the question still remains
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which measure to adopt. It is probable the people would
be most united, as they would think it is safest
to abide by the present form of government, I mean,
according to the Charter. The governor has been appointed by
the Crown according to the Charter, but he has placed
himself at the head of a different constitution. If the
only constitutional council chosen last may have honesty and courage
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enough to meet with the representatives chosen by the people
by virtue of the last Writ, and jointly proceed to
the public business. Would it not bring the Governor to
such an explicit conduct as either to restore the General
Assembly or give the two houses a fair occasion to
declare the chair vacant, in which case the Council would
hold it till another governor should be appointed. This would
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immediately reduce the government prescribed in the Charter, and the
people would be united in what they would easily see
to be a constitutional opposition to tyranny. You know there
is a charm in the word constitutional. Samuel Adams to
Joseph Warrene, Philadelphia, September twenty fifth, seventeen seventy four. My
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dear sir, I wrote you yesterday by the post. A
frequent communication at this critical conjuncture is necessary, as the
all important American cause so much depends upon each colonies
acting agreeably to the sentiments of the whole. It must
be useful to you to doe the sentiments which are
entertained here of the temper and conduct of our province. Heretofore,
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we have been accounted by many intemperate and rash, but
now we are universally applauded as cool and judicious, as
well as spirited and brave. This is the character we
sustain in Congress. There is, however, a certain degree of
jealousy in the minds of some, that we aim at
a total independency, not only of the mother country, but
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of the colonies too, and that as we are a
hardy and brave people, we shall in time overrun them all.
However groundless this jealousy may be, it ought to be
attended to, and is of weight in your deliberations on
the subject of your last letter. I spent yess yesterday
afternoon and evening with mister Dickinson. He is a true Bostonian.
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It is his opinion that if Boston can safely remain
on the defensive, the liberties of America, which that town
has so nobly contended for, will be secured. The Congress have,
in the Resolve of the seventeenth Instant, given their sanction
to the resolutions of the County of Suffolk, one of
which is to act merely upon the defensive, so long
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as such conduct may be justified by reason and the
principles of self preservation, but no longer. They have great
dependence upon your tried patience and fortitude. They suppose you
mean to defend your civil constitution, they strongly recommend preseverance
in a firm and temperate conduct, and give you a
full pledge of their united efforts in your behalf. They
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have not yet come to final resolutions. It becomes them
to be deliberate. I have been assured in private conversation
with individuals that if you should be driven into the
necessity of acting in the defense of your lives or liberty,
you would be justified by their constituents and openly supported
by all the means in their power. But whether they
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will ever be prevailed upon to think it necessary for
you to set up another form of government, I very
much for the reason I have before suggested. It is
of the greatest importance that the American opposition should be united,
and that it should be conducted so as to concur
with the opposition of our friends in England. At you,
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Samuel Adams. Before these letters could have been received by Warren,
he was chosen at a meeting of the Freeholders at
Faniel Hall one of the delegates to the proposed provincial Congress.
The Boston delegation consisted of the four representatives Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock,
and William Phillips, with Warren, Benjamin Church and Nathaniel Appleton.
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The instructions which the town gave to the delegates dot im,
probably prepared by Warren, are so brief and important that
I copy them. It will be seen that they come
fully up to while they do not go beyond the
resolution of the General Congress passed on the seventeenth Gentlemen,
as we have chosen you to represent us in the
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Great and General Court, to be holden at Salem on Wednesday,
the fifth day of October next ensuing, we do hereby
instruct you that in all your doings as members of
the House of Representatives, you adhere firmly to the Charter
of this province, granted by their Majesties, King William and
Queen Mary, And that you do no act which can
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possibly be construed into an acknowledgment of the validity of
the Act of British Parliament for altering the government of
the Massachusetts Bay. More especially, that you acknowledge the Honorable
Board of Councilors elected by the General Court at their
session in May last, as the only rightful and constitutional
council of this province, and we have reason to believe
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that a conscientious discharge of your duty will produce your
dissolution as a house of Representatives. We do hereby empower
and instruct you to join with the members who may
be sent from this and the other towns in the province,
and to meet with them at a time agreed on
in a general provincial Congress, to act upon such matters
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as may come before you, in such a manner as
shall appear to you most conducive to the true interests
of this town and province, and most likely to preserve
the liberties of all America. The following card from Warren
was printed in the Boston Gazette of the twenty sixth
of September. It is one of a class of facts
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which show the absence in the great movement of the
American Revolution of the theological element, which in the old
world had played so great a part in the wars
and dealings of the nations. September twenty fourth, seventeen seventy four,
Messrs Printers, as I have been informed that the conduct
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of some few persons of the Episcopal denomination, in maintaining
principles inconsistent with the rights and liberties of mankind, has
given offense to some of the jealous friends of this country.
I think myself obliged to publish the following extract of
a letter dated September ninth, seventeen seventy four, which I
received from my worthy and patriotic friend, mister Samuel Adams,
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a member of the Congress now sitting in Philadelphia, by
which it appears that, however injudicious some individuals may have been,
the gentlemen of the Established Church of England are men
of the most just and liberal sentiments, and are high
in the esteem of the most sensible and resolute defenders
of the rights of the people of this continent. And
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I earnestly request my countrymen to avoid every thing which
our enemies may make use of to prejudice our episcopal
brethren against us, by representing us as disposed to disturb
them in the free exports size of their religious privileges
to which we know they have the most undoubted claim,
and which from a real regard to the honor and
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interest of my country and the rights of mankind, I
hope they will enjoy unmolested as long as the name
of America is known in the world. Jay Warren, after
settling the mode of voting, which is by giving each
colony and equal voice, it was agreed to open the
business with prayer. As many of our warmest friends are
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members of the Church of England, I thought it prudent,
as well on that as on some other accounts, to
move that the service should be performed by a clergyman
of that denomination. Accordingly, the lessons of the day in
prayer were read by the reverend mister Duchet, who afterwards
made a most excellent extemporary prayer, by which he discovered
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himself to be a gentleman of sense and piety, and
a warm advocate for the religious and civil rights of America.
The journals of the Committee of Correspondents attests the continuous
labors of Warren in its business. We meet daily church
a member rites daily occurrences demand our attention. An armed
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truce is the sole tenure by which the inhabitants of
Boston possess life, liberty, or property. And John Pitts, another member,
wrote to Samuel Adams, in your absence, there have been,
as usual the improvement of the ready pens of a
warren and church, the criticism of a green leaf, the
vigilance and industry of Amano, and the united wisdom of
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those who commonly compose the committee. The following letter shows
the state of things at the time of the assembling
of the Provincial Congress. Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston,
September twenty ninth, seventeen seventy four. Dear Sir, my last
letter of the twenty sixth Instant, you will doubtless have
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received by the posts before this reached you. Since then
there have been rivals from England, by which we learn
that the ministry are still inflexible and obstinate. The consequence, then,
is that if America sees better days, it must be
the result of her own conduct. The fortifications on Boston
Neck are carried on without intermission. The troops are availing
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themselves of every opportunity to make themselves more formidable and
render the people less able to oppose them. They keep
a constant search for everything which will be serviceable in battle, and,
whenever they aspire, any instruments which may serve or deserve them,
whether they are the property of individuals or the public
is immaterial. They are seized and carried into the camp
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or on board the ships of war. Mister Joseph Scott
of this town has sold them a number of shells, cowburns,
chain shot, etc. To the amount of five hundred pounds sterling,
and yesterday about noon they were carried on board one
of the ships. The people are enraged against mister Scott,
and he keeps incognito. About two hundred carpenters were employed
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last week in providing barracks for the troops. This week
the works are entirely forsaken. A few hands, indeed, are
raised from the regiments, but by no means enough to
carry on the buildings with expedition. The employment was profitable
to the tradesmen, and drew cash from the King to
circulate in this impoverished town. But in consequence of the
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proceedings of the committee, they desisted and discovered a greater
version to do anything displeasing to their brethren in the country,
or that could possibly be injurious to the cause of
American freedom. The treatment which the inhabitants received from the
soldiery makes us think that they regard us as enemies
rather than as fellow subjects. Some of our warm advocates
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can hardly brook the many private insults we receive. And
were it not that your August body had cautioned us
against any engagement with them, I fear bloodshed would have
ensued before this. When they carried the machines from mister Scott's,
it made us tremblingly alive all over. And it is
as much as our grave serious people can affect to
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keep people from action. At some particular times. The determination
of the Congress is weighted with much impatience that we
expect will be decisive. In your letter from England were
enclosed to pamphlets. But as I knew you had one
of them at Philadelphia some time ago, and that Doctor
Winthrop had sent you the other, I did not think
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it worthwhile to burden the carrier with them. Mister Samuel
Phillips Junior of Andover was this day carrying about a
dozen firearms over Charleston Ferry. The Sloop of War lying
in the river, dispatched a boat and seized them. A
load of straw, said to be the property of Major Goldthwaite,
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was this day bringing to town for the use of soldiers,
but the high Suns of Roxbury gave it to the flames,
your worthy fan or all well, and would have you
informed that they think of you, though they are not
with Youjsiah Quincy Esquire sailed for London last Monday. People
were so rapacious for the intelligence bought from the Congress
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by mister Revere that I thought myself bound to publish
an extract from your letter. And although it was done
without your permission, I know you will forgive it. Please
let mister Cushing know that I should not have published
his letter, but at the earnest request of a number
of our most valuable friends. These publications I think you
would approve if you were sensible of the animation they
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give to our dejected friends. The inconnection and want of
form in this hasty production pleads for its excuse that
mister Revere waits for it. I am, dear sir, with
the utmost sincerity, your friend and humble servant, Joseph Warren,
mister Adams. The action of the Committee of Correspondence referred
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d to in this letter related to work in building
barracks for the army. The committees of thirteen towns met
in Vaniel Hall agreed upon a systematic plan in relation
to a refusal of supplies, and declared all to be
inveterate enemies to their country who furnished any materials whatever
that would enable the troops to distress the inhabitants. The
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journals also contained a particular account of an interview which
Warren now had with Governor Gage in relation to the
new fortification and the purchase of stores. General Gage, at
his official letters dwelt on the difficulties he encountered in
consequence of the action relative to labor and supplies. The
Governor now had to meet the more serious movement of
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a provincial Congress. He issued a precept on the first
of September for a return of representatives to the General Court,
to be convened on the fifth of October at Salem.
But he says, when he saw the resolves passed by
some of the counties, and the instruction given by the
town of Boston and some other towns to their representatives,
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he issued a proclamation on the twenty eighth of September,
declaring a General Court inexpedient, discharging all persons elected from
giving their attendants, and announcing his intention not to be
present at the time and place he had named. Agreeably
to the plan agreed upon, ninety of the representatives elect
met on the fifth of October at Salem. After waiting
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a day for the appearance of the constitutional governor, they
resolved themselves into a provincial Congress, elected John Hancock their
chairman and Benjamin Lincoln their secretary, passed a series of resolves,
and adjourned to meet at Conquord. The action of the governor,
as it was neither a dissolution nor a prorogation of
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the legislature, was declared by the patriots to be without
the warrant of law. The provincial Congress assembled on the
eleventh of October at Conquord. Many towns that did not
choose report presentatives elected delegates to this congress. There were
two hundred and eighty eight members, all but twenty present
who were sent by two hundred and twelve towns. John
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Hancock was elected their president and Benjamin Lincoln their secretary.
The congress met first in the courthouse, but adjourned to
the meetinghouse. Many of the delegates had taken part in
the county conventions and subsequently were distinguished in civil or
military life. There were returned from the towns in Suffolk County.
Besides Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock and Warren, William Heath and
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Benjamin Lincoln, generals throughout the Revolutionary War. From Essex were
John Pickering, Azor Orne, Jonathan Greenleaf and Elbridge Jerry. Who
were distinguished in political life. From Middlesex were Nathaniel Gorham,
a prominent member of the Convention that formed the Federal Constitution,
William Prescott and Thomas Gardner, colonels in the Bunker Hill Battle,
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Richard Devins, an active member of the Committee of Safety,
James bare the commander of the militia it conquered on
the nineteenth of April, James Prescott, subsequently a judge, and
Henry Gardner, soon to be the Treasurer. Hampshire returned Seth Palmeroy,
a veteran of Louisbourg fame, and Joseph Hawley, a patriot
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of decidedly the largest influence in the western part of
the province. Plymouth sent James Warren, a pioneer patriot who
became President of the provincial Congress. Bristol Robert treat Payne,
the poet and jurist, and York sent James Sullivan, the scholar,
statesman and future governor. From Worcester, came Artemis Ward, the
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first commander of the colonial army, and Moses Gill and
timoth E Bigelow, distinguished in political life. The memories of
many other delegates are cherished for their character and intelligent
public service. The Congress was a fine representation of the
great interests of the province, as well as of its patriotism.
The proceedings of this body show that Warren shared largely
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in its confidence and in its life labours. His letters
indicate that he felt the responsibility of the hour and
meant to act with caution. He and his associates from
Boston had before them a difficult role, for they found
themselves by far the most moderate men of the Congress,
the members in general being in favor of forming a
new government, and it was a duty not to fall
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in with what was popular, but to do what was right.
The shallow declaimers of the day were rash, but the
thinkers said, these are great and profound questions. We are
grieved to find ourselves reduced to the necessity of entering
into the discussion of them. The last letter of Warren
shows his feeling on the vital question of taking up
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a new local government, or of proceeding without outside advice
or authority as a separate, independent, sovereign state. The resolve
of Congress on the seventeenth of September was a recommendation
to defend in a firm and temperate way the civil Constitution,
and and in doing this, to use so much of
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the law as remained. This also was the advice of
Samuel Adams and John Adams. After he had learned with
certainty the views of the members, wrote the proposal of
some among you of reassuming the old Charter is not
approved here at all. The proposal of setting up a
new form of government of our own is less approved. Still,
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he wrote of the future in the following warning tone.
They the members will not at this session vote to
raise men or money, or arms or ammunition. Their opinions
are fixed against hostilities and ruptures, except that they should
become absolutely necessary, And this necessity they do not yet see.
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They dread the thoughts of an action because it would
make a wound which would never be healed. It would
fix and establish a ranker which would descend to the
latest generations. It would render all hopes of reconciliation with
Great Britain desperate, it would light up the flames of war,
perhaps through the whole continent, which might rage for twenty
years and end in the subduction of America as likely
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as her liberties. Such language must have increased the anxiety
of the popular leaders in the Provincial Congress. A close
inspection of its preceding shows that little of a positive
character was done for ten days, or until after a
med at Cambridge. It was evidently awaiting the final action
of the Grand American Congress. As the Philadelphia Body was termed,
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it was now said that the whole attention and conversation
were wrapped up in the Congress. An intelligent Boston patriot,
John Pitts, in a letter to Samuel Adams, relative to
the views of the members of the Provincial Congress on
the question of a subordinate government, said, without doubt they
would be cautious to take the sense of your body,
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from whose wisdom we hope for relief. In fact, it
had long been an understanding, reached through the organization of
commit of correspondence, that the patriots of one colony should
take no important step without the concurrence of the patriots
of the other colonies. In this spirit, the proceedings relative
to the Tea had been carried on. In this spirit,
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the people had refused to obey the officials acting under
the Regulating Act. In this spirit, the wise popular leaders
meant to proceed in the formation of a new government.
Man had not attained to perfection. In Massachusetts. There were mobs,
personal insults, and silly gasconade, and the violent talked as
though they were ready at the head of a town,
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or a county or a colony to brave the British Empire.
This was the effervescence of the hour. It was the
material which for years supplied what truth there was in
the wanton misrepresentations of the patriots by the Tories, who
said that this was the patriot cause. To the statesmen
of that day in all the colonies, who, amidst the
(32:58):
unavoidable confusion in up holding this cause, held on to
social order and national unity. Is the world indebted for
the American Revolution. Warren, in the letter just printed, said
that the determination of Congress was awaited with much impatience,
and that would be decisive, and that people were rapacious
(33:19):
for intelligence from it. It is said in the newspapers
that Congress continued in private solemn deliberation, and as the
members were under some honorary ties of secrecy, nothing had
transpired of their proceedings. Ten days later, nothing had transpired
from this body, but it was reported that Paul Revere,
(33:40):
who went as an express from Boston to the delegates,
was waiting in Philadelphia for the result of the determinations
of Congress. A week later, on the twentieth of October,
the Massachusetts Gazette contained this announcement. A gentleman last evening
favored us with the following resolves just come to hand,
and from Philadelphia. They were five in number. The first,
(34:03):
having been passed on the eighth of October, resolved that
this Congress approve of the opposition made by the inhabitants
of the Massachusetts Bay to the execution of the late
Acts of Parliament, and if the same shall be attempted
to be carried into execution by force, in such case,
all America ought to support them in their opposition. The
(34:26):
four other resolves were designed to meet the condition of
the affairs in the province. One recommended that the people
continue peaceably and firmly in the line they are now
conducting themselves on the defensive. Another substantially advised a suspension
of action relative to instituting a new government until the
effect was known of an application for a repeal of
(34:48):
the Act by which their charter rights were infringed. End
of Chapter twelve, Part one,
Chapter twelve, Part one of Life and Times of Joseph
Warren by Richard Frothingham. This LibriVox recording is in the
public domain Massachusetts and the General Congress the State of
the Province the Question of Local Government, Letters of Warren
and Adams, a Provincial Congress Committee of Safety Preparation for
(00:26):
War September seventeen seventy four to January seventeen seventy five. Warren,
soon after the adoption of the Suffolk Resolves, was required
by the progress of events, to take a prominent part
in the organization and administration of a provisional government for
the colony. His agency in the process by which Massachusetts
(00:50):
passed from allegiance to the British Crown to become a
part of an American nationality, renders this portion of his
life not only of deep interest, but of much importance.
The Province of Massachusetts Bay included the territory which is
now the state of Maine, and comprised an area of
about thirty nine thousand square miles. It was divided into
(01:11):
fourteen counties and over two hundred towns. The population was
not far from three hundred and fifty thousand. There were
thirteen episcopal churches and about four hundred congregational societies. It
will be perhaps a sufficient introduction to the letters of
Warren of this period to remark that there was a
traditionary love for the old Charter, under which the colony
(01:35):
had enjoyed popular liberty in large measure, and which was
so thoroughly democratic that the men of the Tory School
said there was not an ingredient of royalty in it.
Under it, the people elected their governor and managed their
exclusively local concerns. Since the reign of William and Mary,
the New Charter had been the government, or the Constitution
(01:56):
as it was called, which with the English Constitution, was
regarded as guaranteeing the fundamentals of free institutions, representation, the
right of the majority to rule, trial by jury, the
heaviest corpus, the town meeting, freedom of the press, the
immunities embodied in Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights,
(02:17):
in a word, civil and religious liberty. The people needed
but to recur to Blackstone's commentaries to learn a line
of precedence that maintained the superiority of the laws above
the king. And it was an American idea that Parliament
could not go in legislation beyond the limits fixed by
the Constitution. It was said by the colonists that the
(02:39):
authority of Parliament in its proper extent is justly supreme,
and by the same ought to be said of the
general Assembly of the colonies. And it was held as
fundamental that the making of laws for internal police was
essential to liberty. In the broken Hints which Joseph Hawley
gave to John Adams when on his way to Congress,
the regular Lating Act is characterized as calculated to introduce
(03:04):
perfect despotism, as evil against right, utterly intolerable to every
man who has any idea or feeling of right or liberty.
A wanton violation of municipal charters is pronounced the great
and leading justification of the event which drove King James
from the throne. Hawley, in dwelling on the Regulating Act,
(03:26):
said we must fight. When John Adams read this to Patrick, Henry,
the Great Virginian solemnly exclaimed, I am of that man's mind.
The state of affairs in Massachusetts at this time is
described in the following letter as the public affairs. Here
I shall only say that things seem to be running
into confusion, and that all the ministerial measures that have
(03:50):
been of late pursued here look as if they were
designed to drive the people, if possible, into something which
they might call rebellion. The late act from better regulating
the civil government of this province has operated just as
I expected it would. It has an effect dissolved the government.
The people will never acknowledge the new councilors. Several of
(04:12):
them refuse to take their places. The people in different
parts of the country have obliged some others to resign,
so that there are none now but what are in Boston.
A stop is also put to holding the courts of
justice upon the new plan. Thus we have neither legislative
nor executive powers left in the province. There are but
(04:33):
two possible ways to restore order and good government here.
One is by repealing the acts which have been the
sole occasion of these commotions, and this I firmly believe
would quickly end them. The other by laying the country
waste by fire and sword and extirpating the present inhabitants,
leaving none to be governed. If that can be called
(04:53):
restoring government. Any hostile measures short of this will never
answer the end. They will not alter the sentiments of
the people, whose spirit universally is now risen to a
degree not easily to be conceived. Which part of the
alternative the ministry will adopt. God knows the people expect
and are determined to abide even the horrors of a
(05:16):
civil war rather than give up their just rights. This
temporarily written account of the condition of the province will
not agree either with the contemporary exaggerated relations of the
Tories or of the Whigs. The former described the province
as being in anarchy, and the latter as in a
state of nature, but as still and peaceable as it
(05:38):
was when the government was in full vigor. The people
were far from being in a state of nature, for
a body of local law was as much respected as ever,
and the police of the towns had full authority to
arrest violators of the peace. And there were many disturbances
and invasions of personal rights which the popular leaders deplored
and endeavored to redress. General, the affairs of society went
(06:02):
on as before. Individuals enjoyed security, even though they differed
from the public sentiment, if they accommodated themselves. So far
to the times as to restrain their temper and observe
a neutrality in repelling the charge of being rebels and hypocrites,
and claiming to be true to the King. The Whigs asked,
can it be said of any other part of all
(06:22):
the British dominions, what is known to be true of
New England, that in all the four provinces so called,
there never was known so much as one single native Jacobite.
And could we catch the pretender or any other usurper here,
we would soon give a good account of him at
the court of Great Britain. The Patriots did not intend
(06:43):
to deal blows upon the Royal oak, but they meant
at every hazard to keep their native soil clear for
the roots of the tree of liberty. There were now
among the Whigs a party ripe for extreme measures, who
impatiently waited for the action of the other colonies, the
same element that was seen in the town meetings six
years before, who were for declaring Massachusetts to be separated
(07:07):
by the King from the Empire, raising the Pine Tree flag,
and fixing on the terms on which they would continue
to be of the old nationality, offering them for the
King to accept or reject, as he might think fit.
In a word, they would leave the General Congress nothing
to do but to prosecute the work which they might inaugurate.
(07:27):
Another class kept steadily in view the necessity of a
unity of the colonies as the requisite element for success
our slidation, Joseph Hawley now said, depends upon an established,
preserving union of the colonies. All possible devices and endeavors
must be used to establish, improve, brighten, and maintain such union.
(07:50):
This class were not willing that Massachusetts should go any
further than there was reason to believe she would be
supported by the other colonies. Warrens led show in a
striking manner his appreciation of this consideration, his words are,
nothing can be more important than this. On the day
after he sent the Suffolk resolves to the Massachusetts delegates,
(08:13):
he wrote to them the following weighty letter, stating the
public feeling and anxiously asking how far Congress would support Massachusetts.
Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, September twelfth, seventeen seventy four, Gentlemen,
I wrote yesterday by mister Revere, and requested your advice
(08:34):
concerning our public affairs. But I wrote in so much
haste that I believe I was not explicit enough. Many
among us, and almost all in the Western counties, are
for taking up the old form of government according to
the First Charter. It is exceedingly disagreeable to them to
think of being obliged to contend with their rulers and
(08:55):
quarrel for their rights every year or two. They think
this must always be the case in government of so
heterogeneous a kind as that under which they have lived.
They say, too, that no security can be given to them,
that they shall enjoy their estates without molestation, even if
the Late Charter should be again restored in all its parts,
(09:17):
since the possession of their lands may be rendered precarious
by any alterations in the Charter which the Parliament shall
think fit to make. Other persons, more especially in the
Eastern counties, think that it will be trifling to resume
the old Charter. They say that the connection between the
King and the people is dissolved by his breaking the
compact made between them, and they have now a right
(09:40):
to take what form of government they please, and make
such proposals of certain limited subjection to the King as
they shall judge convenient, which he may accept or reject
as he pleases. I know you are deeply engaged, but
nothing can be more important than this subject, and I
beg you would give me immediate advice. Pray do not
(10:00):
fail to inform how far the other colonies will be
likely to favor us, and what conduct is necessary to
ensure at least their approbation. Our General Assembly is called
to meet on the fifth day of October. The County
of Essex, in their County Convention, have resolved to instruct
the representatives of their several towns, when met agreeably to
(10:22):
the precept at Salem, to resolve themselves if it could
be obtained in the House into a provincial convention. I
would gladly know whether it is probable that we can
have any service from you at that time, and inter
knows let me know whether it will be agreeable to
elect mister and mister Adams. I subscribe myself your known friend.
(10:46):
The following letters in reply to this letter are so
important that I print them entire One of them seems
to be incomplete. It will be seen that the one
without date was written on the twenty fourth of September.
Samuel Adams to Joseph Warne, Philadelphia, September seventeen seventy four.
(11:07):
My dear sir, your letter of the twelfth Instant, directed
to mister Cushing and others, came duly to hand. The
subject of it is of the greatest importance. It is
difficult at this distance to form a judgment with any
degree of accuracy of what is best to be done.
The Eastern and Western counties appear to differ in sentiment
(11:27):
with regard to the two measures mentioned in your letter.
This difference of sentiment might produce opposition in case either
part should be taken. You know the vast importance of union.
That union is most likely to be obtained by a
consultation of deputies from the several towns, either at a House
of Representatives or provincial Congress. But the question still remains
(11:50):
which measure to adopt. It is probable the people would
be most united, as they would think it is safest
to abide by the present form of government, I mean,
according to the Charter. The governor has been appointed by
the Crown according to the Charter, but he has placed
himself at the head of a different constitution. If the
only constitutional council chosen last may have honesty and courage
(12:14):
enough to meet with the representatives chosen by the people
by virtue of the last Writ, and jointly proceed to
the public business. Would it not bring the Governor to
such an explicit conduct as either to restore the General
Assembly or give the two houses a fair occasion to
declare the chair vacant, in which case the Council would
hold it till another governor should be appointed. This would
(12:37):
immediately reduce the government prescribed in the Charter, and the
people would be united in what they would easily see
to be a constitutional opposition to tyranny. You know there
is a charm in the word constitutional. Samuel Adams to
Joseph Warrene, Philadelphia, September twenty fifth, seventeen seventy four. My
(12:59):
dear sir, I wrote you yesterday by the post. A
frequent communication at this critical conjuncture is necessary, as the
all important American cause so much depends upon each colonies
acting agreeably to the sentiments of the whole. It must
be useful to you to doe the sentiments which are
entertained here of the temper and conduct of our province. Heretofore,
(13:22):
we have been accounted by many intemperate and rash, but
now we are universally applauded as cool and judicious, as
well as spirited and brave. This is the character we
sustain in Congress. There is, however, a certain degree of
jealousy in the minds of some, that we aim at
a total independency, not only of the mother country, but
(13:43):
of the colonies too, and that as we are a
hardy and brave people, we shall in time overrun them all.
However groundless this jealousy may be, it ought to be
attended to, and is of weight in your deliberations on
the subject of your last letter. I spent yess yesterday
afternoon and evening with mister Dickinson. He is a true Bostonian.
(14:04):
It is his opinion that if Boston can safely remain
on the defensive, the liberties of America, which that town
has so nobly contended for, will be secured. The Congress have,
in the Resolve of the seventeenth Instant, given their sanction
to the resolutions of the County of Suffolk, one of
which is to act merely upon the defensive, so long
(14:26):
as such conduct may be justified by reason and the
principles of self preservation, but no longer. They have great
dependence upon your tried patience and fortitude. They suppose you
mean to defend your civil constitution, they strongly recommend preseverance
in a firm and temperate conduct, and give you a
full pledge of their united efforts in your behalf. They
(14:49):
have not yet come to final resolutions. It becomes them
to be deliberate. I have been assured in private conversation
with individuals that if you should be driven into the
necessity of acting in the defense of your lives or liberty,
you would be justified by their constituents and openly supported
by all the means in their power. But whether they
(15:10):
will ever be prevailed upon to think it necessary for
you to set up another form of government, I very
much for the reason I have before suggested. It is
of the greatest importance that the American opposition should be united,
and that it should be conducted so as to concur
with the opposition of our friends in England. At you,
(15:31):
Samuel Adams. Before these letters could have been received by Warren,
he was chosen at a meeting of the Freeholders at
Faniel Hall one of the delegates to the proposed provincial Congress.
The Boston delegation consisted of the four representatives Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock,
and William Phillips, with Warren, Benjamin Church and Nathaniel Appleton.
(15:55):
The instructions which the town gave to the delegates dot im,
probably prepared by Warren, are so brief and important that
I copy them. It will be seen that they come
fully up to while they do not go beyond the
resolution of the General Congress passed on the seventeenth Gentlemen,
as we have chosen you to represent us in the
(16:16):
Great and General Court, to be holden at Salem on Wednesday,
the fifth day of October next ensuing, we do hereby
instruct you that in all your doings as members of
the House of Representatives, you adhere firmly to the Charter
of this province, granted by their Majesties, King William and
Queen Mary, And that you do no act which can
(16:36):
possibly be construed into an acknowledgment of the validity of
the Act of British Parliament for altering the government of
the Massachusetts Bay. More especially, that you acknowledge the Honorable
Board of Councilors elected by the General Court at their
session in May last, as the only rightful and constitutional
council of this province, and we have reason to believe
(17:00):
that a conscientious discharge of your duty will produce your
dissolution as a house of Representatives. We do hereby empower
and instruct you to join with the members who may
be sent from this and the other towns in the province,
and to meet with them at a time agreed on
in a general provincial Congress, to act upon such matters
(17:20):
as may come before you, in such a manner as
shall appear to you most conducive to the true interests
of this town and province, and most likely to preserve
the liberties of all America. The following card from Warren
was printed in the Boston Gazette of the twenty sixth
of September. It is one of a class of facts
(17:40):
which show the absence in the great movement of the
American Revolution of the theological element, which in the old
world had played so great a part in the wars
and dealings of the nations. September twenty fourth, seventeen seventy four,
Messrs Printers, as I have been informed that the conduct
(18:02):
of some few persons of the Episcopal denomination, in maintaining
principles inconsistent with the rights and liberties of mankind, has
given offense to some of the jealous friends of this country.
I think myself obliged to publish the following extract of
a letter dated September ninth, seventeen seventy four, which I
received from my worthy and patriotic friend, mister Samuel Adams,
(18:26):
a member of the Congress now sitting in Philadelphia, by
which it appears that, however injudicious some individuals may have been,
the gentlemen of the Established Church of England are men
of the most just and liberal sentiments, and are high
in the esteem of the most sensible and resolute defenders
of the rights of the people of this continent. And
(18:47):
I earnestly request my countrymen to avoid every thing which
our enemies may make use of to prejudice our episcopal
brethren against us, by representing us as disposed to disturb
them in the free exports size of their religious privileges
to which we know they have the most undoubted claim,
and which from a real regard to the honor and
(19:08):
interest of my country and the rights of mankind, I
hope they will enjoy unmolested as long as the name
of America is known in the world. Jay Warren, after
settling the mode of voting, which is by giving each
colony and equal voice, it was agreed to open the
business with prayer. As many of our warmest friends are
(19:30):
members of the Church of England, I thought it prudent,
as well on that as on some other accounts, to
move that the service should be performed by a clergyman
of that denomination. Accordingly, the lessons of the day in
prayer were read by the reverend mister Duchet, who afterwards
made a most excellent extemporary prayer, by which he discovered
(19:51):
himself to be a gentleman of sense and piety, and
a warm advocate for the religious and civil rights of America.
The journals of the Committee of Correspondents attests the continuous
labors of Warren in its business. We meet daily church
a member rites daily occurrences demand our attention. An armed
(20:12):
truce is the sole tenure by which the inhabitants of
Boston possess life, liberty, or property. And John Pitts, another member,
wrote to Samuel Adams, in your absence, there have been,
as usual the improvement of the ready pens of a
warren and church, the criticism of a green leaf, the
vigilance and industry of Amano, and the united wisdom of
(20:35):
those who commonly compose the committee. The following letter shows
the state of things at the time of the assembling
of the Provincial Congress. Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston,
September twenty ninth, seventeen seventy four. Dear Sir, my last
letter of the twenty sixth Instant, you will doubtless have
(20:56):
received by the posts before this reached you. Since then
there have been rivals from England, by which we learn
that the ministry are still inflexible and obstinate. The consequence, then,
is that if America sees better days, it must be
the result of her own conduct. The fortifications on Boston
Neck are carried on without intermission. The troops are availing
(21:19):
themselves of every opportunity to make themselves more formidable and
render the people less able to oppose them. They keep
a constant search for everything which will be serviceable in battle, and,
whenever they aspire, any instruments which may serve or deserve them,
whether they are the property of individuals or the public
is immaterial. They are seized and carried into the camp
(21:41):
or on board the ships of war. Mister Joseph Scott
of this town has sold them a number of shells, cowburns,
chain shot, etc. To the amount of five hundred pounds sterling,
and yesterday about noon they were carried on board one
of the ships. The people are enraged against mister Scott,
and he keeps incognito. About two hundred carpenters were employed
(22:05):
last week in providing barracks for the troops. This week
the works are entirely forsaken. A few hands, indeed, are
raised from the regiments, but by no means enough to
carry on the buildings with expedition. The employment was profitable
to the tradesmen, and drew cash from the King to
circulate in this impoverished town. But in consequence of the
(22:26):
proceedings of the committee, they desisted and discovered a greater
version to do anything displeasing to their brethren in the country,
or that could possibly be injurious to the cause of
American freedom. The treatment which the inhabitants received from the
soldiery makes us think that they regard us as enemies
rather than as fellow subjects. Some of our warm advocates
(22:48):
can hardly brook the many private insults we receive. And
were it not that your August body had cautioned us
against any engagement with them, I fear bloodshed would have
ensued before this. When they carried the machines from mister Scott's,
it made us tremblingly alive all over. And it is
as much as our grave serious people can affect to
(23:10):
keep people from action. At some particular times. The determination
of the Congress is weighted with much impatience that we
expect will be decisive. In your letter from England were
enclosed to pamphlets. But as I knew you had one
of them at Philadelphia some time ago, and that Doctor
Winthrop had sent you the other, I did not think
(23:31):
it worthwhile to burden the carrier with them. Mister Samuel
Phillips Junior of Andover was this day carrying about a
dozen firearms over Charleston Ferry. The Sloop of War lying
in the river, dispatched a boat and seized them. A
load of straw, said to be the property of Major Goldthwaite,
(23:52):
was this day bringing to town for the use of soldiers,
but the high Suns of Roxbury gave it to the flames,
your worthy fan or all well, and would have you
informed that they think of you, though they are not
with Youjsiah Quincy Esquire sailed for London last Monday. People
were so rapacious for the intelligence bought from the Congress
(24:13):
by mister Revere that I thought myself bound to publish
an extract from your letter. And although it was done
without your permission, I know you will forgive it. Please
let mister Cushing know that I should not have published
his letter, but at the earnest request of a number
of our most valuable friends. These publications I think you
would approve if you were sensible of the animation they
(24:36):
give to our dejected friends. The inconnection and want of
form in this hasty production pleads for its excuse that
mister Revere waits for it. I am, dear sir, with
the utmost sincerity, your friend and humble servant, Joseph Warren,
mister Adams. The action of the Committee of Correspondence referred
(25:00):
d to in this letter related to work in building
barracks for the army. The committees of thirteen towns met
in Vaniel Hall agreed upon a systematic plan in relation
to a refusal of supplies, and declared all to be
inveterate enemies to their country who furnished any materials whatever
that would enable the troops to distress the inhabitants. The
(25:21):
journals also contained a particular account of an interview which
Warren now had with Governor Gage in relation to the
new fortification and the purchase of stores. General Gage, at
his official letters dwelt on the difficulties he encountered in
consequence of the action relative to labor and supplies. The
Governor now had to meet the more serious movement of
(25:42):
a provincial Congress. He issued a precept on the first
of September for a return of representatives to the General Court,
to be convened on the fifth of October at Salem.
But he says, when he saw the resolves passed by
some of the counties, and the instruction given by the
town of Boston and some other towns to their representatives,
(26:04):
he issued a proclamation on the twenty eighth of September,
declaring a General Court inexpedient, discharging all persons elected from
giving their attendants, and announcing his intention not to be
present at the time and place he had named. Agreeably
to the plan agreed upon, ninety of the representatives elect
met on the fifth of October at Salem. After waiting
(26:28):
a day for the appearance of the constitutional governor, they
resolved themselves into a provincial Congress, elected John Hancock their
chairman and Benjamin Lincoln their secretary, passed a series of resolves,
and adjourned to meet at Conquord. The action of the governor,
as it was neither a dissolution nor a prorogation of
(26:48):
the legislature, was declared by the patriots to be without
the warrant of law. The provincial Congress assembled on the
eleventh of October at Conquord. Many towns that did not
choose report presentatives elected delegates to this congress. There were
two hundred and eighty eight members, all but twenty present
who were sent by two hundred and twelve towns. John
(27:09):
Hancock was elected their president and Benjamin Lincoln their secretary.
The congress met first in the courthouse, but adjourned to
the meetinghouse. Many of the delegates had taken part in
the county conventions and subsequently were distinguished in civil or
military life. There were returned from the towns in Suffolk County.
Besides Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock and Warren, William Heath and
(27:32):
Benjamin Lincoln, generals throughout the Revolutionary War. From Essex were
John Pickering, Azor Orne, Jonathan Greenleaf and Elbridge Jerry. Who
were distinguished in political life. From Middlesex were Nathaniel Gorham,
a prominent member of the Convention that formed the Federal Constitution,
William Prescott and Thomas Gardner, colonels in the Bunker Hill Battle,
(27:56):
Richard Devins, an active member of the Committee of Safety,
James bare the commander of the militia it conquered on
the nineteenth of April, James Prescott, subsequently a judge, and
Henry Gardner, soon to be the Treasurer. Hampshire returned Seth Palmeroy,
a veteran of Louisbourg fame, and Joseph Hawley, a patriot
(28:16):
of decidedly the largest influence in the western part of
the province. Plymouth sent James Warren, a pioneer patriot who
became President of the provincial Congress. Bristol Robert treat Payne,
the poet and jurist, and York sent James Sullivan, the scholar,
statesman and future governor. From Worcester, came Artemis Ward, the
(28:36):
first commander of the colonial army, and Moses Gill and
timoth E Bigelow, distinguished in political life. The memories of
many other delegates are cherished for their character and intelligent
public service. The Congress was a fine representation of the
great interests of the province, as well as of its patriotism.
The proceedings of this body show that Warren shared largely
(28:58):
in its confidence and in its life labours. His letters
indicate that he felt the responsibility of the hour and
meant to act with caution. He and his associates from
Boston had before them a difficult role, for they found
themselves by far the most moderate men of the Congress,
the members in general being in favor of forming a
new government, and it was a duty not to fall
(29:20):
in with what was popular, but to do what was right.
The shallow declaimers of the day were rash, but the
thinkers said, these are great and profound questions. We are
grieved to find ourselves reduced to the necessity of entering
into the discussion of them. The last letter of Warren
shows his feeling on the vital question of taking up
(29:42):
a new local government, or of proceeding without outside advice
or authority as a separate, independent, sovereign state. The resolve
of Congress on the seventeenth of September was a recommendation
to defend in a firm and temperate way the civil Constitution,
and and in doing this, to use so much of
(30:02):
the law as remained. This also was the advice of
Samuel Adams and John Adams. After he had learned with
certainty the views of the members, wrote the proposal of
some among you of reassuming the old Charter is not
approved here at all. The proposal of setting up a
new form of government of our own is less approved. Still,
(30:23):
he wrote of the future in the following warning tone.
They the members will not at this session vote to
raise men or money, or arms or ammunition. Their opinions
are fixed against hostilities and ruptures, except that they should
become absolutely necessary, And this necessity they do not yet see.
(30:43):
They dread the thoughts of an action because it would
make a wound which would never be healed. It would
fix and establish a ranker which would descend to the
latest generations. It would render all hopes of reconciliation with
Great Britain desperate, it would light up the flames of war,
perhaps through the whole continent, which might rage for twenty
years and end in the subduction of America as likely
(31:07):
as her liberties. Such language must have increased the anxiety
of the popular leaders in the Provincial Congress. A close
inspection of its preceding shows that little of a positive
character was done for ten days, or until after a
med at Cambridge. It was evidently awaiting the final action
of the Grand American Congress. As the Philadelphia Body was termed,
(31:31):
it was now said that the whole attention and conversation
were wrapped up in the Congress. An intelligent Boston patriot,
John Pitts, in a letter to Samuel Adams, relative to
the views of the members of the Provincial Congress on
the question of a subordinate government, said, without doubt they
would be cautious to take the sense of your body,
(31:52):
from whose wisdom we hope for relief. In fact, it
had long been an understanding, reached through the organization of
commit of correspondence, that the patriots of one colony should
take no important step without the concurrence of the patriots
of the other colonies. In this spirit, the proceedings relative
to the Tea had been carried on. In this spirit,
(32:14):
the people had refused to obey the officials acting under
the Regulating Act. In this spirit, the wise popular leaders
meant to proceed in the formation of a new government.
Man had not attained to perfection. In Massachusetts. There were mobs,
personal insults, and silly gasconade, and the violent talked as
though they were ready at the head of a town,
(32:35):
or a county or a colony to brave the British Empire.
This was the effervescence of the hour. It was the
material which for years supplied what truth there was in
the wanton misrepresentations of the patriots by the Tories, who
said that this was the patriot cause. To the statesmen
of that day in all the colonies, who, amidst the
(32:58):
unavoidable confusion in up holding this cause, held on to
social order and national unity. Is the world indebted for
the American Revolution. Warren, in the letter just printed, said
that the determination of Congress was awaited with much impatience,
and that would be decisive, and that people were rapacious
(33:19):
for intelligence from it. It is said in the newspapers
that Congress continued in private solemn deliberation, and as the
members were under some honorary ties of secrecy, nothing had
transpired of their proceedings. Ten days later, nothing had transpired
from this body, but it was reported that Paul Revere,
(33:40):
who went as an express from Boston to the delegates,
was waiting in Philadelphia for the result of the determinations
of Congress. A week later, on the twentieth of October,
the Massachusetts Gazette contained this announcement. A gentleman last evening
favored us with the following resolves just come to hand,
and from Philadelphia. They were five in number. The first,
(34:03):
having been passed on the eighth of October, resolved that
this Congress approve of the opposition made by the inhabitants
of the Massachusetts Bay to the execution of the late
Acts of Parliament, and if the same shall be attempted
to be carried into execution by force, in such case,
all America ought to support them in their opposition. The
(34:26):
four other resolves were designed to meet the condition of
the affairs in the province. One recommended that the people
continue peaceably and firmly in the line they are now
conducting themselves on the defensive. Another substantially advised a suspension
of action relative to instituting a new government until the
effect was known of an application for a repeal of
(34:48):
the Act by which their charter rights were infringed. End
of Chapter twelve, Part one,
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