July 26, 2025 • 34 mins
Delve into the life of Joseph Warren, an influential figure in the early stages of the American Revolution. His understanding and advocacy for civil freedom made him a beloved leader in Boston and eventually propelled him to the forefront of public affairs in Massachusetts. Warrens ten-year commitment to the cause of liberty made him a notable figure in New Englands history. His life was marked by action, his words were as powerful as deeds. He tirelessly fought against the encroachments of unjust power, championing the principles of liberty through his writings, private club discussions, and leadership in public meetings. Join us as we explore the dignity and glory of Warrens life - a man whose legacy continues to inspire. - Summary by Richard Frothingham
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Chapter twelve, Part two of Life and Times of Joseph
Warne by Richard Frothingham. This LibriVox recording is in the
public domain. Samuel Adams now wrote to doctor Young, I
think our countrymen discover the spirit of Rome or Sparta.
I admire in them that patience which you have often
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heard me say is characteristic of the patriot enter arma,
silent leges. I have written to our friends to provide
themselves without delay with arms and ammunition, get well instructed
into military art, embody themselves, and prepare a complete set
of rules that they may be ready in case they
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are called to defend themselves against the violent acts of despotism.
Surely the laws of self preservation will warrant it in
this time of danger and doubtful expectation. On the afternoon
of the day of the publication of these resolves, the
provincial Congress appointed a committee to consider what was necessary
to do for the defense and safety of the province.
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I need not present in detail the proceedings on this
report or the doings of the Congress. The debates for
several days were long in earnest, but there is no
report of the speeches. The deliberations resulted in the adoption
on the twenty sixth of a series of resolves which
provided for the creation of a Committee of Public Safety
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as a sort of directory to take care of the Commonwealth,
which may be summed up as an authority, to organize
the militia, and to provide military stores when they should
take the field. The resolves also provided for officers to
command this force. On the next day, the Congress elected
by ballot nine of its members to compose the committee,
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choosing first three from Boston and then nine from the country.
They elected Hancock, Warren and Church from the town, Richard
Devins of Charlestown, Benjamin White of Brookline, Joseph Palmer of Braintree,
Norton Quincy who declined, Abraham Watson of Cambridge, Azor Orne
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of Marblehead. Subsequently, John Pidgeon of Newton, William Heath of Roxbury,
and Jabez Fisher of Wrentham were added. The Congress next
elected five commissaries, who were called a Committee of Supplies,
David Cheever, Moses Gill, Jeremiah Lee, Benjamin Lincoln and Benjamin Hall.
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Three general officers were then chosen Jedediah Prebble, Artemus Ward
and Seth Palmeroy. On the twenty eighth Congress passed the
resolve inviting the constitutional members of His Majesty's Council of
this Colony by the Royal Charter, chose in last May
to meet with the Congress at their adjournment, and on
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the twenty ninth appointed Henry Gardner, Receiver General, to receive
the usual revenue for the use of the province at
the of the constables, collectors and other persons. The Congress
appointed a day of public thanksgiving, in particular from a
consideration of the union which so remarkably prevailed not only
in the province but throughout the continent. At dis alarming crisis,
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the Congress on the twenty ninth adjourned until the twenty
third of November. It declined to take action on the
formation of a new government and adhered strictly to the
recommendations of the Continental Congress. Warren's name occurs on committees
from the commencement to the close of the session. He
now began a great service as a member of the
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Committee of Public Safety, the executive of the Colony. It
met on the second of November at Cambridge and organized
by the choice of John Hancock as chairman, but he
did not attend the next session, and Warren's name stands
on its journal at the head of the list of
members present. At this meeting, the committee voted to purchase
provisions for an army, and at the second meeting on
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the eighth, they voted to procure all the arms and
ammunition which they could of the neighboring provinces. On the
evening of the next day, Cushing and the two Adamses
came into the town from Congress, where the people testified
their joy at their safe arrival by ringing the bells,
some of them till midnight. Hancock did not attend the
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next meeting of the Committee of Safety on the fifteenth,
when it was voted to have seven large pieces of
cannon carried out of Boston. Warren, in behalf of the
Committee of Donations, now replied to a letter from the
Committee of Middletown, Connecticut, which enumerated things that roused their
attention and zeal and induced them to unite with their
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brethren throughout the continent. They said the claim of Parliament
was enforced by the grossest violation of royal faith in
tearing up by the roots the ancient Charter of Massachusetts,
and by all the evils of Pandora's box, let loose
in the new form of government imposed upon the people.
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The reply to this spirited letter is as follows. Reply
to Middletown, Boston, November seventeenth, seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen, your
kind letter of the seventeenth of October came safe to
hand when we reflect on the great importance of the
controversy in which we are engaged. When we consider that
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America will be free and happy or severely wretched according
as we conduct ourselves, we tremble. But that we are
contending for our rights. That the continent supports us makes
us confident and determined. The plan which has been so
long concerted to deprive America of her rights seems now
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to be executing. And that the ministry have chosen the
town of Boston as their first victim. That we are
sequestered from all America for a criterion by which they
shall determine how far the idea of despotic government is
compatible with the sentiments of freeborn Americans, gives us no concern,
because the spirit which is discovered in Middletown has diffused
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itself through the continent. Many have been the devices, subtle
have been the schemes, and low the artifices made use
of to so distension and division. But the virtue of
our country has risen superior to them all. And we
see a band now formed which will encourage our friends
and confound our enemies. The ministry have hitherto kept the
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people of Great Britain ignorant of the true state of America.
They have, by bribes and falsehoods, deceived the nation. Truth
and justice were never so effectually enveloped in the thick
clouds of calumny and detraction. The mercenary writers they have
employed to misrepresent, vilify, and abuse the Bostonians afford us
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a striking instance of the base methods they pursue to
ruin us. We have, however, the best grounds to think
that the tide is turning in our favor. The eyes
of the people of Britain begin to be opened. The coolness, temper,
and firmness of the Americans proceedings, the unanimity of all
the colonies in the same sentiments of their rights and
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of the injustice offered to Boston and the patients with
which those injuries are at present born, without the least
appearance of submission, have a good deal surprised and disappointed
our enemies, and the tone of public conversation, which has
been so violently against us, begins evidently to turn. This
is the language of as good a friend as America
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has in England, and whose authority we can rely on.
And if this most desirable change had taken place before
the proceedings of the American Congress were known in England,
what may we expect upon their being known? Had not
the present ministry discovered such rancor and such malice in
their proceedings in respect to America America, we should expect
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everything to our wishes. But we have had such full
demonstration of their diabolical designs against us that we can
look for nothing from them but what our own virtue
and spirit can extort. The regular, firm and spirited conduct
of the continent. If they should even fail of success,
will eternally redound to their honor. And should they meet
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that success which there cause merits, they must be the
happiest people on whom the sun shines. The propriety and
zeal with which the Town of Middletown have treated the
indignity which is offered to their country seems to be
a renewing that glorious ardor which warmed the breasts of
their progenitors. It is a disposition which has heretofore been
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attended with prosperity. The support which they have formerly so
liberally affwarded the Town of Boston in their sufferings, demands
our warmest gratitude. This recent instance of their good wishes
for our success, and the readiness and forwardness which they
discover to do everything in their power for maintaining and
preserving the rights of their country, and for supporting and
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feeding any who are immediate sufferers by the vengeance of
their enemies, cannot fail to excite gratitude from every friend
to the rights of mankind, and from the Town of
Boston in particular. We are not insensible, although there is
a probability that our grievances will be redressed, that everything
yet depends on our own virtue and resolution. Great patience, vigilance,
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and public spirit are still necessary. The point has been
so long and so strenuously contended for that our enemies
will never give it up till they are compelled by
the last and most unavoidable necessity. Our cause is so just,
and we are so sensible, how necessary it is to
defend it that we have no doubt. But with the
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blessing of Heaven upon us and upon the many good
friends engaged for us, we shall be able to hold
on and hold out until oppression, in justice and tyranny
shall be superseded by freedom, justice, and good government. And
we cannot but flatter ourselves that while we are contending
for justice for ourselves, we shall be instrumental in calling
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back that virtue which of late years has fled from
the councils of our parent country. We are gentlemen, your friends,
and obliged humble servants, Joseph Warrene, per order of the
Committee of Donations PS. We have just now by Captain
Shepherd from London, received His Majesty's proclamation for dissolving the
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late Parliament of Great Britain, whose conduct respecting America will
be remembered with horror through all succeeding generations, to the
Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Middletown. Warren, four
days after penning this magnetic utterance, sent a remarkable letter
to Hasiaquin's, who was in London. He was a kindred spirit,
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and closed his observations on the port Bill in the
following strain America hath in store her brute and Cassi
her Hampton's and Sydney's patriots and heroes, who will form
a band of brothers, men who will have memories and feelings,
courage and swords, courage that shall inflame their ardent bosoms
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till their hands cleave to their swords, and their swords
to their enemies, hearts. His biographer, in printing Warren's letter,
remarks that it is peculiarly interesting because few similar records
of his mind remained, and as it evidences that the
life he sacrificed on Bunker Hill was offered not under
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the excitement of the moment, but with a fixed and
deliberate purpose. No language can be more decisive of the
spirit which predominated in his bosom. It is the united
voice of America to preserve their freedom or lose their
lives in defense of it. The passages I have put
in italics are placed by Bancroft at the beginning of
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one of the chapters of his history. To Hosiah Quincy Junior, Boston,
November twenty first, seventeen seventy four. Dear sir, as, nothing
interesting which I am at liberty to communicate has taken
place since your departure from home. Accept such matters as
you could not fail of being informed of by the
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public papers. I have deferred writing to you, knowing that
upon your first arrival in London, you would be greatly
engaged in forming your connections with the friends of this country,
to whom you have been recommended. Our friends who have
been at the Continental Congress are in high spirits on
account of the union which prevails throughout the colonies. It
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is the united voice of America to preserve their freedom
or lose their lives in defense of it. Their resolutions
are not the effect of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound
result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am convinced that
the true spirit of liberty was never so universally diffused
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through all ranks and orders of people in any country
on the face of the earth, as it now is
through all North America. The Provincial Congress met and conquered
at the time appointed, about two hundred and sixty members
were present. You would have thought yourself in an assembly
of Spartans or ancient Romans, had you been a witness
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to the ardor which inspired those who spoke upon the
important business they were transacting. An injunction of secrecy prevents
my giving any particulars of their transactions, except such as
by their express order were published in the papers. But
in general you may be assured that they approved themselves
the true representatives of a wise and brave people, determined
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at all events to be free. I know I might
be indulged in giving you an account of our transactions,
were I sure this would get safe to you. But
I dare not, as the times are risks so important intelligence.
Next Wednesday, the twenty third Instant, we shall meet again.
According to a German. All that I can safely communicate
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to you shall be speedily transmitted. I am of opinion
that the dissolution of the British Parliament, which we were
acquainted with last week, together with some favorable letters received
from England, will induce us to bear the inconvenience of
living without government until we have some farther intelligence of
what may be expected from England. It will require, however,
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a very masterly policy to keep the province for any
considerable time longer. In its present state, the town of
Boston is by far the most moderate part of the province.
They are silent and inflexible. They hope for relief, but
they have found from experience that they can bear to
suffer more than their oppressors or themselves thought possible. They
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feel the injuries they receive. They are the frequent subject
of conversation, but they take an honest pride in being
singled out by a tyrannical administration as the most determined
enemies to an arbitrary power. They know that their merits,
not their crimes, have made them the objects of ministerial vengeance.
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We endeavor to live as peaceably as possible with the soldiery,
but disputes and quarrels often arise between the troops and
the inhabitants. General Gage has made very few new maneuvers
since you left us. He has indeed rendered the entrenchments
at the entrance of the town as formidable as he
possibly could. I have frequently been sent to him on committees,
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and have several times had private conversations with him. I
have thought him a man of honest, upright principles, and
one desirous of accommodating the difference between Great Britain and
her colonies in a just and honorable way. He did
not appear to be desirous of continuing the quarrel in
order to make himself necessary, which is too often the
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case with persons employed in public affairs. But a copy
of a letter via Philadelphia said to be written from
him to Lord North gives a very different cast to
his character. His answer to the Provincial Congress, which was
certainly ill judged, I suppose, was the work of some
of that malicious group of harpies, whose disappointments make them
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desirous to urge the governor to drive everything to extremes.
But in this letter, if it be genuine, he seems
to court the office of a destroyer of the liberties
and murderer of the people of this province. But you
have doubtless read the paper and thought with indignation on
its contents. I wish to know of you how affairs
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stand in Great Britain, and what was the principal motive
of the dissolution of Parliament? If the late Acts of
Parliament are not to be repealed. The why esis step
for both countries is fairly to separate and not spend
their blood and treasure in destroying each other. It is
barely possible that Britain may depopulate North America, but I
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trust in God she can never conquer the inhabitants. And
if the cruel experiment is made, I am sure, whatever
fortunes may attend America, that Britain will curse the wretch who,
to stop the mouths of his ravenous pack of dependence,
bartered away the wealth and glory of her empire. I
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have not time to say more at present than to
assure you that from this time you may expect to
hear from me news or no news, by every vessel,
and that my earnest wish is that your abilities and
integrity may be of eminent service to your country. I am, dear, Sir,
your most obedient servant, Joseph Warren. General Gage's letters now
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show that he realized the import of the political unity
which had been reached by the Patriots, on informing Lord
Dartmouth on the fifteenth that he had issued a proclamation
declaring the Provincial Congress an unlawful body and tending to
riot and rebellion. He said that it had been encouraged
to go to the lengths it had gone by the
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General Union and the readiness of the New England provinces
to appear in arms, and that the proceedings of the
Continental Congress astonished and terrified all considerate men. A few
days after Gage had issued his proclamation, and when according
to his representation, all considerate men were in terror, of
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the Provincial Congress, on the twenty third of November reviewed
its session. It invited John Adams and Robert treat Payne
to attend the meetings, the other delegates to the General Congress,
Cushing and Samuel Adams being members. It is not necessary
to relate here in detail the proceedings of this body.
The political center was now the Grand American Congress, and
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the Chief Committee of the See Ession was the one
appointed to consider its doings. Joseph Hawley was the chairman,
and the other members were Samuel Dexter, Joseph Warren, Jeremia Lee,
James Warren, Elbridge Jerry, and Benjamin Church. Their report was
a grateful endorsement of the proceedings of the General Congress
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and an adoption of the Association and recommending the people
to observe it. This body continued the preparatory work of defense,
but went no farther. On the last day of the session,
December tenth, a report which had been made on the
question of assuming civil government was taken up, considered, and
ordered to lie on the table. This Congress issued and
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addressed to the inhabitants, briefly explaining and urging the measures
that had been adopted. It presented the general intelligence from England,
together with the increase of the army and Navy, as
exciting the strongest jealousy, that the system of colony administration
destructive to American liber was to be pursued and to
be attempted with force, to be carried into execution. In
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a tone alike Solomon elevated, it said, you are placed
by providence in the post of honor, because it is
the post of danger. And while struggling for the noblest objects,
the liberties of your country, the happiness of posterity, and
the rights of human nature, the eyes not only of
North America and the whole British Empire, but of all
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Europe are upon you. It is added, let us therefore
altogether solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing unbecoming our characters
as Americans, as citizens, as Christians, be justly chargeable to us.
Warren was now serving in the Committee of Correspondents, which
continued its vigilant watch of passing events. The following note
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is copied from the original in his handwriting, dated two
days after the adjournment of Congress, Boston, December twelfth, seventeen
seventy four. Gentlemen, we think it our duty to inform
you that one of the transports sailed from this port
yesterday in the afternoon, with several hundred soldiers on board.
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There are various conjectures concerning her destination, but it is
generally believed she is designed for Newport, and that the
troops are to take possession of the fortress there. The
vigilance of our enemies is well known. They doubt not
the bravery of our countrymen. But if they can get
our fortresses, our arms, and ammunition into their custody, they
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will despise all our attempts to shake off their fetters.
We are convinced that you will do what prudence directs
upon this important occasion, and are with great esteem your
friends and humble servants several town meetings were held in
December in Boston. On political affairs, Warren was placed on
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the Inspection Committee created to carry into effect the Association
of the Continental Camps, on a committee to prepare a
vote of thanks to the colonies for the contributions made
for the poor of the town, and on another to
frame an answer to general gage. On the thirtieth of December,
he was chosen a delegate to the Second Provincial Congress.
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In the records of the Committee of Safety, he is
named on a committee to inspect the Commissary stores in Boston.
Warren was now engaged in the various duties town, provincial,
and national by which the Patriots as a party were
carrying on their work. Though there was strictly speaking neither
local nor general government, yet the majority of people in
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most of the colonies was so decisively arrayed in support
of the measures of the Patriots that the recommendations, both
local and general were obeyed as rigidly as though they
had the authority of law. The Tory Party was now
uncommonly active in Boston and elsewhere. Its organs denounced the
Patriots as hypocrites, independents, Republicans, sewers of sedition and rebels.
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It had long been said in Boston by adherents of
this party that the local charter or constitution was based
on principles much too democratic and subversive of all peace,
good order and government, and ought to be annihilated. It
was said in the British House of Commons by Lord
George Germain that there could not be a better thing
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than to do away with town meetings, and he would
bring the Constitution of America as similar to the Constitution
of England as possible. He said that the Massachusetts was
governed by a tumultuous and riotous rabble, and he would
not have men of a mercantile caste every day collecting
themselves together and debating about political matters, for they ought
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to follow their mercantile employment and not trouble themselves with
politics and government which they do not understand. A divine
said from his pulpit in Charleston, South Carolina, that mechanics
and cuny clowns had no right to dispute about politics
or what kings, lords and commons had done or might do.
These citations show the spirit of the party which now
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ruled England. Which had sympathizers in the colonies, and claimed
the right of legislating in all cases whatsoever for America,
and the Regulating Act was the assertion of this right.
But the United Colonies demanded a repeal of this Act,
as well as of other acts conceived in a similar spirit.
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Warren wrote that if this were not done, the wisest
step for both countries was to separate and not spend
their blood and treasure in destroying each other. And Franklin
said to the Ministry that the colonies must risk life
and everything rather than submit to the claim of altering
the local laws and charters at will. The United Voice
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of America urged and even commanded the people of Massachusetts
to resist to the bitter end the new law. It
was the vote of Congress on the eighth of October
pledging the fate of the colonies to Massachusetts that hardened
George the Third to listen to no terms. The tone
of the Whigs on the adjournment of the Continental Congress
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was exultant in the extreme. The Union's step of instituting
committees of correspondence had grown into the national measure of
the Association for Non Importation Non exportation and non consumption.
It is not necessary to discuss the question whether these
were sound or wise measures to carry out on the
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eve of a war. It was a great statemanship to
attain the result of United Councils. It was soon related
in the journals that committees were appointed in almost every
seaport from Georgia to New Hampshire to observe that the
Continental Association be complied with in every article therein recommended.
At this time the Congress aimed neither at independence nor
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at civil war, but for redress of grievances and a
restoration of harmony with the mother country. The point fairly
reached was that of a party supporting a real American union.
The feeling of the hour was nowhere more earnestly expressed
than in the utterances from South Carolina. Be comforted, ye
oppressed Bostonians, and exalt ye northern votaries of liberty, that
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the sacred rays of freedom which used to be from
you on us, are now reverberated with double efficacy back
upon yourselves, from your weaker sister Carolina, who stands foremost
in her resolution to sacrifice her all in your defense. Again,
many thanks to the worthy Congress re echoes from the
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generous breasts of grateful thousands. Oh glorious day, Oh happy union,
from Nova Scotia to Georgia. One mighty mind inspires the whole.
When I consider the unanimity, the firmness, the wisdom of
our late representatives, I feel a joy unutterable, and an
exultation never felt before. It would be easy to fill
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pages with similar citations from the newspapers of other colonies.
The following is extracted from a glowing communication in the
Pennsylvania Packet. The American Congress derives all its power, wisdom,
and action not from scrawled parchments signed by kings, but
from the people. A freeman, in honoring and obeying the Congress,
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honors and obeys himself. I almost wish to hear the
triumphs of the Jubilee of the year eighteen seventy four,
to see the medals, pictures, fragments of writings, etc. That
shall be displayed to revive the memory of the proceedings
of Congress in the year seventeen seventy four. If any
adventitious circumstances shall give precedency on that day, it shall
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be to inherit the blood, or even to possess the
name of a member of that glorious assembly. This language
marks the hour of an outburst of genuine Americanism, when
a great party were inspired with the purpose of freeing
their country by a change of administration from the control
of a party who claimed the right not merely to
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mold their forms of government, but to monopolize the fruits
of their labor. For what purpose, Lord Carmathan asked in
the debate on the Regulating Act, were they the colonists
suffered to go to that country unless the profits of
their labor should return to their masters. Here union meant
resistance to this arrogance and mastership. It meant more, it
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meant action in behalf of rights common to humanity. The
great utterances of Congress are pervaded by the spirit of
universal liberty. The words of the representative patriots of that time,
whether they came from a Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina
and Alexander Hamilton of New York, a John Dickinson of Pennsylvania,
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or a se Emuel Adams of Massachusetts, were broad and decisive.
All are summed up in the words of Washington, who
was soon to be the representative of his country. He
pronounced the issue to involve the most essential and valuable
rights of mankind. The hour had its symbol. On the
first American flag was inscribed the motto Liberty and Union.
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In this spirit, Warren and other popular leaders were conducting
affairs in Massachusetts. Neither this province, Washington now said, nor
any other province, desired separately or collectively to set up
for independence. But he added, none of them will ever
submit to the loss of those rights and privileges without
which life, liberty, and property were insecure. In this spirit
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of self preservation, and by the advice of a body
whose voice was as the voice of American law, the
local popular leaders went on during the winter with the
work of military preparation. Meantime, the donations flowed into Boston,
and the letters which accompanied them continued to be on
the rising. Tenor one of them from Durham, New Hampshire,
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addressed to the Boston Committee, was printed, what you receive,
the Durham Committee say, comes not from the opulent, but
mostly from the industrious yeomanry. In this parish we have
but few persons of affluence, but they cheerfully contributed This
is considered by us not as a gift or an
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act of charity, but of justice to those who are
bravely standing in the gap between us and slavery, defending
the common interest of the whole continent. We can with
truth assure you, gentlemen, that in this quarter we are
engaged to a man in your defense and in defense
of the common cause. We are ready to communicate of
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our substance largely as your necessities require, and with our states,
to give our life lives, and mingle our blood with
yours in the common sacrifice to liberty. Throughout the province,
ordinary minds gave way to the duty which engrossed all
minds and stirred all hearts. For the great business of
the hour was organization. In compliance with the recommendations of
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the Continental and the provincial Congresses. The inhabitants in their
several towns now signed agreements to meet from military drill
elected officers, and entered it into pledges to obey at
a minute's warning a summons to take the field. These
bands of citizen soldiers on parade days repaired to the churches,
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where the village pastor prayed for strength from on high
and the village Hampdens uttered the exhortation to fight to
the last, if need be for the ancient liberties. The
national spirit of the time is embodied in the following song,
which is ascribed to Warren and was printed this year
in the newspapers, A song Liberty, to the tune of
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the British Grenadier. That seed of science haths and Earth's
proud ministress Rome, where now are all their glories? We
scarce can find their tomb, then guard you write, some Americans,
no stoop to lawless way, A posa posa posa post
for North America, proud albion bowed to seizeer and numerous
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hosts before, two picks to Danes, to Normans, and many
masters more. But we can boast Americans have never fallen
a prey. Hazahazahasahasa for free America. We let fear freeedom.
Hither and lo the desert smiled, A parade of pleasure
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now opened in the wild. Your harvest full, Americans, no
power shall snatch away, preserve freezer, preserve your rights in
a free America, torn from a world of tyrants. Being
eat this western sky, we formed a new domain in
a lend of liberty the world shown. We're freemen here
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and such will ever be huzahasahasahaza for love and liberty.
God bless this maiden climb and through her vast domain
may hosts of heroes cluster that'scorn to wear a chain,
and blast of anal sink events who dare our rights betray,
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Assert yourselves, yourselves, yourself for a brave America. Lift up
your heart's my heroes, and swear with proud disdain the
wretch that would in stare you shall spread his net
in vain, should your re empty or her force wod
meet them in array and shout huzzahaz A, huzza for
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a brave a man. America, the land where freedom rain
shall still be masters of the main in giving laws
and freedom to subject. France and Spain, and all thus
are ocean spreads, shall tremble and obey the prince who
rules my freedom's law in North America. End of Chapter twelve,
(34:22):
Part two,
Chapter twelve, Part two of Life and Times of Joseph
Warne by Richard Frothingham. This LibriVox recording is in the
public domain. Samuel Adams now wrote to doctor Young, I
think our countrymen discover the spirit of Rome or Sparta.
I admire in them that patience which you have often
(00:23):
heard me say is characteristic of the patriot enter arma,
silent leges. I have written to our friends to provide
themselves without delay with arms and ammunition, get well instructed
into military art, embody themselves, and prepare a complete set
of rules that they may be ready in case they
(00:43):
are called to defend themselves against the violent acts of despotism.
Surely the laws of self preservation will warrant it in
this time of danger and doubtful expectation. On the afternoon
of the day of the publication of these resolves, the
provincial Congress appointed a committee to consider what was necessary
to do for the defense and safety of the province.
(01:06):
I need not present in detail the proceedings on this
report or the doings of the Congress. The debates for
several days were long in earnest, but there is no
report of the speeches. The deliberations resulted in the adoption
on the twenty sixth of a series of resolves which
provided for the creation of a Committee of Public Safety
(01:28):
as a sort of directory to take care of the Commonwealth,
which may be summed up as an authority, to organize
the militia, and to provide military stores when they should
take the field. The resolves also provided for officers to
command this force. On the next day, the Congress elected
by ballot nine of its members to compose the committee,
(01:49):
choosing first three from Boston and then nine from the country.
They elected Hancock, Warren and Church from the town, Richard
Devins of Charlestown, Benjamin White of Brookline, Joseph Palmer of Braintree,
Norton Quincy who declined, Abraham Watson of Cambridge, Azor Orne
(02:10):
of Marblehead. Subsequently, John Pidgeon of Newton, William Heath of Roxbury,
and Jabez Fisher of Wrentham were added. The Congress next
elected five commissaries, who were called a Committee of Supplies,
David Cheever, Moses Gill, Jeremiah Lee, Benjamin Lincoln and Benjamin Hall.
(02:32):
Three general officers were then chosen Jedediah Prebble, Artemus Ward
and Seth Palmeroy. On the twenty eighth Congress passed the
resolve inviting the constitutional members of His Majesty's Council of
this Colony by the Royal Charter, chose in last May
to meet with the Congress at their adjournment, and on
(02:52):
the twenty ninth appointed Henry Gardner, Receiver General, to receive
the usual revenue for the use of the province at
the of the constables, collectors and other persons. The Congress
appointed a day of public thanksgiving, in particular from a
consideration of the union which so remarkably prevailed not only
in the province but throughout the continent. At dis alarming crisis,
(03:17):
the Congress on the twenty ninth adjourned until the twenty
third of November. It declined to take action on the
formation of a new government and adhered strictly to the
recommendations of the Continental Congress. Warren's name occurs on committees
from the commencement to the close of the session. He
now began a great service as a member of the
(03:38):
Committee of Public Safety, the executive of the Colony. It
met on the second of November at Cambridge and organized
by the choice of John Hancock as chairman, but he
did not attend the next session, and Warren's name stands
on its journal at the head of the list of
members present. At this meeting, the committee voted to purchase
provisions for an army, and at the second meeting on
(04:01):
the eighth, they voted to procure all the arms and
ammunition which they could of the neighboring provinces. On the
evening of the next day, Cushing and the two Adamses
came into the town from Congress, where the people testified
their joy at their safe arrival by ringing the bells,
some of them till midnight. Hancock did not attend the
(04:22):
next meeting of the Committee of Safety on the fifteenth,
when it was voted to have seven large pieces of
cannon carried out of Boston. Warren, in behalf of the
Committee of Donations, now replied to a letter from the
Committee of Middletown, Connecticut, which enumerated things that roused their
attention and zeal and induced them to unite with their
(04:43):
brethren throughout the continent. They said the claim of Parliament
was enforced by the grossest violation of royal faith in
tearing up by the roots the ancient Charter of Massachusetts,
and by all the evils of Pandora's box, let loose
in the new form of government imposed upon the people.
(05:04):
The reply to this spirited letter is as follows. Reply
to Middletown, Boston, November seventeenth, seventeen seventy four. Gentlemen, your
kind letter of the seventeenth of October came safe to
hand when we reflect on the great importance of the
controversy in which we are engaged. When we consider that
(05:27):
America will be free and happy or severely wretched according
as we conduct ourselves, we tremble. But that we are
contending for our rights. That the continent supports us makes
us confident and determined. The plan which has been so
long concerted to deprive America of her rights seems now
(05:47):
to be executing. And that the ministry have chosen the
town of Boston as their first victim. That we are
sequestered from all America for a criterion by which they
shall determine how far the idea of despotic government is
compatible with the sentiments of freeborn Americans, gives us no concern,
because the spirit which is discovered in Middletown has diffused
(06:10):
itself through the continent. Many have been the devices, subtle
have been the schemes, and low the artifices made use
of to so distension and division. But the virtue of
our country has risen superior to them all. And we
see a band now formed which will encourage our friends
and confound our enemies. The ministry have hitherto kept the
(06:34):
people of Great Britain ignorant of the true state of America.
They have, by bribes and falsehoods, deceived the nation. Truth
and justice were never so effectually enveloped in the thick
clouds of calumny and detraction. The mercenary writers they have
employed to misrepresent, vilify, and abuse the Bostonians afford us
(06:55):
a striking instance of the base methods they pursue to
ruin us. We have, however, the best grounds to think
that the tide is turning in our favor. The eyes
of the people of Britain begin to be opened. The coolness, temper,
and firmness of the Americans proceedings, the unanimity of all
the colonies in the same sentiments of their rights and
(07:17):
of the injustice offered to Boston and the patients with
which those injuries are at present born, without the least
appearance of submission, have a good deal surprised and disappointed
our enemies, and the tone of public conversation, which has
been so violently against us, begins evidently to turn. This
is the language of as good a friend as America
(07:40):
has in England, and whose authority we can rely on.
And if this most desirable change had taken place before
the proceedings of the American Congress were known in England,
what may we expect upon their being known? Had not
the present ministry discovered such rancor and such malice in
their proceedings in respect to America America, we should expect
(08:01):
everything to our wishes. But we have had such full
demonstration of their diabolical designs against us that we can
look for nothing from them but what our own virtue
and spirit can extort. The regular, firm and spirited conduct
of the continent. If they should even fail of success,
will eternally redound to their honor. And should they meet
(08:24):
that success which there cause merits, they must be the
happiest people on whom the sun shines. The propriety and
zeal with which the Town of Middletown have treated the
indignity which is offered to their country seems to be
a renewing that glorious ardor which warmed the breasts of
their progenitors. It is a disposition which has heretofore been
(08:46):
attended with prosperity. The support which they have formerly so
liberally affwarded the Town of Boston in their sufferings, demands
our warmest gratitude. This recent instance of their good wishes
for our success, and the readiness and forwardness which they
discover to do everything in their power for maintaining and
preserving the rights of their country, and for supporting and
(09:09):
feeding any who are immediate sufferers by the vengeance of
their enemies, cannot fail to excite gratitude from every friend
to the rights of mankind, and from the Town of
Boston in particular. We are not insensible, although there is
a probability that our grievances will be redressed, that everything
yet depends on our own virtue and resolution. Great patience, vigilance,
(09:34):
and public spirit are still necessary. The point has been
so long and so strenuously contended for that our enemies
will never give it up till they are compelled by
the last and most unavoidable necessity. Our cause is so just,
and we are so sensible, how necessary it is to
defend it that we have no doubt. But with the
(09:55):
blessing of Heaven upon us and upon the many good
friends engaged for us, we shall be able to hold
on and hold out until oppression, in justice and tyranny
shall be superseded by freedom, justice, and good government. And
we cannot but flatter ourselves that while we are contending
for justice for ourselves, we shall be instrumental in calling
(10:17):
back that virtue which of late years has fled from
the councils of our parent country. We are gentlemen, your friends,
and obliged humble servants, Joseph Warrene, per order of the
Committee of Donations PS. We have just now by Captain
Shepherd from London, received His Majesty's proclamation for dissolving the
(10:40):
late Parliament of Great Britain, whose conduct respecting America will
be remembered with horror through all succeeding generations, to the
Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Middletown. Warren, four
days after penning this magnetic utterance, sent a remarkable letter
to Hasiaquin's, who was in London. He was a kindred spirit,
(11:03):
and closed his observations on the port Bill in the
following strain America hath in store her brute and Cassi
her Hampton's and Sydney's patriots and heroes, who will form
a band of brothers, men who will have memories and feelings,
courage and swords, courage that shall inflame their ardent bosoms
(11:26):
till their hands cleave to their swords, and their swords
to their enemies, hearts. His biographer, in printing Warren's letter,
remarks that it is peculiarly interesting because few similar records
of his mind remained, and as it evidences that the
life he sacrificed on Bunker Hill was offered not under
(11:47):
the excitement of the moment, but with a fixed and
deliberate purpose. No language can be more decisive of the
spirit which predominated in his bosom. It is the united
voice of America to preserve their freedom or lose their
lives in defense of it. The passages I have put
in italics are placed by Bancroft at the beginning of
(12:08):
one of the chapters of his history. To Hosiah Quincy Junior, Boston,
November twenty first, seventeen seventy four. Dear sir, as, nothing
interesting which I am at liberty to communicate has taken
place since your departure from home. Accept such matters as
you could not fail of being informed of by the
(12:29):
public papers. I have deferred writing to you, knowing that
upon your first arrival in London, you would be greatly
engaged in forming your connections with the friends of this country,
to whom you have been recommended. Our friends who have
been at the Continental Congress are in high spirits on
account of the union which prevails throughout the colonies. It
(12:51):
is the united voice of America to preserve their freedom
or lose their lives in defense of it. Their resolutions
are not the effect of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound
result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am convinced that
the true spirit of liberty was never so universally diffused
(13:12):
through all ranks and orders of people in any country
on the face of the earth, as it now is
through all North America. The Provincial Congress met and conquered
at the time appointed, about two hundred and sixty members
were present. You would have thought yourself in an assembly
of Spartans or ancient Romans, had you been a witness
(13:32):
to the ardor which inspired those who spoke upon the
important business they were transacting. An injunction of secrecy prevents
my giving any particulars of their transactions, except such as
by their express order were published in the papers. But
in general you may be assured that they approved themselves
the true representatives of a wise and brave people, determined
(13:56):
at all events to be free. I know I might
be indulged in giving you an account of our transactions,
were I sure this would get safe to you. But
I dare not, as the times are risks so important intelligence.
Next Wednesday, the twenty third Instant, we shall meet again.
According to a German. All that I can safely communicate
(14:17):
to you shall be speedily transmitted. I am of opinion
that the dissolution of the British Parliament, which we were
acquainted with last week, together with some favorable letters received
from England, will induce us to bear the inconvenience of
living without government until we have some farther intelligence of
what may be expected from England. It will require, however,
(14:40):
a very masterly policy to keep the province for any
considerable time longer. In its present state, the town of
Boston is by far the most moderate part of the province.
They are silent and inflexible. They hope for relief, but
they have found from experience that they can bear to
suffer more than their oppressors or themselves thought possible. They
(15:02):
feel the injuries they receive. They are the frequent subject
of conversation, but they take an honest pride in being
singled out by a tyrannical administration as the most determined
enemies to an arbitrary power. They know that their merits,
not their crimes, have made them the objects of ministerial vengeance.
(15:22):
We endeavor to live as peaceably as possible with the soldiery,
but disputes and quarrels often arise between the troops and
the inhabitants. General Gage has made very few new maneuvers
since you left us. He has indeed rendered the entrenchments
at the entrance of the town as formidable as he
possibly could. I have frequently been sent to him on committees,
(15:46):
and have several times had private conversations with him. I
have thought him a man of honest, upright principles, and
one desirous of accommodating the difference between Great Britain and
her colonies in a just and honorable way. He did
not appear to be desirous of continuing the quarrel in
order to make himself necessary, which is too often the
(16:08):
case with persons employed in public affairs. But a copy
of a letter via Philadelphia said to be written from
him to Lord North gives a very different cast to
his character. His answer to the Provincial Congress, which was
certainly ill judged, I suppose, was the work of some
of that malicious group of harpies, whose disappointments make them
(16:29):
desirous to urge the governor to drive everything to extremes.
But in this letter, if it be genuine, he seems
to court the office of a destroyer of the liberties
and murderer of the people of this province. But you
have doubtless read the paper and thought with indignation on
its contents. I wish to know of you how affairs
(16:50):
stand in Great Britain, and what was the principal motive
of the dissolution of Parliament? If the late Acts of
Parliament are not to be repealed. The why esis step
for both countries is fairly to separate and not spend
their blood and treasure in destroying each other. It is
barely possible that Britain may depopulate North America, but I
(17:12):
trust in God she can never conquer the inhabitants. And
if the cruel experiment is made, I am sure, whatever
fortunes may attend America, that Britain will curse the wretch who,
to stop the mouths of his ravenous pack of dependence,
bartered away the wealth and glory of her empire. I
(17:32):
have not time to say more at present than to
assure you that from this time you may expect to
hear from me news or no news, by every vessel,
and that my earnest wish is that your abilities and
integrity may be of eminent service to your country. I am, dear, Sir,
your most obedient servant, Joseph Warren. General Gage's letters now
(17:55):
show that he realized the import of the political unity
which had been reached by the Patriots, on informing Lord
Dartmouth on the fifteenth that he had issued a proclamation
declaring the Provincial Congress an unlawful body and tending to
riot and rebellion. He said that it had been encouraged
to go to the lengths it had gone by the
(18:16):
General Union and the readiness of the New England provinces
to appear in arms, and that the proceedings of the
Continental Congress astonished and terrified all considerate men. A few
days after Gage had issued his proclamation, and when according
to his representation, all considerate men were in terror, of
(18:36):
the Provincial Congress, on the twenty third of November reviewed
its session. It invited John Adams and Robert treat Payne
to attend the meetings, the other delegates to the General Congress,
Cushing and Samuel Adams being members. It is not necessary
to relate here in detail the proceedings of this body.
The political center was now the Grand American Congress, and
(18:58):
the Chief Committee of the See Ession was the one
appointed to consider its doings. Joseph Hawley was the chairman,
and the other members were Samuel Dexter, Joseph Warren, Jeremia Lee,
James Warren, Elbridge Jerry, and Benjamin Church. Their report was
a grateful endorsement of the proceedings of the General Congress
(19:20):
and an adoption of the Association and recommending the people
to observe it. This body continued the preparatory work of defense,
but went no farther. On the last day of the session,
December tenth, a report which had been made on the
question of assuming civil government was taken up, considered, and
ordered to lie on the table. This Congress issued and
(19:42):
addressed to the inhabitants, briefly explaining and urging the measures
that had been adopted. It presented the general intelligence from England,
together with the increase of the army and Navy, as
exciting the strongest jealousy, that the system of colony administration
destructive to American liber was to be pursued and to
be attempted with force, to be carried into execution. In
(20:06):
a tone alike Solomon elevated, it said, you are placed
by providence in the post of honor, because it is
the post of danger. And while struggling for the noblest objects,
the liberties of your country, the happiness of posterity, and
the rights of human nature, the eyes not only of
North America and the whole British Empire, but of all
(20:27):
Europe are upon you. It is added, let us therefore
altogether solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing unbecoming our characters
as Americans, as citizens, as Christians, be justly chargeable to us.
Warren was now serving in the Committee of Correspondents, which
continued its vigilant watch of passing events. The following note
(20:51):
is copied from the original in his handwriting, dated two
days after the adjournment of Congress, Boston, December twelfth, seventeen
seventy four. Gentlemen, we think it our duty to inform
you that one of the transports sailed from this port
yesterday in the afternoon, with several hundred soldiers on board.
(21:12):
There are various conjectures concerning her destination, but it is
generally believed she is designed for Newport, and that the
troops are to take possession of the fortress there. The
vigilance of our enemies is well known. They doubt not
the bravery of our countrymen. But if they can get
our fortresses, our arms, and ammunition into their custody, they
(21:33):
will despise all our attempts to shake off their fetters.
We are convinced that you will do what prudence directs
upon this important occasion, and are with great esteem your
friends and humble servants several town meetings were held in
December in Boston. On political affairs, Warren was placed on
(21:54):
the Inspection Committee created to carry into effect the Association
of the Continental Camps, on a committee to prepare a
vote of thanks to the colonies for the contributions made
for the poor of the town, and on another to
frame an answer to general gage. On the thirtieth of December,
he was chosen a delegate to the Second Provincial Congress.
(22:16):
In the records of the Committee of Safety, he is
named on a committee to inspect the Commissary stores in Boston.
Warren was now engaged in the various duties town, provincial,
and national by which the Patriots as a party were
carrying on their work. Though there was strictly speaking neither
local nor general government, yet the majority of people in
(22:39):
most of the colonies was so decisively arrayed in support
of the measures of the Patriots that the recommendations, both
local and general were obeyed as rigidly as though they
had the authority of law. The Tory Party was now
uncommonly active in Boston and elsewhere. Its organs denounced the
Patriots as hypocrites, independents, Republicans, sewers of sedition and rebels.
(23:04):
It had long been said in Boston by adherents of
this party that the local charter or constitution was based
on principles much too democratic and subversive of all peace,
good order and government, and ought to be annihilated. It
was said in the British House of Commons by Lord
George Germain that there could not be a better thing
(23:26):
than to do away with town meetings, and he would
bring the Constitution of America as similar to the Constitution
of England as possible. He said that the Massachusetts was
governed by a tumultuous and riotous rabble, and he would
not have men of a mercantile caste every day collecting
themselves together and debating about political matters, for they ought
(23:48):
to follow their mercantile employment and not trouble themselves with
politics and government which they do not understand. A divine
said from his pulpit in Charleston, South Carolina, that mechanics
and cuny clowns had no right to dispute about politics
or what kings, lords and commons had done or might do.
These citations show the spirit of the party which now
(24:11):
ruled England. Which had sympathizers in the colonies, and claimed
the right of legislating in all cases whatsoever for America,
and the Regulating Act was the assertion of this right.
But the United Colonies demanded a repeal of this Act,
as well as of other acts conceived in a similar spirit.
(24:31):
Warren wrote that if this were not done, the wisest
step for both countries was to separate and not spend
their blood and treasure in destroying each other. And Franklin
said to the Ministry that the colonies must risk life
and everything rather than submit to the claim of altering
the local laws and charters at will. The United Voice
(24:52):
of America urged and even commanded the people of Massachusetts
to resist to the bitter end the new law. It
was the vote of Congress on the eighth of October
pledging the fate of the colonies to Massachusetts that hardened
George the Third to listen to no terms. The tone
of the Whigs on the adjournment of the Continental Congress
(25:13):
was exultant in the extreme. The Union's step of instituting
committees of correspondence had grown into the national measure of
the Association for Non Importation Non exportation and non consumption.
It is not necessary to discuss the question whether these
were sound or wise measures to carry out on the
(25:35):
eve of a war. It was a great statemanship to
attain the result of United Councils. It was soon related
in the journals that committees were appointed in almost every
seaport from Georgia to New Hampshire to observe that the
Continental Association be complied with in every article therein recommended.
At this time the Congress aimed neither at independence nor
(25:58):
at civil war, but for redress of grievances and a
restoration of harmony with the mother country. The point fairly
reached was that of a party supporting a real American union.
The feeling of the hour was nowhere more earnestly expressed
than in the utterances from South Carolina. Be comforted, ye
oppressed Bostonians, and exalt ye northern votaries of liberty, that
(26:23):
the sacred rays of freedom which used to be from
you on us, are now reverberated with double efficacy back
upon yourselves, from your weaker sister Carolina, who stands foremost
in her resolution to sacrifice her all in your defense. Again,
many thanks to the worthy Congress re echoes from the
(26:44):
generous breasts of grateful thousands. Oh glorious day, Oh happy union,
from Nova Scotia to Georgia. One mighty mind inspires the whole.
When I consider the unanimity, the firmness, the wisdom of
our late representatives, I feel a joy unutterable, and an
exultation never felt before. It would be easy to fill
(27:07):
pages with similar citations from the newspapers of other colonies.
The following is extracted from a glowing communication in the
Pennsylvania Packet. The American Congress derives all its power, wisdom,
and action not from scrawled parchments signed by kings, but
from the people. A freeman, in honoring and obeying the Congress,
(27:29):
honors and obeys himself. I almost wish to hear the
triumphs of the Jubilee of the year eighteen seventy four,
to see the medals, pictures, fragments of writings, etc. That
shall be displayed to revive the memory of the proceedings
of Congress in the year seventeen seventy four. If any
adventitious circumstances shall give precedency on that day, it shall
(27:54):
be to inherit the blood, or even to possess the
name of a member of that glorious assembly. This language
marks the hour of an outburst of genuine Americanism, when
a great party were inspired with the purpose of freeing
their country by a change of administration from the control
of a party who claimed the right not merely to
(28:14):
mold their forms of government, but to monopolize the fruits
of their labor. For what purpose, Lord Carmathan asked in
the debate on the Regulating Act, were they the colonists
suffered to go to that country unless the profits of
their labor should return to their masters. Here union meant
resistance to this arrogance and mastership. It meant more, it
(28:38):
meant action in behalf of rights common to humanity. The
great utterances of Congress are pervaded by the spirit of
universal liberty. The words of the representative patriots of that time,
whether they came from a Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina
and Alexander Hamilton of New York, a John Dickinson of Pennsylvania,
(28:59):
or a se Emuel Adams of Massachusetts, were broad and decisive.
All are summed up in the words of Washington, who
was soon to be the representative of his country. He
pronounced the issue to involve the most essential and valuable
rights of mankind. The hour had its symbol. On the
first American flag was inscribed the motto Liberty and Union.
(29:24):
In this spirit, Warren and other popular leaders were conducting
affairs in Massachusetts. Neither this province, Washington now said, nor
any other province, desired separately or collectively to set up
for independence. But he added, none of them will ever
submit to the loss of those rights and privileges without
which life, liberty, and property were insecure. In this spirit
(29:48):
of self preservation, and by the advice of a body
whose voice was as the voice of American law, the
local popular leaders went on during the winter with the
work of military preparation. Meantime, the donations flowed into Boston,
and the letters which accompanied them continued to be on
the rising. Tenor one of them from Durham, New Hampshire,
(30:11):
addressed to the Boston Committee, was printed, what you receive,
the Durham Committee say, comes not from the opulent, but
mostly from the industrious yeomanry. In this parish we have
but few persons of affluence, but they cheerfully contributed This
is considered by us not as a gift or an
(30:31):
act of charity, but of justice to those who are
bravely standing in the gap between us and slavery, defending
the common interest of the whole continent. We can with
truth assure you, gentlemen, that in this quarter we are
engaged to a man in your defense and in defense
of the common cause. We are ready to communicate of
(30:53):
our substance largely as your necessities require, and with our states,
to give our life lives, and mingle our blood with
yours in the common sacrifice to liberty. Throughout the province,
ordinary minds gave way to the duty which engrossed all
minds and stirred all hearts. For the great business of
the hour was organization. In compliance with the recommendations of
(31:17):
the Continental and the provincial Congresses. The inhabitants in their
several towns now signed agreements to meet from military drill
elected officers, and entered it into pledges to obey at
a minute's warning a summons to take the field. These
bands of citizen soldiers on parade days repaired to the churches,
(31:39):
where the village pastor prayed for strength from on high
and the village Hampdens uttered the exhortation to fight to
the last, if need be for the ancient liberties. The
national spirit of the time is embodied in the following song,
which is ascribed to Warren and was printed this year
in the newspapers, A song Liberty, to the tune of
(32:02):
the British Grenadier. That seed of science haths and Earth's
proud ministress Rome, where now are all their glories? We
scarce can find their tomb, then guard you write, some Americans,
no stoop to lawless way, A posa posa posa post
for North America, proud albion bowed to seizeer and numerous
(32:27):
hosts before, two picks to Danes, to Normans, and many
masters more. But we can boast Americans have never fallen
a prey. Hazahazahasahasa for free America. We let fear freeedom.
Hither and lo the desert smiled, A parade of pleasure
(32:51):
now opened in the wild. Your harvest full, Americans, no
power shall snatch away, preserve freezer, preserve your rights in
a free America, torn from a world of tyrants. Being
eat this western sky, we formed a new domain in
a lend of liberty the world shown. We're freemen here
(33:16):
and such will ever be huzahasahasahaza for love and liberty.
God bless this maiden climb and through her vast domain
may hosts of heroes cluster that'scorn to wear a chain,
and blast of anal sink events who dare our rights betray,
(33:37):
Assert yourselves, yourselves, yourself for a brave America. Lift up
your heart's my heroes, and swear with proud disdain the
wretch that would in stare you shall spread his net
in vain, should your re empty or her force wod
meet them in array and shout huzzahaz A, huzza for
(33:59):
a brave a man. America, the land where freedom rain
shall still be masters of the main in giving laws
and freedom to subject. France and Spain, and all thus
are ocean spreads, shall tremble and obey the prince who
rules my freedom's law in North America. End of Chapter twelve,
(34:22):
Part two,
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New Heights with Jason & Travis Kelce
Football’s funniest family duo — Jason Kelce of the Philadelphia Eagles and Travis Kelce of the Kansas City Chiefs — team up to provide next-level access to life in the league as it unfolds. The two brothers and Super Bowl champions drop weekly insights about the weekly slate of games and share their INSIDE perspectives on trending NFL news and sports headlines. They also endlessly rag on each other as brothers do, chat the latest in pop culture and welcome some very popular and well-known friends to chat with them. Check out new episodes every Wednesday. Follow New Heights on the Wondery App, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen to new episodes early and ad-free, and get exclusive content on Wondery+. Join Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. And join our new membership for a unique fan experience by going to the New Heights YouTube channel now!
Dateline NBC
Current and classic episodes, featuring compelling true-crime mysteries, powerful documentaries and in-depth investigations. Follow now to get the latest episodes of Dateline NBC completely free, or subscribe to Dateline Premium for ad-free listening and exclusive bonus content: DatelinePremium.com
On Purpose with Jay Shetty
I’m Jay Shetty host of On Purpose the worlds #1 Mental Health podcast and I’m so grateful you found us. I started this podcast 5 years ago to invite you into conversations and workshops that are designed to help make you happier, healthier and more healed. I believe that when you (yes you) feel seen, heard and understood you’re able to deal with relationship struggles, work challenges and life’s ups and downs with more ease and grace. I interview experts, celebrities, thought leaders and athletes so that we can grow our mindset, build better habits and uncover a side of them we’ve never seen before. New episodes every Monday and Friday. Your support means the world to me and I don’t take it for granted — click the follow button and leave a review to help us spread the love with On Purpose. I can’t wait for you to listen to your first or 500th episode!