KCAA: Politics by Jake (Fri, 25 Jul, 2025)

KCAA: Politics by Jake on Fri, 25 Jul, 2025

Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:00):
Nineteen thirty two.

Speaker 2 (00:01):
Not Aware.

Speaker 3 (00:15):
Hi, This is Politic by Jake. I'm Jake, and I
welcome today. We're diving into a looming financial disaster. A
new bill just passed. You all know about it. HR one,
Big beautiful Bills supposedly, which is the big bastardized, awful,
unbelievably bad bill, is going to add six trillion to
our It's a budget bill that's supposed to save money,

(00:37):
it's supposed to curtail waste, but it's going to add
six trillion dollars to our thirty seven trillion dollar national debt,
well a seven hundred and fifteen trillion dollar derivatives casino
debt nets to collapse the dollar of itself.

Speaker 1 (00:50):
But that's just the start.

Speaker 3 (00:51):
We're also going to talk about the Epstein situation, and
we're going to unpack Trump's harsh criticism of his own
magabase mid the Epstein fallout, which amazingly is a modern
echo of Hitler's Bunker rhetoric blaming his own people for weakness.
We'll also explore the rise of social fascism, which is

(01:12):
a thing, Yes, it's a thing, and its impact on
American politics, plus the surprising significance troubling, I would say
of Zorn Momdani's mayoral campaign. Stick with me for the
full story behind these crises and what they mean to you.
And this is politics by Jake, and of course on
politics by Jake. What we do is we have a

(01:33):
Monday and Friday show at seven am. And it's also,
of course a podcast. I mean, this is, after all,
the third decade of the twenty first century and we
have such things so you don't have to get up
at seven o'clock in the morning. For those of you
who are listening right now at seven o'clock in the morning,
thank you welcome.

Speaker 1 (01:51):
But you don't have to do that.

Speaker 3 (01:53):
Go to kcaradio dot com, check the Monday and Friday
schedule and find me there next to Stephanie Miller. She's
on at six. I'm on at seven in the morning,
and you can click on that. My beautiful face is
there and you can see all of my shows, and
you can see the show that we're doing right now,
and when Monday comes around again, you'll be able to

(02:15):
see that show too, and you can download that and
you can listen to it whenever you want. And what
we try to do is we try to do. Number one,
we try to do political education, and number two, we
try to give a kind of a summary, kind of
an overview, if you will, of what's going on in
the country and what's going on in the world. This
is just, you know, there's so much going on. There's

(02:38):
a number of singularities that are occurring here that are
just incredibly dangerous things. It's difficult to keep up on it,
but we try. That's what the show is about. That's
what we try to do. And so with that, let's begin.
And I want to start by talking about this looming
financial disaster.

Speaker 1 (02:56):
And I talked about it on Friday show.

Speaker 3 (02:58):
But I didn't get to it all, and it's so
crucial that it really needs to be gone over again.
And so that's what we're leading with. So I talked
about on Monday show. I talked about how Trump wants
to muscle in on the Federal Reserve, which I said,
if he does, he'll find out who the real owners

(03:19):
of this country aren't. George Carlin, who I don't know,
is as much of a prophet I would think of
things American and off things worldwide as you would hope
to hear, is someone who talked about this, He talked
about the illusion of choice, He talked about the real
owners of this country and really Wall Street. The people
that George Carlin said were the financial criminals who run

(03:41):
Wall Street considers that the FED is there and they're
not going to want Trump to mess with it, and
it's their cash cow. They want hands off. And that's
what George Carland meant when he said the people who
run this country, they run this country and they don't
want him touching that. So once you go into this
world of the Federal Reserve, then you're playing with fire,

(04:03):
aren't you. And what you're courting is a breakdown crisis.
And that's just exactly what's happening. As I said, the
last time a major world currency went under was according
to certain criteria, it was the British pound in September
of nineteen thirty one, after the Austrian and German and
Dutch continental European banking crises. This, by the way, is

(04:25):
what caused the depression. This is what cut in nineteen
twenty nine. This was a severe recession, but going off
the gold standard in nineteen thirty one, that's really what
created a worldwide depression. So let's go into that the pound,
which was still on it had been restored to the
gold standard. By the way, it was kept way too

(04:47):
high by Sir Winston Churchill, who at that time was
chancellorly Exchequer and basically he was the finance minister.

Speaker 1 (04:54):
And because the United States had.

Speaker 3 (04:55):
Been manipulated into doing things with the dollar that they
shouldn't have been doing. Basically what happened was there was
a run on the gold backing of the pound, and
the Bank of England, with I guess it would be
Ramsay MacDonald as the prime minister, what they did was
they stopped gold payment and the US dollar bill of

(05:17):
exchange drawn sometimes on New York but often on London,
which is the dollar or the euro dollar cent. So
that's the current situation. If you fire Powell, I mean,
it's just like this. If you fire Powell, Trump saw
that the nearest hint.

Speaker 1 (05:32):
Of what would happen.

Speaker 3 (05:33):
I think by now Wall Street and London and the
other holders of US treasury bonds, treasury bills, notes, treasury bonds,
they all believe, if included, that Trump is a tackle
and that he'll never fire Powell, and he would then
replace him again with one of these raving essentially anti

(05:55):
fed and maga people. Will you know, we'll see if
it happened. I assure you, if it happens, you'll know it.
What would happen then, though, well, as we know, the
US dollar has been weak all year. In other words,
the Trump administration coincides with a phase of weakness of
the dollar. The index, the dollar index is down for

(06:17):
all of twenty twenty five. In other words, the dollar
that means it's the dollar compared to a basket of
similar currencies or other currencies is down. So you would
begin to get a decline in the dollar. At that point,
you would get a flight of liquidity out of the
dollar and into what Swiss frank quite possibly the Euro,

(06:41):
maybe the Japanese yend some others. A lot of the liquidity,
giant sucking sound liquidity begins to leave the United States,
foreign cash takes flight. The stock market begins to crash.
This is what can happen before or too long, as
we saw in the month of May. Not so merry

(07:04):
in the month of May, because there was a stock
market decline in the midst of a dollar decline, and
that led to a crisis in the treasury bond market.

Speaker 1 (07:16):
And I say the bond market. The bond market, it.

Speaker 3 (07:20):
Means bills, it means notes, it means bonds. And these
are all ranging from one month, you know, thirty days
to thirty years, that whole array in different you know, degrees,
different degrees. A bond market panic would then endanger because
it's the only way to finance world trade. That's why

(07:40):
they hold bond markets, because they're financing everything. That's why
somebody said when England went off the gold standard in
nineteen thirty one that it was the end of the world,
because at that time all credit and financing in the
world was done based a bill of credit backed by

(08:02):
the pounds sterling, and that wasn't And somebody said, somebody
even said when they went up the Gold Center, they
said it was the end of the world. They were right,
It wasn't the end of the world as far as
that was concerned, because there was there was no standard
for finance, there was no standard for borrowing anymore.

Speaker 1 (08:19):
So the bond.

Speaker 3 (08:21):
Market would then endanger. It would be the only way
to finance world trade. And these bricks, of course, they're
a joke. Medvedev he had his little coin, remember that
he got a coin. He said, let's make this the
reserve currency of the world, shall we once again? You

(08:42):
have treasury bond market, which routinely does one to two
trillion a day, and which can without batting an eye,
escalate that up to four or five, maybe even seven
trillion if you have a kind of a crisis. And
the idea is that anyone can park money there, can
earn a decent return, and it's going to be able

(09:04):
to turn that into cash dollars if they need it.

Speaker 1 (09:08):
And nobody else has that.

Speaker 3 (09:10):
Don't listen to people who say they have it, because
nobody has it except the United States, your opinion, the
European Union, they don't have it. Japan, no Russia, forget Russia.
Nobody in the bricks. It's all just taught. And at
this point, let's take a break, and this is politics
by Jake, and we will be right back. And this

(09:30):
is politics by Jake, and we're back. And we were
talking about the coming financial crisis, the liquidity, the week dollar,
and so we were talking about the bricks, which is
basically the Third World, and how they talk about getting
rid of the reserve currency. They're just talking. We don't
want this to happen. Of course, that would mean that

(09:51):
the reserve currency role of the dollar would be over
and all the bricks that great global South, these postures,
they say, oh, let's get rid of the dollar. Well,
if you do that, what's going to replace it? Don't
you think it's better? And I'm hep to what people
say about the FED. It's a scandal. It's nothing but

(10:13):
a scandal, and it has been since its exception. But
don't you think it's better for the sake of the
world to have a reserve currency, irrespective of which one
it is to begin with, because nobody else can do this,
mind you, nobody else comes close. So you probably ought
to keep the dollar as a reserve currency unless you've

(10:35):
got something better ready to go.

Speaker 1 (10:38):
And believe me when I say this, you don't.

Speaker 3 (10:40):
So that's why at the moment you'd have to say
a Trump puppet ideologue, a stooge of Trump filled the
gills with this maga doctrine, which I guess means that
central banks are bad, and they can be bad. I'm
for a national bank, not a central bank. They can
be bad, but are things that are worse? And what

(11:02):
would be worse? Is this a Trump stooge. Replacing Powell
would be worse because it would be accompanied.

Speaker 1 (11:09):
By a loss of confidence.

Speaker 3 (11:11):
Worldwide in the US dollars, in the US government, in
the US stock market, and in the US treasury securities.
When they say thirty seven trillion, those are treasury bonds.
When they talk about the trust Fund of Social Security,
those are treasury bonds. Listen to me, now, follow me

(11:36):
as I go through this. Social Security Treasury bonds, Medicaid
treasury bonds. Medicare treasury bonds, not as big, but I
think there still is one. Those are also they're all
treasury bonds. So you don't want any of this to happen,
because that's the basis of all these programs. So let's

(11:59):
see one of the one or two of the less
defensive economists point out that Turkey is a recent example
of a country where a doctrinaire dictator wanted to violate.
He wanted to go against economic orthodoxy, and I think
it's fine to go against economic orthodoxy. I don't hold

(12:20):
any particular brief for the Federal Reserve. I think it's
nothing but a scandal. But you've got to pick the
points where you diverge, and it's not all points. If
orthodox economics says the sun will come up tomorrow, that's
not where you want to start. You remember, the economists
wanted to keep the interest rates high, right, they wanted

(12:41):
to fight inflation. I think that they were up to
maybe twenty percent inflation. And the economist said, the only
way now is to give the bounds of the art ways.

Speaker 1 (12:50):
Out of it.

Speaker 3 (12:51):
And we can talk about those. But they said, you
can't lower the rates. You've got to increase the rates.
And the president of Turkey, who is except Aragon or
air to wan it's a G but it's kind of
pronounced it's air to one, he said no. He said no,

(13:12):
I want to be popular or want to have easy money.
So their inflation rate went up to eighty percent. Eighty percent.
The Turkish pound is sometimes called the lira. It's still
a basket case. You're not hearing about this, but you'll
hear about it on politics. By Jay it has gotten better.
So that's the leading example of somebody who thought that

(13:34):
he could lower interest rates in the face of inflation.
And of course we've got inflation coming back now. And
the interesting thing is that Powell has said to Trump,
I can't lower interest rates because of your crackpot tariffs
which are creating inflation. That would be a double whammy.

(13:55):
It would be a double dose of inflation, and that
would have some of these awful palmsquinces which I have
just been discussing. Now there is a way out of this.
Of course, you might call it a two tier credit system.
Cheap government credit for production only. And when I talk

(14:15):
about that, I mean tangible physical production farming, agriculture, absolutely, mining,
rare earths, copper, all the other things. Cheap government credit
for those, cheap government credit for manufacturing, for tangible physical
production for hard commodities.

Speaker 1 (14:36):
Not crypto.

Speaker 3 (14:37):
There's a bill right now in the legislature with regard
to crypto, not crypto, not derivatives, not hedge fund hyaenas,
not the activities of zombie bankers, not the crazed exponents
of private equity looting, breaking up corporations, selling the pieces

(15:01):
and financing all that with a junk bond assisted kind
of hostile takeover. This is what Mitt Romney was involved
with with Vain Capital back in the nineties. That's probably
old hat by now, but you get the idea. By
the way, crypto world, crypto now four trillion, up eleven

(15:23):
percent in one week recently, but you know, it jumps around,
It goes up and down five to ten percent from
week to week. Derivatives in terms of their notional value,
in other words, the value of underlying asset. We have
in this world seven hundred and fifteen trillion dollars of derivatives.

(15:46):
This is a cancerous mass of speculative financial instruments, and
they demand income streams.

Speaker 1 (15:54):
They have to have them.

Speaker 3 (15:56):
They all want to be intersparing or to have some
associated with them. And the question is what are you
going to do about that? Because when this blows, and
it is going to blow.

Speaker 1 (16:09):
It's going to be a colossal earthquake.

Speaker 3 (16:13):
And this is the thing that I come back to,
and you've heard me talk about it before, but I'm
going to talk to about it again. The Biden administration
had embarked on a very effective, I think, very well
designed program of slowly deflating this monstrous tumor.

Speaker 1 (16:31):
President Biden was.

Speaker 3 (16:32):
Well aware that we had really unbelievable deficits, so that
this crypto cancer going on worldwide where nothing is produced,
nothing is produced, crypto' is just smoking mirrors. What's the
common denominator of crypto derivatives, junk bonds, financial speculation, hedge funds,

(16:53):
private equity. They produce nothing. All they do is generate
demands on streams coming out ultimately of real tangible physical production, mining, manufacturing, farming, construction,
in other words, the financialization of the world, the Wall
Street casino economy and so forth. This, this is the

(17:17):
underlying problem. This is essentially the root cause of everything,
and the only way out of that is to start
using public money. You can do it on budget, Yes,
you can do that. That's how Biden was doing it.
You need an industrial policy to promote the return of
tangible physical production mining, like I said, manufacturing, farming, agriculture,

(17:42):
so on, and so forth.

Speaker 1 (17:44):
You've got to have that.

Speaker 3 (17:45):
Being built up so you can increase the relative size
of the productive sector compared to the parasitical sector, because
once the panic starts, the speculative sector deflates rather rapidly
and you get into huge sums. Not so many years ago,
we had a crisis in the repo market, remember that

(18:07):
one huge amounts. Then we had a banking crisis, Silicon
Valley Bank and a couple of other banks that blew
under Biden, those drummers, they're not forgotten. The problems underlying
that they are still there. So this is the explosive
material that Trump is playing with. And you know, Trump

(18:28):
is somebody who uses bankruptcy as a business plan. That's
part of his business plan. We also need to be
aware of. So, in other words, I'm not sure that
this is the kind of guy we want at the
helm with this kind of a situation. Now, we also
need to be aware that the forces of crypto are

(18:48):
now in the political realm. Like I said, there's a
bill in Congress right now. They're stronger than they've ever been.
And like I said, that would be the crypto bill currently,
I think it's in the House, and it is. I
think it's my impression, although I haven't studied it. It's
a miserable excuse for the kinds of stringent regulation that

(19:09):
you would need in something so parasitical, so cancerous, so
alien to the real economy, so much appealing to the elitist, parasitical,
predatory elements in the United States economy, I would say no. Now,
in the Biden administration, you had Gary Genzler at the

(19:30):
Securities and Exchange Commission, he was hostile to Crypto, and
I would even be more hostile. In other words, I
would say, we're going to shut this down. This is parasitical,
this is generating greater, greater potential for economic panic.

Speaker 1 (19:47):
But there you go. And at this point, let's take
a break. And this is politics by Jake.

Speaker 3 (19:52):
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(20:18):
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Speaker 1 (20:24):
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Speaker 1 (20:41):
Now let's get.

Speaker 3 (20:42):
Back to Jack in Politics by Jack.

Speaker 1 (20:51):
Hi.

Speaker 3 (20:51):
This is Jacob Politics by Jake. Do you like what
you hear right now? Support the real talk, then go
to patreon dot com for politics by Jake right now.
Every dollar helps fight the noise. And this is Politics
by Jake, And we're back in his next segment. It's
going to include a couple of things. I may talk

(21:12):
about some polling that's been happening that shows that Trump
is not doing very well. He's underwater and just about
everything that there is.

Speaker 1 (21:22):
But I want to.

Speaker 3 (21:23):
Talk about this recent thing. It's kind of an update
of the Epstein situation. But what it is is it's
kind of a comparison because one of the things you
have to understand is that Trump is a fascist, and
he's most certainly a fascist because he tried to overthrow
the government. He tried to throw overthrow it violently, and

(21:44):
he tried to overthrow it legislatively, and those are the
hallmarks of a fascist. It's exactly what Hitler did. It's
exactly what Hitler did the ninety from the nineteen twenty
three Munich Push, which was a violent attempt to overth
the government to the taking over of the and assuming

(22:04):
dictatorial powers in nineteen thirty three, nineteen thirty four. This
is just precisely the way the Nazis reacted, is precisely
the way the fascist under Mussolini reacted, and it deserves
to be addressed, and it deserved to be called out.
And the methods and the modus operandi of the fascists

(22:26):
in doing this also needs to be called out. So
that's what I want to talk about just for a
moment here. So in examining the authoritarian tendencies, and you know,
people call them authoritarian, I really don't like that. I
have to apologize the script person who the production assistant
put the authoritarian this is fascism. Okay, that's what it is.

(22:49):
It's fascism. We're going to talk about social fascism a
little bit later in the show. But so let me
restate that and say, in examining the rising fascist tendency
in today's political landscape, comparisons between Donald Trump and Adolf
Hitler frequently frequently arise.

Speaker 1 (23:09):
I'm one of the ones saying it.

Speaker 3 (23:11):
One striking similarity lies in their use of aggressive rhetoric
aimed at consolidating power by dividing their followers recently.

Speaker 1 (23:20):
And this is basically the thing.

Speaker 3 (23:22):
I mean much could be said, as you know about
the Epstein situation, and it's you know, and it's something
that was known. Everybody knew that Trump was on the plane.
People in the know, they all knew these things. Why
it's coming up now, I don't know, but it's coming
up amongst his base, who some have likened to idiots.

(23:45):
And Trump actually has done this, and let me just
get into this. I just I don't know why it
has taken this long for his base to understand this.
And it's weird that it takes basically pedophilia or the
exploitation of underage miners for sexual purposes to bring the
magabase out. I don't know, but that's what it is.

(24:09):
So okay, So we've known about this since twenty fifteen
or so, but recently Trump publicly called former supporters who
questioned or wavered in their loyalty because of the Trump
Epstein affair. We clean some idiots, and this strategy of

(24:29):
vilifying to centers isn't new. Travel Junga, and I've read
her memoirs or parts of her memoirs. She was Hitler's
private secretary and She described how Hitler would single out
those who questioned him, labeling as weak or traders, and
she said he did this in order to maintain a

(24:50):
fearful and compliant inner circle. She recalled, and this is
a quote. He had, this way of singling out those
who questioned him, calling them weaker traders. It was a
method to keep his circle tight and fearful. Like Trump's
recent rhetorics calling wavering supporters, weeklies and idiots, Hitler's US versus.

Speaker 1 (25:10):
Them mentality cast any doubt as far as betrayal is concerned.

Speaker 3 (25:15):
Younga explained, Hitler created and US versus them atmosphere where
anyone who doubted him was immediately branded. It is an enemy,
even if they had once been long This is precisely
what Trump does, This use of fear and shame to
enforce conformity. It's a hallmark of a fascist control. Junga

(25:36):
noted that the use of fear and shame was constant
to maintain control. He needed everyone to conform or to
be cast out. This mirrors what Trump is doing, mirrors
Hitler's tactics of villa find his centers within his inner circle.
He was always concerned. This is Tradelejunga speaking again. He
was always convinced that those who disagreed with him with

(25:58):
her he either weaker traitors, little patient for dissent. He
expected absolute loyalty. Fear was his tool again I'm reading.
He made sure that everybody around him was aware that
questioned him could lead to ruin or worse. There was
constant tension. No one dared to openly disagree, and many
pretended to agree out of fear. Look at his cabinet secretaries.

(26:22):
Look how they fawn, Look how they scrape. Ask yourself
if there are any comparisons here, and I mean obviously
you know there are. He divided the travel younge again.
He divided the world into friends and enemies.

Speaker 1 (26:37):
And if you.

Speaker 3 (26:38):
Weren't with him fully, you were against him. Trump is
the same way. When this internal descent was sparked by
the Wall Street Journal's experts, he on Jeffrey Epstein, which,
as I say, it's been a known issue for.

Speaker 1 (26:55):
A long time.

Speaker 3 (26:57):
Who knows why it's becoming an issue now, probably because
of Trump's base has finally found something that they can
be impacted with. Trump escalated his attacks. He dismissed critics
within his base weak foolish us versus them. Framing served
to rally supporters by vilifying any wavering loyalty. As such,

(27:22):
tactics like shaming, intimidation, division are hallmarks of fascist leadership.
Both Trump and Hitler used them to enforce conformity, silence opposition,
maintain tight control over their movements. So, as I said,
understanding these historical parallels is vital because fascist has been
here for one hundred years and it's a favorite tool

(27:43):
and it's coming back again. We'll be talking about this
a little more on the show.

Speaker 1 (27:49):
So with this in mind, let's talk.

Speaker 3 (27:51):
These polls are a little bit older like from last week,
but they haven't gotten any better, by the way, and
the White House is set to be as close to
being paralyzed by this because it won't go away and
they don't know what to do. They're attacking by distraction.
The most recent thing that they've done is they're accusing

(28:14):
Obama of being a trader, and they say they've got
the proof.

Speaker 1 (28:18):
That he's a trader.

Speaker 3 (28:20):
This is all coming out of the propaganda minister Carolyn Levitt.
It's being picked up by Fox News, the propaganda television
channel of the fascist right, and it's interesting stuff. These polls,
I think we can say it's fairly representative. We've got

(28:41):
Gallop for example, the old reliable, well sometimes reliable Quinnipiac CNN.
So it's a ring right now, we're told, and these
are a little old. But this is only getting worse.
It's not getting better. The administration's desperately, desperately trying to

(29:02):
stop this, but it's just like the monster that can't
be stopped. Sixty two percent of voters are following the
Epstein question. They think it's relevant, they're interested. Sixty three
percent disapprove of the way Trump is handling the Epstein question.

Speaker 1 (29:18):
It's sixty three percent.

Speaker 3 (29:20):
Seventeen percent approved Trump's handling to the Epstein of affair.
There's another poll I think that says, of the American
people as a whole, three percent approve is handling or
approve of only three percent disagree on immigration. Concerning Trump's
handling the immigration question, what's your view do you approve?

(29:43):
Thirty five percent approve, sixty two percent know that they
don't approve. So this is Trump underwater on immigration by
twenty seven percent. This is, you know, quite remarkable twenty
seven points. So on the question of immigration in general,
which is, do you think that immigration can be a
good thing? Seventeen percent of Trump approve on immigration, seventeen

(30:06):
percent from approved, seventy nine percent disapprove. Should there be
a pathway to citizenship, which the Republicans opposed. Seventy eight
percent of the voters believe that there should be a
pathway to citizenship for people who obviously meet all the
prerequisites for that. Do you approve of mass deportation? Thirty

(30:27):
eight percent approve of the mass deportation Trump's So, in
other words, most of the country, by twelve percent at
least disapprove of that Trump's handling. So, in other words,
sixty two percent disapproved Trump's handling the economy. Sixty one
percent say they disapprove of Trump's handling to the economy.

Speaker 1 (30:49):
And this goes.

Speaker 3 (30:49):
Together with the sixty one percent who disapprove of Trump's tariffs.

Speaker 1 (30:54):
And this is the thing.

Speaker 3 (30:55):
When you get over sixty on these things, this is
the landslide. Trump says, anything he ever does, even if
he loses, it's a landslide. No, no, no, no, but
but this, if you get over sixty percent on something
that more or less equates to the beginnings of a landslide.
You want to reduce immigration, you think that's a good idea?

(31:16):
Thirty percent say yes, they do, seventy percent say no.
Can immigration be good? Ninety one percent of Democrats are
still they say yes. We're still in the annual Gallop
administration pool.

Speaker 1 (31:31):
Here.

Speaker 3 (31:32):
Ninety one percent of Democrats think immigration can be good.
Eighty percent of Independents think immigration can be good. Now,
Republicans the bases included, although it's not identical, sixty four
percent of Republicans say immigration can be good potentially good.

Speaker 1 (31:49):
Okay, here's Quinnipiac.

Speaker 3 (31:51):
Quinnipiac asks do you approve of Trump's handling of the
Epstein affair. The answer is seventy percent approved, sixty three
percent disapprove, seventeen approved, sixty three percent disapproved, thirty five percent.
More than a third of Republicans disapprove of Trump's handling,
So one third, you know, one third of the Republican

(32:11):
party disapproves. So, I mean, we've got New Jersey coming up,
We've got Virginia coming up, We've got the New York mayoralty.
So that touches based on a few things. At this point,
let's take another break, and this is Politic by Jake
And now here's a work in one of our sponsors,
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Hi, this is Jake with Twin Consulting.

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Speaker 1 (33:23):
Now let's get back to Jake and Politics by Jakes Hi.

Speaker 3 (33:35):
This is Jake with Politics by Jake. Do you like
what you hear right now? Support the real talk then
go to Patreon dot com Forward slash Politics by Jake
right now, every dollar helps fight the noise. And this
is politics by Jake, and we're back. We're gonna be
talking about several things. You're gonna be talking about baptism,
we're gonna be talking about in this segment, and we're

(33:57):
gonna be talking about montdami At to be talking about
the ultra lefts. Try to stay with me. This is
going to be a kind of an interesting segment. So okay,
let's start out with the best tradition of the Democratic
Party of the United States in general. It's going to
be the new Deal Democrat, Franklin Dolano Roosevelt type leadership, competent,

(34:19):
a winner, four times, a winner. There's nothing that comes close.
But the ultra lefts say, and others say, no, no, no, we.

Speaker 1 (34:29):
Need socialism because that's.

Speaker 4 (34:32):
What works so well in Eastern Europe and in Russia
and in China and in North Korea and all those places.

Speaker 1 (34:42):
And this is just ridiculous. This is ridiculous.

Speaker 3 (34:46):
So this is an element of the winds of the
week or two after the Arizona elections Mamdani showed up
on Capitol Hill. They would have used this to say,
Mamdani is the conquering hero, you know, because the Arizona election,
he's going to take over and this is the future

(35:08):
of the Democratic Party. If you hear that, that's going
to be coming from your typical corporate media, you know,
the one that this show's called corrupt, controlled corporate as
it was.

Speaker 1 (35:21):
He met with jayapl Up there, Jaya pl you know the.

Speaker 3 (35:24):
Congresswoman from the TAZ Do you remember that one that
was the juridicial vacuum, the lawless zone in Seattle, Washington,
part of her district, if I've understood correctly, where a
number of persons were killed in this area.

Speaker 1 (35:41):
No law, no order, no comps, no nothing. So Jaya Paul.

Speaker 3 (35:45):
Swooned, give me a break, underlining that, including the fact
that she signed prominently the appeasement petition for Ukraine and
October of twenty twenty two, it must have been that
when that happened, Jayapaul was somebody who thought she could
be Speaker of the House, and she will not be.

(36:07):
I think at this rate she's definitely going in the
wrong direction. So Grijalvo ran on food stamps, on medicaid,
on building housing.

Speaker 1 (36:17):
That's fine.

Speaker 3 (36:18):
The problem is with an ultra left and Jayapaul is
one of those, and at a certain point we have
to say AOC is.

Speaker 1 (36:26):
One of those. The problem with an ultra left is
they won't stop there.

Speaker 3 (36:31):
They're going to have something to say about Hamas, They're
going to have something to say about net and Yahoo.
They're going to talk about why we can't have peace
in Ukraine, why we can't negotiate with Putin.

Speaker 1 (36:42):
And the answer to this is easy, because he won't
do it. He won't do it. So the media, and
this is a principle.

Speaker 3 (36:51):
Now understand, the media love ultra lefts because they make
the Democratic Party weak and it is in the controlled, corrupt,
corporate media's interests to make the Democratic Party weaker, more vulnerable,
more on the defensive. So you need to have message discipline.

(37:13):
You need to have organizational discipline, and that means stick
to points that are es central, mass traction, economic demands
like we always say, what are those? Save Medicare, save Medicaid,
save Obamacare, save food stamps, save snap and save the

(37:35):
other features, save light, heat, stop mass layoffs, raise the
minimum wage within reason, do all of those things. That's
new deal democratic thinking. And if you're going to be
a mayor, you know what, stay out of foreign policy. Okay,
I mean, what the hell? Honestly, what the hell does

(37:57):
globalize the Intifada mean? In context of being the mayor
of New York. It means that you're making an appeal
to people who are somehow out of touch. It's amazing
to me that people don't see it. Again, it has
to do with, in my opinion, the tremendous penetration of postmodernism,
which is the thinking of Jean Jacques Rousseau. And Isaay said,

(38:21):
the echoes of the Paris mob, which Rousseau is contemporary with,
and their fear of conspiracies. They're paranoia about the world. This,
in its own way lives on so and I've mentioned
this before too. If somebody comes forward like Hog and says,
I want to organize, I want to be part of
the party leadership. I want to try to oust our

(38:42):
existing officeholders, all of whom have won definitions, I'm sorry,
who have won elections. By definition, this is a kind
of political infighting. You see, This is internes han warfare.
This is only destructive and the only people helps are
the Republicans. And you think it leads to something more radical,

(39:06):
I say it leads to defeat, and it leads to
the biggest tragedy of them all.

Speaker 1 (39:10):
And here's the part.

Speaker 3 (39:12):
Here's the part I wanted to talk to you about
about social fascism in the Germany and the Soviet Union
of the twenties and the thirties. The central tragedy of
the twentieth century is where the KPD Party of Germany,
and that would be the Communist Party KPD, under orders

(39:36):
from Stalin, admittedly said this that the social Democrats. And
when I say social democrats, let's be clear about this, Okay,
that's the trade unionists, that's the employed workers were not
an ally, but they were an enemy. And that therefore
the Nazi Party much less dangerous, not just less dangerous,

(40:00):
is much less dangerous than the social Democrats. That's the
famous theory of social or infamous as the case may be,
of social fascism. Again, I repeat, because you need to
understand this. The social Democrats comprising there, but it's similar
in the United States. Trade union is you know here,

(40:20):
you know unions and employed workers were the enemy, and
that the Nazi Party, the Nazi Party fascism was not
only less dangerous, but it was much less dangerous.

Speaker 1 (40:35):
Than these bourgeoisie.

Speaker 3 (40:37):
And again, when I say that I'm referring to the workers,
that means that means the workers.

Speaker 1 (40:42):
I agree.

Speaker 3 (40:43):
By the way, I as an aside, I agree to
those who say, you know, what the hell does that mean?
I agree, I agree. It's a little confusing, but it
just means the workers. That's what it means.

Speaker 1 (40:55):
So what do we have today?

Speaker 3 (40:56):
We have the very same thing. Elon Musk. I'll talk about.

Speaker 1 (41:00):
Him a little more in a minute.

Speaker 3 (41:01):
He wants to attack Trump, but do you know why?
He thinks Trump did not go far enough. So I'm
here to tell you the notion of social fascism. It
has not disappeared. In fact, it has never evaporated, not
at all. And the idea that you're going to be
more of an enemy of someone whose beliefs, in the

(41:24):
last analysis, are somewhat similar to yours as a working person,
a unionist, for example. Rather than seeing that person as
an ally, you see them as an enemy. Well, this
is how Stalin thought. This is insane. This is an
insane way of thinking, and it's something that I'm still around.

Speaker 1 (41:46):
That's why I'm talking about it. Social fastism, this is
social fascism.

Speaker 3 (41:51):
So we'll see all of this. Okay, Cuomo is running fine.
Trum Trump with asked what do you think of mom
in New York? And Trump goes through his usual one,
which is that Mamdannie is one hundred percent communist.

Speaker 1 (42:07):
Lunatic, and that's the nicest thing.

Speaker 3 (42:10):
By the way, you're going to hear for National Republicans
about Mamdanni, and it's going to sit, it's going to
land with a lot of people once you get this
guy out there. It's one of those wedge issue red
button words or phrases that come from Lee Atwater. Well,
I mean it was Atwater who recommended that the Republican

(42:32):
Party used such red button phrases. Obviously they'd been around
previous to that. It was kind of an offshoot of
nixon Southern strategies.

Speaker 1 (42:41):
So my question.

Speaker 3 (42:43):
Earlier this week, I guess, was Trump, if you really
fear that a communist is going to take over your birthplace?

Speaker 1 (42:50):
Right, and this is all nonsense.

Speaker 3 (42:52):
Trump cares about nothing but himself, and everything that he
relates to is motivated by himself.

Speaker 1 (43:00):
So if you really fear that.

Speaker 3 (43:01):
A communist is going to take over your birthplace, your city,
my city too. I'm from there. Why don't you do
something about it. Why don't you order Adams and Sleewood
and drop out of the race.

Speaker 5 (43:12):
You can do that.

Speaker 1 (43:14):
Adams is at large as a free.

Speaker 3 (43:15):
Man, thanks to you, and that thanks to that guy
Bow who Trump is now trying to put on the
Federal Court of Appeals. But even not friendly polls showed
New Yorker's thought that when it came to actually governing,
that Cuomo would do a better job than Montdomni or others.
So Trump, if you wanted to, Trump could say, Adams, Sliwa,

(43:38):
quit the race. I'll give you nice federal jobs. You
want to be an ambassador? How about a nice tropical country?

Speaker 1 (43:45):
What would you like, Sliwa?

Speaker 3 (43:47):
Come on, it's beyond your wildest dreams. Adams, come on,
break out.

Speaker 1 (43:52):
Of this dead end.

Speaker 3 (43:53):
Get a change your scene. You're going nowhere as the mayor.

Speaker 4 (43:56):
Of New York.

Speaker 1 (43:57):
Get a change your scene. Nice federal job, something like that.

Speaker 3 (44:01):
But he won't do it. And the reason he won't
do it is because he needs Mamdani. Mam donni and
get me on this. When I say this, Mamdani is
going to be an increasingly critical part of the Republican strategy.
To hang on in the face of MAGA collapse that
you are seeing now, and I think this is important
to see. So you see, generally speaking, what we're dealing

(44:27):
with is the demoralization of Western civilization. And I guess
it's something you might say started during the Vietnam War.
Large areas of youth around the world were horrified. I
can correct it. They's felt.

Speaker 1 (44:42):
I was a part of it.

Speaker 3 (44:43):
Horrified by the Vietnam War. That's that's my time back then,
horrified by the Vietnam War. Certainly determined not to be drafted,
not to be forced into something that you politically didn't
agree with. So the demoralization of Western civilization, that would
again it would be Europe. It would be Western Europe.
I guess from Poland on the west, North America, South America, Oceania,

(45:08):
you know, New Zealand, Australia, and large influence over places
like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan. But Western civilization is unquestionably demoralized,
and it leads to people who are willing to swallow
anything that said. The old Russovian ideas, you know, Jean

(45:28):
Jack Russo are bad. Civilization is bad, technology is bad, property,
bad law and order bad. These are all factors, so
he would say of corruption. And today this critique tends
to come not surprisingly from And this is the thing.
History has an impact on this stuff. That's why I

(45:51):
always say I'm a student of history, and I use
history to kind of weave into the tapestry, because we're
not disconnected from went on a thousand years ago or
more so, keeping that in mind, the immediate rivals of
Western civilization, which were the Byzantine Empire, and you know,
I don't like to call it, that was the Eastern

(46:12):
Roman Empire. Remember they were around from four to seventy
six a D. When the Western Roman Empire fell for
seventy six a D. Until about four four fourteen fifty
three a D. Give or take, you know, a couple
of years. So they went on that empire, That Eastern

(46:33):
Roman Empire went on for an extra thousand years, an
extra millennium, and then that was replaced with Muhammad the Conqueror.
You've got the Ottoman dynasty. You might say today, the
principal influence on much of the Arab world is exactly
what the Turks brought and how they had observed a
lot of Byzantine thinking. This is why you hear me

(46:55):
talk occasionally not a lot about Peter O'Toole and the
movie Lawrence of Arabia, because it's such a good movie,
and I recommend that you watch it because it's a classic.
It's absolutely a classic. It's on TCM occasionally. I recommend
that you watch it. But it shows you the elements

(47:18):
of what was going on, and they're the same things
basically that're going on today. So you might say that
the Turks had absorbed a lot of the thinking of
the Eastern Roman Empire, and you could say other groups.
You could say the Brahman factor of Hinduism wants to
regard themselves as the highest achievement of world civilization. Therefore

(47:42):
they're interested in this kind of agitation. They often take
the leadership of it. That has been pointed out. What
I think we have to remember is that this is
not proven. That's about the nicest thing we can say
about it. It's not proven. It's very partners in theme.
So it's important to hang on to what we would

(48:03):
have to call Western civilization unless, you know, and until
you can find something that really is better.

Speaker 1 (48:10):
At the moment, I don't see it.

Speaker 3 (48:12):
So again, you know, we're happy to and I'll qualify
my words here, we're happy to welcome Elon Musk and
as America Party. I think he's an exponent of root
canal economics, ultra austerity. Like I said, he's worse than Trump.
He's the one who says the Trump's austerity, it's not enough.

Speaker 1 (48:33):
And no matter how.

Speaker 3 (48:35):
Many victims we can attribute to the doge or the
douche as I like to call it, and the various cuts,
the big factor of hope in today's world is that
when evil fights evil, the good can benefit. And that
is what we hope to see here. People say the
third party never succeed, but they do. The Whig Party

(48:56):
that came out of nothing. It was simply people who
were opposed to Jackson, Only Democrats, the Federalists. They had
disappeared in about eighteen fifty fifteen, eighteen fifteen, the Whig
Party eighteen fifteen, eighteen sixteen, eighteen seventeen, the Whig Party
then appeared. It was never a well organized party. They

(49:16):
didn't have a clear program, but there it was, and
they elected some presidents. They elected William Henry Harrison, they
elected Zachary Taylor, a number of others, and that was
a real opposition. So they then collapsed and they were
momentarily replaced by the know nothings. And when the no
nothing's collapsed because they had no answer to the question

(49:39):
of slavery and sectionalism, that's when the Republicans, the Free
Soil Republicans, and then the Republicans came into place.

Speaker 1 (49:47):
So a third party can could.

Speaker 3 (49:50):
Theoretically prevail if one of the existing parties were to
become extinct. And I don't think that's exactly what's going
to happen, but it's a possibility. It's happened before. You've
got to be aware of it. But the main thing
is the Republican Party is now, as you've heard me
repeat time and time again on this show, has been
transformed into a fascist caultman. Even some members of the cult,

(50:12):
as we've heard just now, some of them say I
don't want to be part of this.

Speaker 1 (50:17):
Others still do.

Speaker 3 (50:19):
But any losses at this point, even two or three percent,
certainly ten percent mentioned by Bannon, this would doom this
entire magaface. And I ask you, isn't it about high time?
Ten years after Trump came down the Golden escalator at
Trump Tower. I say, it's time for this terrible episode,

(50:40):
and you've got to have a government that looks ahead.
How are you going to dominate world science and research
into the second half of the twenty first century. Trump,
on the other hand, seems to be concerned with the opposite.
We've just had Robert F. Kennedy Junior Strong, in his
four teen years of slavery to substances. In other words,

(51:03):
use a coke addict, maybe a heroin addict, fired as
chiefs of staff, is now looking for I guess a
new chief of staff. We have measles growing over a
thousand cases, part of a worldwide comeback from measles and
so forth that began in either Tongo or Samoa. In

(51:23):
other words, the gratuitous, the vandalistic, the anarchistic, the totally reprehensible,
totally criminal destruction of research capabilities that the American people
have invested in over decades, over one hundred years. This
has got to end. And the way that it is
is the need to take potential shown in those public

(51:46):
opinion polls, begin to put that into the streets and more.
This is politically where it's at, and what we need
is not ultra left sectarian demands, but we need mass
traction economic demands again, the social safety net, the minimum wage,
antitrust and industrial party. And what Biden had well begun

(52:11):
is to restore advanced production, quantum computing, biomedical research, the
most advanced branches of modern production, and to make sure
that those thrive, and not just in the right to
work states, but in the entire country. Of course, right
to work means union busting. So you know, we oppose
that we want to go back to the Wagner Act

(52:32):
of what nineteen thirty five something like that, not tas
heartly intrusion into that world that occurred nineteen forty six,
nineteen forty seven, it's right after World War Two.

Speaker 1 (52:44):
So there we are. That's our strategic overview.

Speaker 3 (52:47):
We hope you have a pleasant weekend, and God willing,
we will see you back on Monday.

Speaker 1 (52:52):
And this is politics by Jacob.

Speaker 3 (52:54):
And now you're the work in one of our sponsors
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Now, let's get back to Jack and Politics by Jack.

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Speaker 7 (57:16):
W WE Hall of Famer and pop culture icon hul
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All these guys who have since since become movie stars,
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Speaker 7 (57:47):
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(58:08):
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Speaker 8 (58:31):
The lawsuit comes just days after an off duty Border
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(58:54):
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