August 18, 2025 • 16 mins
Discover the fascinating insights of Josephus in this collection, featuring three compelling parts. (1) Against Apion serves as a robust two-volume defense of Judaism, contrasting its ancient roots with the more recent traditions of the Greeks. Josephus tackles anti-Judean claims made by the Greek writer Apion and addresses myths attributed to Manetho. (2) Discourse To The Greeks Concerning Hades explores Josephuss perspectives on the afterlife, countering the predominant beliefs of his Greco-Roman contemporaries. This discourse, while traditionally linked to Josephus, has been more accurately reassigned to the church father Hippolytus in later scholarship. (3) The Life of Josephus, penned around 94-99 CE, offers an autobiographical glimpse into the authors life, revisiting pivotal events of the War in response to criticisms from Justus of Tiberias. Immerse yourself in this rich tapestry of history, philosophy, and personal reflection.
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
Part one of the Life of Josephus. This is a
LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain.
For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org.
Recording by Morgan Scorpion. The Life of Josephus by Flavius Josephus,
translated by William Wiston, Part one. The family from which
(00:26):
I am derived is not an ignoble one, but hath
descended all along from the priests, and as nobility among
several people is of a different origin, so with us,
to be of the sacodotal dignity is an indication of
the splendor of a family. Now I am not only
sprung from a sacodotal family in general, but from the
(00:49):
first of the twenty four courses. And as among us
there is not only a considerable difference between one family
of each course and another, I am of the chief
family of that first course. Also, nay further by my mother,
I am of the royal blood, for the children of Asamuneus,
(01:09):
from whom that family was derived, had both the office
of the high priesthood and the dignity of a king
for a long time. Together. I will accordingly set down
my progenitors in order. My grandfather's father was named Simon,
with the addition of Zellus. He lived at the same
time with that son of Simon the High Priest, who
(01:31):
first of all the high priests, was named Hyrcanus. This
Simon Cellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias
called Ephlias. He married the daughter of Jonathan the High Priest,
which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asamoneus,
who was high priest and was the brother of Simon
the High Priest. Also this Matthias had a son called
(01:56):
Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of the
government of Hercanus. His son's name was Joseph, born in
the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra. His son
Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign
of archelaus As I was born to Matthias in the
first year of the reign of Caius Caesar. I have
(02:16):
three sons. Hercanus, the eldest was born in the fourth
year of the reign of vespasian As was just As
born in the seventh, and Agrippa in the ninth. Thus
have I set down the genealogy of my family as
I have found it described in the public records, and
so bid adieu to those who calumniate me as of
a lower original. Now, my father, Matthias, was not only
(02:40):
eminent on account of his nobility, but had a higher
commendation on account of his righteousness, and was in great
reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest city we have. I was
myself bought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias,
for he was my own brother by both father and mother.
And I made mighty proficiency in the improvements of my learning,
(03:03):
and appeared to have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover,
when I was a child and about fourteen years of age,
I was commended by all for the love I had
to learning, on which account the high priest and principal
men of the city came then frequently to me together
in order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding
of points of the law. And when I was about
(03:26):
sixteen years old, I had a mind to make trim
of the several sects that were among ust. These sects
are three. The first is that of the Pharisees. The
second that Sadducees, and the third that of the Essens.
As we have frequently told you, though I thought that
by this means I might choose the best if I
(03:47):
were once acquainted with them all. So I contented myself
with hard fare, and underwent great difficulties, and went through
them all. Nor did I content myself with these trials only.
But when I was informed that one whose name was
Banners lived in the desert and used no other clothing
than grew upon trees, and had no other food than
(04:08):
what grew of its own accord, and braised himself in
cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in
order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in those things,
and continued with him three years. So, when I had
accomplished my desires, I returned back to the city, being
now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself according
(04:30):
to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees riches
of kin to the sect of the Stoics, as the
Greeks called them. But when I was in the twenty
sixth year of my age, it happened that I took
a voyage to Rome. And this on the occasion which
I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was
procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance,
(04:52):
and very excellent persons. They were whom, on a small
and trifling occasion, he had put into bonds and sent
to Rome to plead their cause before Caesar. These I
was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that especially because
I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety
towards God, even under their affliction, but supported themselves with
(05:14):
figs and nuts. Accordingly, I came to Rome, though it
were through a great number of hazards by sea. For
as our ship was drowned in the Adriatic Sea, we
that were in it, being about six hundred in number,
swam for our lives all the night, when upon the
first appearance of the day, and upon our sight of
a ship of Cairini, I and some others eighty in all,
(05:38):
by God's providence, prevented the rest and were taken up
into the other ship. And when I had thus escaped
and was come to Diaiachia, which the Italians called Putioli,
I became acquainted with Aleturius, an actor of place and
much beloved by Nero, but Ajew by birth, and through
his interest, became known to Poppy, Caesar's wife, and took
(06:02):
care as soon as possible to entreat her to procure
that the priests might be set at liberty. And when
besides this favor I had obtained many presents from Papia,
I returned home again, and now I perceived innovations were
already begun, and that there were a great many very
much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the Romans.
(06:23):
I therefore endeavored to put a stop to these tumultous persons,
and persuaded them to change their minds, and laid before
their eyes against whom it was that they were going
to fight, and told them that they were inferior to
the Romans, not only in martial skill, but also in
good fortune, and desired them, not rashly, and after the
(06:44):
most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the
most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and
upon themselves. And this I said with vehement exhortation, because
I foresaw that the end of such a war would
be most unfortunate us. But I could not persuade them,
for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard
(07:05):
for me. I was then afraid lest by inculcating these
things so often I should incur their hatred and their suspicions,
as if I were of our enemy's party, and should
run into the danger of being seized by them and slain.
Since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel,
so I retired into the inner court of the temple.
(07:28):
Yet did I go out of the temple again after
Manahem and the principle of the band of robbers were
put to death when I abode among the high priests
and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear
seized upon us when we saw the people in arms.
While we ourselves knew not what we should do, and
were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the
(07:50):
danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were
of the same opinion with them, but only advised them
to be quiet for the present and to let the
enemy go away. Still hoping that Gesius Florus would not
be long ere, he came, and that with great forces,
and so put an end to these seditious proceedings. But
(08:12):
upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a
great many of those that were with him fell. And
this disgrace which Gessius with Castius received became the calamity
of our whole nation. For those at the fond of
the war were so far elevated with this success that
they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which
(08:33):
war another occasion was ministered, which was this, those that
dwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon such
Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children,
and slew them when they had not the least occasion
of complaint against them, For they did neither attempt any
innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given
(08:54):
any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians.
But what was done by the inhabitants of Schizopolis was
the most impious and most highly criminal of all. For
when the Jews their enemies came upon them from without,
they forced the Jews that were among them to bear
arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for
(09:15):
us to do. And when by their assistants, they had
joined battle with those who attacked them, and had beaten them.
After that victory, they forgot the assurances they had given
these their fellow citizens and confederates, and slew them all,
being in number many ten thousands, thirteen thousand. The like
miseries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants
(09:38):
of Damascus. But we have given a more accuate account
of these things in the books of the Jewish War.
I only mentioned them now because I would demonstrate to
my readers that the Jews war with the Romans was
not voluntary, but that for the main they were forced
by necessity to enter into it. So, when Gessius had
(09:59):
been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men
of Jerusalem, seeing that the robbers and innovators had arms
in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were
unprovided of arms, should be in subjection to their enemies,
which also came to be the case afterward, and being
informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans,
(10:20):
but that some part of it was still quiet, they
sent me and two others of the priests, who were
men of excellent characters Joazar and Judas, in order to
persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms
and teach them this lesson, that it were better to
have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that
the nation had, than to be kept there, for that
(10:41):
it had been resolved that those are best men should
always have their arms ready against futurity, but still so
that they should wait to see what the Romans would do.
When I had therefore received these instructions, I came into
Galilee and found the people of Sir Phoris in no
small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans
(11:04):
had resolved to plunder it, on account of the friendship
they had with the Romans, and because they had given
their right hand and made a league with Castius Galas,
the president of Syria. But I delivered them all out
of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude
to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send
(11:24):
to those that were their own hostages with Gesus to Dora,
which is a city of Phoenetia, as often as they pleased.
Though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberius ready to
take arms, and that on the occasion following there were
three factions in this city. The first was composed of
men of worth and gravity. Of these, Julius Capellus was
(11:46):
the head now he as well as all his companions,
Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Gamalus,
and Consus, the son of Consus. For as to Consus's
brother Crispus, who who had once been governor of the
city under the great King Agrippa, he was beyond Jordan
in his own possessions. All these persons before named gave
(12:09):
their advice that the city should then continue in their
allegiance to the Romans and to the king. But Pistus,
who was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce
in that resolution. Otherwise he was himself naturally of a
good and virtuous character. But the second faction was composed
of the most ignoble persons, and was determined for war.
(12:33):
But as for justice, the son of Pistus, who was
the head of the third faction, although he pretended to
be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really
desirous of innovation. As supposing that he should gain power
to himself by the change of affairs, he therefore came
into the midst of them, and endeavored to inform the
multitude that the city Tiberius had ever been a city
(12:56):
of Galilee, and that in the days of Herod, the tetrarch,
who had built it, it had obtained the principal place,
and that he had ordered that the city Sirphoris should
be subordinate to the City Tiberius. That they had not
lost this pre eminence even under Agrippa the Father, but
had retained it until Felix was Procurator of Judea. But
(13:18):
he told them that now they had been so unfortunate
as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa Junior,
and that upon Sir Phoris's submission of itself to the Romans,
that was become the capital city of Galilee, and that
the royal library and the archives were now removed from them.
When he had spoken these things and a great many
(13:39):
more against King Agrippa, in order to provoke the people
to a revolt, he added that this was the time
for them to take arms and join with the Galileans
as their confederates, whom they might command, and who would
now willingly assist them out of the hatred they bear
to the people of Sirphoris, because they preserved their fidelity
to the Romans, and to gather a great number of
(14:01):
forces in order to punish them. And as he said this,
he exhorted the multitude to go to war. For his
abilities lay in making her ranks to the people, and
in being too hard in his speeches, for such as
opposed him, though they advised, what was more to their advantage,
And this by his craftiness and fallacies, for he was
(14:21):
not unskillful in the learning of the Greeks, and in
dependence on that skill, it was that he undertook to
write a history of these affairs, as aiming by this
way of harranguing to disguise the truth. But as to
this man, and how ill were his character and conduct
of life, and how he and his brother were, in
great measure the authors of our destruction, I shall give
(14:44):
the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So,
when justice had, by his persuasion, prevailed with the citizens
of Tiberius to take arms, nay, and had forced a
great many so to do against their wills, he went
out and set the villages that lounged to Gadera and
hippos on fire, which villages were situated on the border
(15:05):
of Tiberius and of the region of Scythopolis. And this
was the state Tiberius was now in. But as for Giscala,
its affairs were thus. When John, the son of Levi,
saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt
from the Romans, he labored to restrain them and entreated
them that would keep their allegiance to them, But he
(15:27):
could not gain his purpose, although he did his endeavors
to the utmost, for the neighboring people of Gadalla, Gaebawa,
and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got together a great army
and fell upon Giscala and took Giscala by force and
set it on fire. And when they had entirely demolished it,
they returned home, upon which John was so enraged that
(15:50):
he armed all his men and joined battle with the
people forementioned, and rebuilt Giscala after a manner better than before,
and fortified it with his walls for its future secure purity.
End apart one
Part one of the Life of Josephus. This is a
LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain.
For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org.
Recording by Morgan Scorpion. The Life of Josephus by Flavius Josephus,
translated by William Wiston, Part one. The family from which
(00:26):
I am derived is not an ignoble one, but hath
descended all along from the priests, and as nobility among
several people is of a different origin, so with us,
to be of the sacodotal dignity is an indication of
the splendor of a family. Now I am not only
sprung from a sacodotal family in general, but from the
(00:49):
first of the twenty four courses. And as among us
there is not only a considerable difference between one family
of each course and another, I am of the chief
family of that first course. Also, nay further by my mother,
I am of the royal blood, for the children of Asamuneus,
(01:09):
from whom that family was derived, had both the office
of the high priesthood and the dignity of a king
for a long time. Together. I will accordingly set down
my progenitors in order. My grandfather's father was named Simon,
with the addition of Zellus. He lived at the same
time with that son of Simon the High Priest, who
(01:31):
first of all the high priests, was named Hyrcanus. This
Simon Cellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias
called Ephlias. He married the daughter of Jonathan the High Priest,
which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asamoneus,
who was high priest and was the brother of Simon
the High Priest. Also this Matthias had a son called
(01:56):
Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of the
government of Hercanus. His son's name was Joseph, born in
the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra. His son
Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign
of archelaus As I was born to Matthias in the
first year of the reign of Caius Caesar. I have
(02:16):
three sons. Hercanus, the eldest was born in the fourth
year of the reign of vespasian As was just As
born in the seventh, and Agrippa in the ninth. Thus
have I set down the genealogy of my family as
I have found it described in the public records, and
so bid adieu to those who calumniate me as of
a lower original. Now, my father, Matthias, was not only
(02:40):
eminent on account of his nobility, but had a higher
commendation on account of his righteousness, and was in great
reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest city we have. I was
myself bought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias,
for he was my own brother by both father and mother.
And I made mighty proficiency in the improvements of my learning,
(03:03):
and appeared to have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover,
when I was a child and about fourteen years of age,
I was commended by all for the love I had
to learning, on which account the high priest and principal
men of the city came then frequently to me together
in order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding
of points of the law. And when I was about
(03:26):
sixteen years old, I had a mind to make trim
of the several sects that were among ust. These sects
are three. The first is that of the Pharisees. The
second that Sadducees, and the third that of the Essens.
As we have frequently told you, though I thought that
by this means I might choose the best if I
(03:47):
were once acquainted with them all. So I contented myself
with hard fare, and underwent great difficulties, and went through
them all. Nor did I content myself with these trials only.
But when I was informed that one whose name was
Banners lived in the desert and used no other clothing
than grew upon trees, and had no other food than
(04:08):
what grew of its own accord, and braised himself in
cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in
order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in those things,
and continued with him three years. So, when I had
accomplished my desires, I returned back to the city, being
now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself according
(04:30):
to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees riches
of kin to the sect of the Stoics, as the
Greeks called them. But when I was in the twenty
sixth year of my age, it happened that I took
a voyage to Rome. And this on the occasion which
I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was
procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance,
(04:52):
and very excellent persons. They were whom, on a small
and trifling occasion, he had put into bonds and sent
to Rome to plead their cause before Caesar. These I
was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that especially because
I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety
towards God, even under their affliction, but supported themselves with
(05:14):
figs and nuts. Accordingly, I came to Rome, though it
were through a great number of hazards by sea. For
as our ship was drowned in the Adriatic Sea, we
that were in it, being about six hundred in number,
swam for our lives all the night, when upon the
first appearance of the day, and upon our sight of
a ship of Cairini, I and some others eighty in all,
(05:38):
by God's providence, prevented the rest and were taken up
into the other ship. And when I had thus escaped
and was come to Diaiachia, which the Italians called Putioli,
I became acquainted with Aleturius, an actor of place and
much beloved by Nero, but Ajew by birth, and through
his interest, became known to Poppy, Caesar's wife, and took
(06:02):
care as soon as possible to entreat her to procure
that the priests might be set at liberty. And when
besides this favor I had obtained many presents from Papia,
I returned home again, and now I perceived innovations were
already begun, and that there were a great many very
much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the Romans.
(06:23):
I therefore endeavored to put a stop to these tumultous persons,
and persuaded them to change their minds, and laid before
their eyes against whom it was that they were going
to fight, and told them that they were inferior to
the Romans, not only in martial skill, but also in
good fortune, and desired them, not rashly, and after the
(06:44):
most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the
most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and
upon themselves. And this I said with vehement exhortation, because
I foresaw that the end of such a war would
be most unfortunate us. But I could not persuade them,
for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard
(07:05):
for me. I was then afraid lest by inculcating these
things so often I should incur their hatred and their suspicions,
as if I were of our enemy's party, and should
run into the danger of being seized by them and slain.
Since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel,
so I retired into the inner court of the temple.
(07:28):
Yet did I go out of the temple again after
Manahem and the principle of the band of robbers were
put to death when I abode among the high priests
and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear
seized upon us when we saw the people in arms.
While we ourselves knew not what we should do, and
were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the
(07:50):
danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were
of the same opinion with them, but only advised them
to be quiet for the present and to let the
enemy go away. Still hoping that Gesius Florus would not
be long ere, he came, and that with great forces,
and so put an end to these seditious proceedings. But
(08:12):
upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a
great many of those that were with him fell. And
this disgrace which Gessius with Castius received became the calamity
of our whole nation. For those at the fond of
the war were so far elevated with this success that
they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which
(08:33):
war another occasion was ministered, which was this, those that
dwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon such
Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children,
and slew them when they had not the least occasion
of complaint against them, For they did neither attempt any
innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given
(08:54):
any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians.
But what was done by the inhabitants of Schizopolis was
the most impious and most highly criminal of all. For
when the Jews their enemies came upon them from without,
they forced the Jews that were among them to bear
arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for
(09:15):
us to do. And when by their assistants, they had
joined battle with those who attacked them, and had beaten them.
After that victory, they forgot the assurances they had given
these their fellow citizens and confederates, and slew them all,
being in number many ten thousands, thirteen thousand. The like
miseries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants
(09:38):
of Damascus. But we have given a more accuate account
of these things in the books of the Jewish War.
I only mentioned them now because I would demonstrate to
my readers that the Jews war with the Romans was
not voluntary, but that for the main they were forced
by necessity to enter into it. So, when Gessius had
(09:59):
been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men
of Jerusalem, seeing that the robbers and innovators had arms
in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were
unprovided of arms, should be in subjection to their enemies,
which also came to be the case afterward, and being
informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans,
(10:20):
but that some part of it was still quiet, they
sent me and two others of the priests, who were
men of excellent characters Joazar and Judas, in order to
persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms
and teach them this lesson, that it were better to
have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that
the nation had, than to be kept there, for that
(10:41):
it had been resolved that those are best men should
always have their arms ready against futurity, but still so
that they should wait to see what the Romans would do.
When I had therefore received these instructions, I came into
Galilee and found the people of Sir Phoris in no
small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans
(11:04):
had resolved to plunder it, on account of the friendship
they had with the Romans, and because they had given
their right hand and made a league with Castius Galas,
the president of Syria. But I delivered them all out
of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude
to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send
(11:24):
to those that were their own hostages with Gesus to Dora,
which is a city of Phoenetia, as often as they pleased.
Though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberius ready to
take arms, and that on the occasion following there were
three factions in this city. The first was composed of
men of worth and gravity. Of these, Julius Capellus was
(11:46):
the head now he as well as all his companions,
Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Gamalus,
and Consus, the son of Consus. For as to Consus's
brother Crispus, who who had once been governor of the
city under the great King Agrippa, he was beyond Jordan
in his own possessions. All these persons before named gave
(12:09):
their advice that the city should then continue in their
allegiance to the Romans and to the king. But Pistus,
who was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce
in that resolution. Otherwise he was himself naturally of a
good and virtuous character. But the second faction was composed
of the most ignoble persons, and was determined for war.
(12:33):
But as for justice, the son of Pistus, who was
the head of the third faction, although he pretended to
be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really
desirous of innovation. As supposing that he should gain power
to himself by the change of affairs, he therefore came
into the midst of them, and endeavored to inform the
multitude that the city Tiberius had ever been a city
(12:56):
of Galilee, and that in the days of Herod, the tetrarch,
who had built it, it had obtained the principal place,
and that he had ordered that the city Sirphoris should
be subordinate to the City Tiberius. That they had not
lost this pre eminence even under Agrippa the Father, but
had retained it until Felix was Procurator of Judea. But
(13:18):
he told them that now they had been so unfortunate
as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa Junior,
and that upon Sir Phoris's submission of itself to the Romans,
that was become the capital city of Galilee, and that
the royal library and the archives were now removed from them.
When he had spoken these things and a great many
(13:39):
more against King Agrippa, in order to provoke the people
to a revolt, he added that this was the time
for them to take arms and join with the Galileans
as their confederates, whom they might command, and who would
now willingly assist them out of the hatred they bear
to the people of Sirphoris, because they preserved their fidelity
to the Romans, and to gather a great number of
(14:01):
forces in order to punish them. And as he said this,
he exhorted the multitude to go to war. For his
abilities lay in making her ranks to the people, and
in being too hard in his speeches, for such as
opposed him, though they advised, what was more to their advantage,
And this by his craftiness and fallacies, for he was
(14:21):
not unskillful in the learning of the Greeks, and in
dependence on that skill, it was that he undertook to
write a history of these affairs, as aiming by this
way of harranguing to disguise the truth. But as to
this man, and how ill were his character and conduct
of life, and how he and his brother were, in
great measure the authors of our destruction, I shall give
(14:44):
the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So,
when justice had, by his persuasion, prevailed with the citizens
of Tiberius to take arms, nay, and had forced a
great many so to do against their wills, he went
out and set the villages that lounged to Gadera and
hippos on fire, which villages were situated on the border
(15:05):
of Tiberius and of the region of Scythopolis. And this
was the state Tiberius was now in. But as for Giscala,
its affairs were thus. When John, the son of Levi,
saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt
from the Romans, he labored to restrain them and entreated
them that would keep their allegiance to them, But he
(15:27):
could not gain his purpose, although he did his endeavors
to the utmost, for the neighboring people of Gadalla, Gaebawa,
and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got together a great army
and fell upon Giscala and took Giscala by force and
set it on fire. And when they had entirely demolished it,
they returned home, upon which John was so enraged that
(15:50):
he armed all his men and joined battle with the
people forementioned, and rebuilt Giscala after a manner better than before,
and fortified it with his walls for its future secure purity.
End apart one
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