19 - My Own Story by Emmeline Pankhurst

In My Own Story, Emmeline Pankhurst, the renowned British political activist and leader of the suffragette movement, shares her compelling journey in the fight for womens rights. Despite facing significant criticism for her militant approach, her relentless efforts played a pivotal role in securing womens suffrage in Britain. Written and published on the brink of the Great War, Pankhursts autobiography offers an intimate glimpse into her experiences and the challenges she faced along the way. (Summary by Petra)

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Book three, Chapter six of My Own Story by Emmeline Pankhurst.
This LibriVox recording is in the public domain recording by
k Hand The Women's Revolution, Chapter six. Prison had indeed
been for us a battle ground ever since the time
when we had solemnly resolved that, as a matter of principle,
we would not submit to the rules that bound ordinary

(00:21):
offenders against the law. But when I entered Holloway on
that April day in nineteen thirteen, it was with full
knowledge that I had before me a far more prolonged
struggle than any that the militant suffragists had hitherto faced.
I have described the hunger Strike, that terrible weapon with
which we had repeatedly broken our prison. Bars. The government,
at their wits end to cope with the hunger strikers,

(00:43):
and to overcome a situation which had brought the laws
of England into such scandalous disrepute, had had recourse to
a measure surely the most savagely devised ever brought before
a modern Parliament. In March of that year, while I
was waiting trial on the charge of conspiring to destroy
mister Lloyd George's comme, a bill was introduced into the
House at Commons by the Home Secretary, Mister Reginald McKenna,

(01:05):
a bill which had for its avowed object the breaking
down of the hunger strike. This measure, now universally known
as the Cat and Mouse Act, provided that when a
hunger striking suffrage prisoner, the law was frankly admitted to
apply only to suffrage prisoners, was certified by the prison
doctors to be in danger of death, she could be
ordered released on a sort of ticket of leave for

(01:26):
the purpose of regaining strength enough to undergo the remainder
of her sentence. Released, she was still a prisoner, the
prisoner or the patient or the victim, as you may
choose to call her, being kept under constant police surveillance.
According to the terms of the bill, the prisoner was
released for a specified number of days, at the expiration
of which she was supposed to return to prison on
her own account. Says the Act. The period of temporary

(01:50):
discharge may, if the Secretary of State thinks fit, be
extended on a representation of the prisoner that the state
of her health renders her unfit to return to prison.
If such representation be made, the prisoner shall submit herself,
if so required for medical examination by the medical officer
of the above mentioned prison or other registered medical practitioner
appointed by the Secretary of State. The prisoner shall notify

(02:12):
to the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis the place
of residence to which she goes on her discharge. She
shall not change her residence without giving one clear day's
notice in writing to the Commissioner specifying the residence to
which she is going, And she shall not be temporarily
absent from her residence for more than twelve hours without
giving a like notice, et cetera. The idea of militant

(02:32):
suffragists respecting a law of this order is almost humorous,
and yet this smile dies before the pity one feels
for the minister whose confession of failure is embodied in
such a measure. Here was a mighty government weakly resolved
that justice to women it would not grant, knowing that
submission of women it could not force, and so was
willing to compromise with a piece of class legislation, absolutely

(02:53):
contrary to all of its avowed principles, said mister McKenna,
pleading in the House for the advancement of his odios measure.
At the present time, I cannot make these prisoners undergo
their sentences without serious risk of death. And I want
to have power to enable me to compel a prisoner
to undergo the sentence. And I want that power in
all cases where the prisoner adopts the system of the
hunger strike. At the present moment, although I have the

(03:16):
power of release, I cannot release a prisoner without a pardon,
and I have to discharge them for good. I want
the power of releasing a prisoner without a pardon with
the sentence remaining alive. I want to enforce the law,
and I want if I can, to enforce it without
forcible feeding and without undergoing the risk of someone else's life.
Interrogated by several members, mister McKenna admitted that the Cat'

(03:37):
and Mouse Bill, if passed, would not inevitably do away
with forcible feedings, but he promised that the hateful and
disgusting process would be restored to only when absolutely necessary.
We shall see later how hypocritical this representation was. Parliament,
which had never had time to consider beyond its initial
stages a women's suffrage measure, passed the Cat and Mouse

(03:57):
Act through both houses within the limits of a few days.
It was already law when I entered Holloway on April third,
nineteen thirteen, and I grieved to state that many members
of the Labor Party, pledged to support women's suffrage helped
to make it into law. Of course, the Act was
from its inception treated by the suffragists with the utmost contempt.
We had not the slightest intention of assisting mister McKenna

(04:18):
and enforcing unjust sentences against soldiers in the Army of Freedom.
And when the prison doors closed behind me, I adopted
the hunger strike exactly as though I expected it to prove,
as formerly a means of gaining my liberty. That struggle
is not a pleasant one. To recall every possible means
of breaking down My resolution was resorted to the daintiest
and most tempting food was placed in my cell. All

(04:38):
sorts of arguments were brought to bear against me, the
futility of resisting the Cat and Mouse Act, the wickedness
of risking suicide. I shall not attempt to record all
the arguments. They fell against a blank wall of consciousness,
for my thoughts were all very far away from Holloway,
and all its torments. I knew what afterwards. I learned
as a fact that my imprisonment was followed by the
greatest revolutionary outbreak that had been witnessed in England since

(05:00):
eighteen thirty two. From one end of the island to
the other, the beacons of the Women's Revolution blazed night
and day. Many country houses, all unoccupied, were fired. The
grand stand of air Racecourse was burned to the ground.
A bomb was exploded in Oxted Station, London, blowing out
walls and windows. Some empty railroad carriages were blown up.
The glass of thirteen famous paintings in the Manchester Art

(05:22):
Gallery were smashed with hammers. These are simply random specimens
of the general outbreak of secret guerrilla warfare waged by
women to whose liberties every other approach had been barricaded
by the liberal government of Free England. The only answer
of the government was the closing of the British Museum,
the National Gallery, Windsor Castle and other tourist resorts. As
for the result on the people of England, that was

(05:43):
exactly what we had anticipated. The public were thrown into
a state of emotion, of insecurity and frightened expectancy. Not
yet did they show themselves ready to demand of the
government that the outrages be stopped, And the only way
they could be stopped by giving votes to women. I
knew that it would be so. Lying in my only
sell in holloway, racked with pain, oppressed with increasing weakness,

(06:03):
depressed with the heavy responsibility of unknown happenings, I was
sadly aware that we were but approaching a far goal.
The end, though certain, was still distant. Patience and still
more patience, faith and still more faith. While we had
called upon these souls helped before, and it was certain
that they would not fail us at this greatest crisis
of all. Thus, in great anguish of mind and body,

(06:24):
passed nine terrible days, each one longer and more acutely
miserable than the preceding. Towards the last, I was mercifully
half unconscious of my surroundings. A curious indifference took possession
of my overwrought mind, and it was almost without emotion
that I heard, on the morning of the tenth day,
that I was to be released temporarily in order to
recover my health. The Governor came to my cell and

(06:45):
read me my license, which commanded me to return to
Holloway in fifteen days, and meanwhile to observe all the
obsequious terms as to informing the police of my movements.
With what strength my hands retained, I tore the document
in strips and dropped on the floor of the cell.
I have no intention, I said, of obeying this infamous law.
You release me, knowing perfectly well that I shall never
voluntarily return to any of your prisons. They sent me away,

(07:08):
sitting bolt upright in a cab, unmindful of the fact
that I was in a dangerous condition of weakness, having
lost two stone in weight and suffered seriously from irregularities
of heart action. As I left the prison, I was
gratefully aware of groups of our women standing bravely at
the gates, as though enduring a long vigil. As a
matter of fact, relays of women had picketed the place
day and night during the whole term of my imprisonment.
The first pickets were arrested, but as other constantly arrived

(07:30):
to fill their places, the police finally gave in and
allowed the women to march up and down before the prison,
carrying the flag. At the nursing home to which I
was conveyed I learned that Annie Kenny, Missus Drummond, and
our staunch friend mister George Lansbury had been arrested during
my imprisonment, and that all three had adopted the hunger strike.
I also learned on my own account how desperately the
government were striving to make their cat and Mouse act,

(07:51):
the last stand in their losing campaign, a success, without
regard to the extra expense laid on the unfortunate taxpayers
of the country. The government employed a large extra force
of police especially for this purpose. As I lay in bed,
being assisted by every medical resource to return to life
and health, these special police, colloquially termed cats, guarded the
nursing home as if it were a besieged castle in

(08:13):
the street under my windows. Two detectives and a constable
stood on guard night and day in a house at
right angles to my refuge. Three more detectives kept constant
watch in the mews. At the rear of the house
were more detectives and diligently patrolling the road, as if
in expectation of a rescuing regiment. Two taxi cabs, each
with its quota of detectives, guarded the highways. All this

(08:34):
made recovery slow and difficult, but worse was to come.
On April thirtieth, just as I was beginning to rally somewhat,
came the news that the police had swooped down on
our headquarters in King's Way and had arrested the entire
official force. Miss Barrett, associate editor of the Suvagette, Miss Lennox,
the sub editor, Miss Lake business manager, Miss Kerr, office manager,
and Missus Sanders, financial secretary of the union were arrested,

(08:56):
although not one of them had ever appeared in any
militant action. Mister E. G. Clayton, a chemist, was also arrested,
accused of furnishing the WSPU with explosive materials. The offices
were thoroughly searched and, as on a former occasion, stripped
of all books and papers. While this was being done,
another party of police, armed with a special warrant, proceeded
to the printing office where our paper, The Suffragette was published.

(09:18):
The printer, Mister Drew, was placed under arrest and the
material for the paper, which was to appear on the
following day, was seized. By one o'clock in the afternoon,
the entire plant in the headquarters of the union were
in the hands of the police, and to all appearances,
the militant movement, temporarily at least, was brought to a
full stop. In my state of semi prostration. It at
first seemed to me best to let the week's issue
of the paper lapse, But on second thought I decided

(09:39):
that even the appearance of surrender was not to be
thought of. How we managed it need not be here told.
But we actually did overnight, with hardly any material except
Cristabell's leading article, and with hastily summoned helpers, get out
the paper as usual, and side by side with the
morning journals, which bore the front page stories of the
suppression of the Suffragette organ our paper sellers sold the
Suffragett The front page bore, instead of the usual cartoon,

(10:03):
the single word in bold faced type, raided the full
story of the police search and the arrest being related
in the other pages. Our headquarters, i may say, in Passing,
remained closed less than forty eight hours. We were so
organized that the arrest of leaders does not seriously cripple us.
Everyone has an understudy, and when one leader drops out,
her substitute is ready instantly to take her place in

(10:24):
this emergency. There appeared as chief organizer. In Miss Kenney's place,
Miss Grace Rowe, one of the young Suffragettes, of whom
I as belonging to the older generation, am so proud
faced by difficulties as great as the government could make them.
Miss Rowe at once showed herself to be equal to
the situation and to have the gift of unswerving loyalty
combined with a strong and rapid judgment of things and people.

(10:44):
Aiding her was missus Darcy Fox, who surprised us all
by her amazing ability to act as assistant editor of
the Suffragette, manage a host of affairs in the office,
and preside at our weekly meetings. Another member of the
union who came prominently to the front at the time
of this crisis was missus Mansell. In two days time,
the office was open and running quite as usual, no
outward sign showing the grief and indignation felt for our

(11:05):
imprisoned comrades. Most of them refused bail and instantly hunger struck,
appearing in court for trial three days later in a
pitiful state. Missus Drummond was so obviously ill and in
need of medical attention that she was discharged and was
very soon afterwards operated upon mister Drew. The printer was
forced to sign an undertaking not to publish the paper again.
The others were sentenced to terms varying from six to

(11:27):
eighteen months. Mister Clayton was sentenced to twenty one months,
and after desperate resistance during which he was forcibly fed
many times, escaped his prison. The others, following the same example,
starved their way to liberty and have ever since been
pursued at intervals and re arrested under the Cat and
Mouse Act. After my discharge April twelfth, I remained in
the nursing home until partially restored that under the eyes

(11:47):
of the police, I motored out to Woking, the country
home of my friend doctor Ethelsmith. This house, like the
nursing home, was guarded by a small army of police.
I never went to the window, I never took air
in the garden without being conscious of watching eyes. The
situation became intolerable and I determined to end it. On
May twenty sixth there was a great meeting at the
London Pavilion, and I gave notice that I would attend it.

(12:07):
Supported by doctor Flora Murray, Doctor Ethe Smith, and my
devoted nurse Pine. I walked downstairs to be confronted at
the door by a detective who demanded to know where
I was going. I was in a week state, much
weaker than I had imagined, and in refusing the right
of a man to question my movements, I exhausted the
last remnant of my strength and sunk, fainting into the
arms of my friends. As soon as I recovered, I

(12:28):
got into the motor car. The detective instantly took his
place beside me and told the chauffeur to drive to
Bow Street station. The chauffeur replied that he took his
orders only from Missus Pankhurst, whereupon the detective summoned a taxicab, and,
placing me at her arrest, took me to Bow Street.
Under the Cat and Mouse Act, a paroled prisoner can
be thus arrested without the formality of a warrant, nor
does the time she has spent at liberty in regaining

(12:50):
her health coloumped off from her prison sentence. The magistrate
at Bou Street was therefore quite within his legal rights
when he ordered me returned to Holloway. I felt it
my duty, nevertheless, to point out to him inhumanity of
his act. I said to him, I was released from
Holloway on account of my health. Since then I have
been treated exactly as if I were in prison, and
has become absolutely impossible for anyone to recover health under

(13:11):
such conditions. And this morning I decided to make this
protest against a state of affairs unparalleled in a civilized country.
The magistrate replied formally, you quite understand what the position is.
You have been arrested on this warrant, and all I
have to do is to make an order recommending you
to prison. I think I said that you should do
so with a full sense of responsibility. If I am
taken a Holloway on your warrant, I shall resume the

(13:32):
protest I made before which led to my release, and
I shall go on indefinitely until they die, or until
the government decides, since they have taken upon themselves to
deploy you and all other people to minister the laws,
that they must recognize a woman as citizens and give
them some control over the laws of the country. It
was a five days hunger strike this time because the
extreme weakness of my condition made it impossible for me
to endure a longer term. I was released on May

(13:54):
thirtieth on a seventh day license, and in a half
alive state, was again carried to a nursing home. Less
than a week later, while I was still bed ridden,
a terrible event occurred, one that should have shaken the
stolid British public into a realization of the seriousness of
the situation precipitated by the government. Emily Wilding Davison, who
had been associated with the militant movement since nineteen o six,

(14:15):
gave up her life for the women's cause by throwing
herself in the path of the thing next to property
held most sacred to englishmen, sport. Miss Davison went to
the races at Epsom, and, breaking through the barriers which
separated the vast crowds from the race course, rushed in
the path of the galloping horses and caught the bridle
of the King's horse, which was leading all the others.

(14:36):
The horse fell, throwing his jockey and crushing Miss Davison
in such shocking fashion that she was carried from the
course in a dying condition. Everything possible was done to
save her life. The great surgeon, mister Mansell Moulln, put
everything aside and devoted himself to her case. But though
he operated most skillfully, the injuries she had received were
so frightful that she died four days later without once

(14:57):
having recovered consciousness. Members of the Union were beside her
when she breathed her last on June eighth, and on
June fourteenth they gave her a great public funeral in London.
Crowds lined the streets as the funeral car, followed by
thousands of women, passed slowly and sadly to Saint George's Church, Bloomsbury,
where the memorial services were held. Emily Wilding Davison was

(15:18):
a character almost inevitably developed by a struggles such as ours.
She was a BA of London University and had taken
first class honors at Oxford in English language and literature.
Yet the women's cause made such an appeal to her
reason and her sympathies, that she put every intellectual and
social appeal aside and devoted herself untiringly and fearlessly to
the work of the Union. She had suffered many imprisonments,

(15:39):
had been forcibly fed, and most brutally treated. On one occasion,
when she had barricaded her cell against the prison doctors,
a hose pipe was turned on her from the window
and she was drenched and all but drowned at icy
water while workmen were breaking down her cell door. Miss Davison,
after this experience, expressed to several of her friends the
deep conviction that now, as in days called uncivilized, the
conscience of the people would awaken only to the sacrifice

(16:01):
of a human life. At one time in prison, she
tried to kill herself by throwing herself headlong from one
of the upper galleries, but she succeeded only in sustaining
cruel injuries. Even after that time, she clung to her
conviction that one great tragedy, the deliberate throwing into the
breach of a human life, would put an end to
the intolerable torture of women. And so she threw herself
at the King's horse, in full view of the King

(16:23):
and Queen and a great multitude of their Majesty's subjects,
offering up her life as a petition to the King,
praying for the release of suffering women throughout England and
the world. No one can possibly doubt that that prayer
can ever remain unanswered, for she took it straight to
the throne of the King of all the worlds. The
death of Miss Davison was a great shock to me,
and a very great grief as well, and although I

(16:45):
was scarcely able to leave my bed, I determined to
risk everything to attend her funeral. This was not to be, however,
for as I left the house, I was again arrested
by detectives who lay in waiting. Again the farce of
trying to make me serve a three year sentence was undertaken.
But now the militant women had discovered a new and
more terrible weapon with which to defy the unjust laws
of England. And this weapon, the thirst strike, I turned

(17:07):
against my jailers with such effect that they were forced
within three days to release me. The hunger strike I
have described as a dreadful ordeal, but it is a
mild experience compared with the thirst strike, which is, from
beginning to end, simple and unmitigated torture. Hunger striking reduces
a prisoner's weight very quickly, but thirst striking reduces weight
so alarmingly fast that prison doctors were at first thrown

(17:29):
in absolute panic. Affright Later they became somewhat hardened, but
even now they regard the thirst strike with terror. I
am not sure that I can convey to the reader
the effect of day spent without a single drop of
water taken into the system. The body cannot endure loss
of moisture. It cries out in protest with every nerve.
The muscles waste, the skin becomes shrunken and flabby, the
facial appearance alters horribly, all these outward symptoms being eloquent

(17:52):
of the acute suffering of the entire physical being. Every
natural function is of course suspended, and the poisons which
are unable to pass out of the body are retained
and absorbed. The body becomes cold and shivery. There is
constant headache and nausea, and sometimes there is fever. The
mouth and tongue become coated and swollen, the throat thickens,
and the voice sinks to a thready whisper. When at

(18:13):
the end of the third day of my first thirst
strike I was sent home, I was in condition of
jaundice from which I have never completely recovered. So badly
was I affected that the prison authorities made no attempt
to arrest me for nearly a month. After my release,
on July thirteenth, I felt strong enough once more to
protest against the odious Cat and Mouse Act, and with
Miss Annie Kenny, who was also at Liberty on medical grounds,

(18:34):
I went to a meeting at the London Pavilion. At
the close of the meeting, during which Miss Kenny's prison
license was auctioned off for twelve pounds, we attempted for
the first time the open escape, which we have so
frequently since effected. Miss Kenny, from the platform announced that
we should openly leave the hall, and she forthwith walked
coolly down into the audience. The police rushed in in
overwhelming numbers, and after a desperate fight, succeeded in capturing her.

(18:58):
Other detectives and policemen hurried to the side door of
the hall to intercept me, but I disappointed them by
leaving the front door and escaping to a friend's house
in a cab. The police soon traced me to the
house of my friend, the distinguished scientist, missus Hurtha Ayrton,
and the place straightway became a besieged fortress. Day and night.
The house was surrounded not only by police but by
crowds of women sympathizers on the Saturday following my appearance

(19:19):
at the Pavilion. We gave the police a bit of
excitement of a kind they do not relish. A cab
drove up to Missus Ayrton's door, and several well known
members of the union alighted and hurried indoors at once.
The word was circulated that a rescue was being attempted,
and the police drew resolutely around the cab. Soon a
veiled woman appeared in the doorway, surrounded by suffragettes, who,
when the veiled lady attempt to get into the cab,

(19:40):
resisted with other strength the efforts of the police to
lay their hands upon her. The cry went up from
all sides, they are arresting Missus Pankhurst. Something very like
a free fight ensued, occupying all the attention of the police,
who were not in the immediate vicinity of the cab.
The men surrounding that rocking vehicle succeeded in tearing the
veiled figure from the arms of the other woman impiling
into the cab ordered Chaffeur to drive full speed to

(20:01):
Bow Street. Before they reached their destination. However, the veiled
lady raised her veil the last it was not missus Pankhurst,
who by that time was speeding away in another taxicab
in quite another direction. Our ruse infuriated the police and
they determined to arrest me at my first public appearance,
which was at the Pavilion on the Monday following the
episode just related. When I reached the pavilion, I found
it was literally surrounded by police, hundreds of them. I

(20:23):
managed to slip past the outside cordon, but Scotland Yard
had its best men inside the hall and I was
not permitted to reach the platform. Surrounded by plainclothesmen batons drawn,
I could not escape, but I called out to the
women that I was being taken, and so valiantly did
they rush to the rescue that the police had their
hands full for nearly half an hour before they got
me into a taxicab bound for Holloway. Six women were

(20:45):
arrested that day, and many more than six policemen were
temporarily incapacitated for duty. By this time, I had made
up my mind that I would not only resist staying
in prison, I would resist to the utmost of my
ability going to prison. Therefore, when we reached holloway. I
refused to get out of the cab, declaring to my
captors that I would no longer acquiesce in the slow
judicial murder to which the government were subjecting women. I

(21:07):
was lifted out and carried into a cell in the
convicted hospital wing of the jail. The wardresses who were
on duty there spoke with some kindness to me, suggesting
that as I was very apparently exhausted and ill, I
should do well to undress and go to bed. No,
I replied, I shall not go to bed, not once
while I am kept here. I am weary of this
brutal game, and I intend to end it without undressing.

(21:29):
I lay down on the outside of the bed. Later
in the evening, the prison doctor visited me, but I
refused to be examined. In the morning he came again,
and with him the governor and the head wardress. As
I had taken neither food nor water since the previous day,
my appearance had become altered to such an extent that
the doctor was plainly perturbed. He begged me, as a
small concession, to allow him to feel my pulse, but

(21:50):
I shook my head and they left me alone for
the day. That night, I was so ill that I
felt some alarm for my own condition, but I knew
of nothing that could be done except to wait. On
Wednesday morning, the Governor came again and asked me, with
an assumption of carelessness, if it were true that I
was refusing both food and water. It is true, I said,
and he replied brutally, you are very cheap to keep. Then,

(22:11):
as if the thing were not a ridiculous farce, he
announced that I was sentenced to close confinement for three days,
with the deprivation of all privileges, after which he left myself.
Twice that day, the doctor visited me, but I would
not allow him to touch me. Later came a medical
officer from the Home Office, to which I complained, as
I had complained to the governor and the prison doctor,
of the pain I still suffered from the rough treatment

(22:32):
I had received at the pavilion. Both of the medical
men insisted that I allow them to examine me, but
I said, I will not be examined by you, because
your intention is not to help me as a patient,
but merely to ascertain how much longer it will be
possible to keep me alive in prison. I am not
prepared to assist you or the government in any such way.
I am not prepared to relieve you of any responsibility

(22:52):
in this matter. I added that it must be quite
obvious that I was very ill and unfit to be
confined in prison. They hesitated for a moment or two,
then left me. Wednesday night was a long nightmare of suffering,
and by Thursday morning I must present it in almost
mummified appearance from the faces of the governor and the doctor.
When they came into my cell and looked at me,

(23:13):
I thought they would at once arrange for my release,
but the hours passed and no order for release came.
I decided that I must force my release, and I
got up from the bed where I had been lying
and began to stagger up and down the cell. When
all strength failed me and I could keep my feet
no longer, I lay down on the stone floor, and there,
at four in the afternoon, they found me gasping and
half unconscious, and then they sent me away. I was

(23:35):
in a very weakened condition this time, and had to
be treated with saline solutions to save my life. I felt, however,
that I had broken my prison walls for a time
at least, and so this proved. It was on July
twenty fourth that I was released. A few days later,
I was born in an invalided chair to the platform
of the London Pavilion. I could not speak, but I
was there as I had promised to be. My license,

(23:56):
which by this time I had ceased to tear up
because it had an auction value, was sold to an
American present for the sum of one hundred pounds. I
had told the Governor on leaving that I intended to
sell the license and to spend the money for militant's purposes,
but I had not expected to raise such a splendid
sum as one hundred pounds. I shall always remember the
generosity of that unknown American friend. A great medical Congress

(24:18):
was being held in London in the summer of nineteen thirteen,
and on August eleventh we held a large meeting at
Kingsway Hall, which was attended by hundreds of visiting doctors.
I addressed this meeting, at which a ringing resolution against
forcible feeding was passed and I was allowed to go
home without police interference. It was, as a matter of fact,
the second time during that month that I had spoken
in public without molestation. The presence of so many distinguished

(24:38):
medical men in London may have suggested to the authorities
that I had better be left alone for the time being.
At all events, I was left alone, and late in
the month I went quite publicly to Paris to see
my daughter Crista Bell and plan with her the campaign
for the coming autumn. I needed rest after the struggles
of the past five months, during which I had served
of my three years prison sentence. Not quite three weeks

(25:00):
end of Book three, Chapter six,