September 25, 2025 • 14 mins
Amidst the turmoil of the failed 1905 revolution in Russia, Lenin provides a critical analysis of the Bolshevik political program and tactics, contrasting them with the erratic and subservient factions within the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party. Join us as we explore this insightful examination of revolutionary strategy and political clarity. (Summary by Christian Pecaut) This edition was edited by George Hanna.
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Speaker 1 (00:00):
Chapter seven of Two Tactics of Social Democracy by Lenin
read for LibriVox dot Org by Christian Picot at Communist
Revolution dot Org. Chapter seven, The Tactics of Eliminating the
(00:24):
Conservatives from the Government. The article in the organ of
the Tiflis Menshevik Committee Social Democrat number one, to which
we have just referred is entitled the Zemsky Sabor and
Our Tactics. Its author has not yet entirely forgotten our program.
(00:49):
He advances the slogan of a republic, but this is
how he discusses tactics. Quote. It is possible to point
to two ways of achieving this goal a republic. Either
completely ignore the Zemsky Sabor that is being convened by
the government and defeat the government by force of arms,
(01:14):
form a revolutionary government and convene a constituent assembly. Or
declare the Zemski Sabor the center of our actions, influencing
its composition and activity by force of arms, and either
forcibly compelling it to declare itself a constituent assembly or
(01:34):
convening a constituent assembly through it. These two tactics differ
very sharply from one another. Let us see which of
them is more advantageous to us. This is how the
new Russian Escrists set forth the ideas that were subsequently
incorporated in the resolution we have analyzed. Note that this
(01:58):
was written before the Battle of Tsushima, when the Buyegan
scheme had not yet seen the light of the day.
Even the Liberals were losing patients and expressing their lack
of confidence in the pages of the legal press. But
a new escrised social democrat proved more credulous than the liberals.
(02:21):
He declares that the Zemski Sabor is being convened and
trusts the Czar so much that he proposes to make
this as yet non existent Zemski Sabor or possibly stated
Duma or Advisory Legislative Assembly the center of our actions,
(02:43):
being more outspoken and straightforward than the authors of the
resolution adopted at the conference Ar. Tiflician does not put
the two tactics, which he expounds with inevitable naivete, on
a par but declares that the second is more advantageous.
Just listen quote the first tactics. As you know, the
(03:08):
coming revolution is a bourgeois revolution i e. Its purpose
is to affect such changes in the present system as
are of interest not only to the proletariat, but to
the whole of bourgeois society. All classes are opposed to
the government, even the capitalists themselves. The militant proletariat and
(03:30):
the militant bourgeoisie are in a certain sense marching together
and jointly attacking the autocracy from different sides. The government
is completely isolated and lacks public sympathy. For this reason,
it is very easy to destroy it. The Russian proletariat
(03:51):
as a whole is not yet sufficiently class conscious and
organized to be able to carry out the revolution by itself,
and even if it were able to do so, it
would carry through a proletarian socialist revolution and not a
bourgeois revolution. Hence, it is in our interest that the
government remain without allies, that it be unable to disunite
(04:15):
the opposition, unable to ally the bourgeoisie to itself, and
leave the proletariat isolated. So it is in the interests
of the proletariat that the Tsarist government should not be
able to disunite the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Is it
not by mistake that this Georgian organ is called souzial
(04:40):
democrat instead of Aswabjena, and note its peerless philosophy of
democratic revolution. Is it not obvious that this poor defliction
is hopelessly confused by the pedantic, custist interpretation of the
concept of bourgeois revolution. He discusses the question of the
(05:03):
possible isolation of the proletariat in a democratic revolution and
forgets forgets about a trifle about the peasantry. Of the
possible allies of the proletariat. He knows and favors the
land owning Zemptzoists, and is not aware of the peasants.
(05:23):
And this is in the Caucasus. Well. Were we not
right when we said that, by its method of reasoning,
the new Escra was sinking to the level of the
monarchist bourgeoisie instead of raising the revolutionary peasantry to its
position of our ally quote. Otherwise, the defeat of the
(05:45):
proletariat and the victory of the government is inevitable. This
is just what the autocracy is striving for in its
Zemski sobor. It will undoubtedly attract to its side the
representatives of the nobility of the Zemptzvoes, the cities, the universities,
(06:06):
and similar bourgeois institutions. It will try to appease them
with petty concessions and thereby reconcile them to itself. Strengthened
in this way, it will direct all its blows against
the working people, who will have been isolated. It is
our duty to prevent such an unfortunate outcome. But can
(06:30):
this be done by the first method? Let us assume
that we paid no attention whatever to the Zemsky Sabor,
but started to prepare for insurrection ourselves, and one fine
day came out in the streets, armed and ready for battle.
The result would be that we would be confronted not
with one, but with two enemies, the government and the
(06:52):
Zemsky Sabor. While we were preparing, they would manage to
come to terms, either into an agreement with one another,
draw up a constitution advantageous to themselves, and divide power
between them. These tactics are of direct advantage to the government,
and we must reject them in the most energetic fashion.
(07:18):
Now this is Frank. We must resolutely reject the tactics
of preparing an insurrection, because while we were preparing, the
government would come to terms with the bourgeoisie. Can one
find in the old literature of the most rabid economism.
Anything that would even approximate such a disgrace to revolutionary
(07:42):
social democracy. That insurrections and outbreaks of workers and peasants
are occurring first in one place and then in another
is a fact. The Zemski Sabor, however, is a buyegan promise,
and the social democrat of the city of Tiflis decides
(08:03):
to reject the tactics of preparing an insurrection and to
wait for a center of influence the Zemski Sabor quote.
The second tactics, on the contrary, consist in placing the
Zemsky Sabor under our surveillance, in not giving it the
opportunity to act according to its own will and enter
(08:28):
into an agreement with the government. Note by what means
can the Zemsois be deprived of their own will? Perhaps
by the use of a special sort of litmus paper.
We support the Zemsky Sabor to the extent that it
fights the autocracy, and we fight it in those cases
(08:50):
where it becomes reconciled with the autocracy by energetic interference
and force, we shall cause a split among the deputies. Heavens,
this is certainly rendering tactics profound there are no forces
available to fight in the streets, but it is possible
to split the deputies by force. Listen, comrade from Tiflis.
(09:15):
One may prevaricate, but one should know the limit. Continued
rally the radicals to our side, eliminate the conservatives from
the government, and thus put the whole Zemski Sabor on
the path of revolution. Thanks to such tactics, the government
will always remain isolated, the opposition strong, and the establishment
(09:40):
of a democratic system will thereby be facilitated. Well, well,
let anyone now say that we exaggerate the new escrist's
turn to the most vulgar semblance of economism. This is
positively like the famous powder for a terminating flies. You
(10:02):
catch the fly, sprinkle it with the powder, and the
fly will die. Split the deputies of the Zemsky Sabor
by force, eliminate the conservatives from the government, and the
whole Zemsky Sabor will take the path of revolution. No
Jacobin armed insurrection of any sort, but just like that,
(10:26):
in genteel, almost parliamentary fashion, influencing the members of the
Zemsky Sabor Poor Russia. It has been said that she
always wears the old fashioned bonnets that europe discards. We
have no parliament as yet, even bull Yegan has not
(10:47):
yet promised one, but we have any amount of parliamentary
cretanism quote. How should this interference be affected? First of all,
we shall demand that the Zemski Sabor be convened on
the basis of universal and equal suffrage, direct elections and
(11:09):
secret ballot, simultaneously with the announcement in Iskra of this
method of election. Complete freedom to carry on the election
campaign i e. Freedom of assembly, of speech and of
the press, the inviolability of the electors and the candidates,
(11:30):
and the release of all political prisoners must be made
law by Nicholas. The elections themselves must be fixed as
late as possible, so that we have sufficient time to
inform and prepare the people. And since the drafting of
the regulations governing the convocation of the Sabor has been
(11:51):
entrusted to a commission headed by Buyigan, Minister of the Interior,
we should also exert pressure on this commission and on
its own members. So this is what is meant by
the tactics of eliminating the Conservatives from the government. If
the Bliegan Commission refuses to satisfy our demands. But surely
(12:14):
such a thing cannot happen if we follow these correct
and profound tactics and grant suffrage only to property owners.
Then we must interfere in these elections and by revolutionary
means force the voters to elect progressive candidates, and in
the Zemski Sabor demand a constituent Assembly. Finally, we must,
(12:37):
by all possible measures demonstrations, strikes and insurrection, if need be,
compel the Zemsky Sibort to convene a constituent assembly or
declare itself to be such. The armed proletariat must constitute
itself the defender of the constituent Assembly, and both together,
(12:59):
both the armed proletariat and the conservatives eliminated from the government,
will march forward to a democratic republic. Such are the
social democratic tactics, and they alone will secure us victory.
Let not the reader imagine that this incredible nonsense is
simply a maiden attempt at writing on the part of
(13:22):
some new escraw adherent with no authority or influence. Now
this is what is stated in the organ of an
entire committee of New Escriists, the Tiflis Committee. More than that,
this nonsense has been openly endorsed by the Escra in
(13:43):
number one hundred, of which we read the following about
that issue of The Social Democrat. The first issue is
edited in a lively and talented manner. The experienced hand
of a capable editor and publicist is perceptible. It may
be said with all confidence that the newspaper will brilliantly
(14:05):
carry out the task it has set itself. Yes, if
that task is clearly to show all in Sundry the
utter ideological decay of new Escriism, then it has indeed
been carried out brilliantly. No one could have expressed the
new Escriist's degradation to liberal bourgeois opportunism in a more lively,
(14:30):
talented and capable manner end of chapter seven. This recording
is in the public domain.
Chapter seven of Two Tactics of Social Democracy by Lenin
read for LibriVox dot Org by Christian Picot at Communist
Revolution dot Org. Chapter seven, The Tactics of Eliminating the
(00:24):
Conservatives from the Government. The article in the organ of
the Tiflis Menshevik Committee Social Democrat number one, to which
we have just referred is entitled the Zemsky Sabor and
Our Tactics. Its author has not yet entirely forgotten our program.
(00:49):
He advances the slogan of a republic, but this is
how he discusses tactics. Quote. It is possible to point
to two ways of achieving this goal a republic. Either
completely ignore the Zemsky Sabor that is being convened by
the government and defeat the government by force of arms,
(01:14):
form a revolutionary government and convene a constituent assembly. Or
declare the Zemski Sabor the center of our actions, influencing
its composition and activity by force of arms, and either
forcibly compelling it to declare itself a constituent assembly or
(01:34):
convening a constituent assembly through it. These two tactics differ
very sharply from one another. Let us see which of
them is more advantageous to us. This is how the
new Russian Escrists set forth the ideas that were subsequently
incorporated in the resolution we have analyzed. Note that this
(01:58):
was written before the Battle of Tsushima, when the Buyegan
scheme had not yet seen the light of the day.
Even the Liberals were losing patients and expressing their lack
of confidence in the pages of the legal press. But
a new escrised social democrat proved more credulous than the liberals.
(02:21):
He declares that the Zemski Sabor is being convened and
trusts the Czar so much that he proposes to make
this as yet non existent Zemski Sabor or possibly stated
Duma or Advisory Legislative Assembly the center of our actions,
(02:43):
being more outspoken and straightforward than the authors of the
resolution adopted at the conference Ar. Tiflician does not put
the two tactics, which he expounds with inevitable naivete, on
a par but declares that the second is more advantageous.
Just listen quote the first tactics. As you know, the
(03:08):
coming revolution is a bourgeois revolution i e. Its purpose
is to affect such changes in the present system as
are of interest not only to the proletariat, but to
the whole of bourgeois society. All classes are opposed to
the government, even the capitalists themselves. The militant proletariat and
(03:30):
the militant bourgeoisie are in a certain sense marching together
and jointly attacking the autocracy from different sides. The government
is completely isolated and lacks public sympathy. For this reason,
it is very easy to destroy it. The Russian proletariat
(03:51):
as a whole is not yet sufficiently class conscious and
organized to be able to carry out the revolution by itself,
and even if it were able to do so, it
would carry through a proletarian socialist revolution and not a
bourgeois revolution. Hence, it is in our interest that the
government remain without allies, that it be unable to disunite
(04:15):
the opposition, unable to ally the bourgeoisie to itself, and
leave the proletariat isolated. So it is in the interests
of the proletariat that the Tsarist government should not be
able to disunite the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Is it
not by mistake that this Georgian organ is called souzial
(04:40):
democrat instead of Aswabjena, and note its peerless philosophy of
democratic revolution. Is it not obvious that this poor defliction
is hopelessly confused by the pedantic, custist interpretation of the
concept of bourgeois revolution. He discusses the question of the
(05:03):
possible isolation of the proletariat in a democratic revolution and
forgets forgets about a trifle about the peasantry. Of the
possible allies of the proletariat. He knows and favors the
land owning Zemptzoists, and is not aware of the peasants.
(05:23):
And this is in the Caucasus. Well. Were we not
right when we said that, by its method of reasoning,
the new Escra was sinking to the level of the
monarchist bourgeoisie instead of raising the revolutionary peasantry to its
position of our ally quote. Otherwise, the defeat of the
(05:45):
proletariat and the victory of the government is inevitable. This
is just what the autocracy is striving for in its
Zemski sobor. It will undoubtedly attract to its side the
representatives of the nobility of the Zemptzvoes, the cities, the universities,
(06:06):
and similar bourgeois institutions. It will try to appease them
with petty concessions and thereby reconcile them to itself. Strengthened
in this way, it will direct all its blows against
the working people, who will have been isolated. It is
our duty to prevent such an unfortunate outcome. But can
(06:30):
this be done by the first method? Let us assume
that we paid no attention whatever to the Zemsky Sabor,
but started to prepare for insurrection ourselves, and one fine
day came out in the streets, armed and ready for battle.
The result would be that we would be confronted not
with one, but with two enemies, the government and the
(06:52):
Zemsky Sabor. While we were preparing, they would manage to
come to terms, either into an agreement with one another,
draw up a constitution advantageous to themselves, and divide power
between them. These tactics are of direct advantage to the government,
and we must reject them in the most energetic fashion.
(07:18):
Now this is Frank. We must resolutely reject the tactics
of preparing an insurrection, because while we were preparing, the
government would come to terms with the bourgeoisie. Can one
find in the old literature of the most rabid economism.
Anything that would even approximate such a disgrace to revolutionary
(07:42):
social democracy. That insurrections and outbreaks of workers and peasants
are occurring first in one place and then in another
is a fact. The Zemski Sabor, however, is a buyegan promise,
and the social democrat of the city of Tiflis decides
(08:03):
to reject the tactics of preparing an insurrection and to
wait for a center of influence the Zemski Sabor quote.
The second tactics, on the contrary, consist in placing the
Zemsky Sabor under our surveillance, in not giving it the
opportunity to act according to its own will and enter
(08:28):
into an agreement with the government. Note by what means
can the Zemsois be deprived of their own will? Perhaps
by the use of a special sort of litmus paper.
We support the Zemsky Sabor to the extent that it
fights the autocracy, and we fight it in those cases
(08:50):
where it becomes reconciled with the autocracy by energetic interference
and force, we shall cause a split among the deputies. Heavens,
this is certainly rendering tactics profound there are no forces
available to fight in the streets, but it is possible
to split the deputies by force. Listen, comrade from Tiflis.
(09:15):
One may prevaricate, but one should know the limit. Continued
rally the radicals to our side, eliminate the conservatives from
the government, and thus put the whole Zemski Sabor on
the path of revolution. Thanks to such tactics, the government
will always remain isolated, the opposition strong, and the establishment
(09:40):
of a democratic system will thereby be facilitated. Well, well,
let anyone now say that we exaggerate the new escrist's
turn to the most vulgar semblance of economism. This is
positively like the famous powder for a terminating flies. You
(10:02):
catch the fly, sprinkle it with the powder, and the
fly will die. Split the deputies of the Zemsky Sabor
by force, eliminate the conservatives from the government, and the
whole Zemsky Sabor will take the path of revolution. No
Jacobin armed insurrection of any sort, but just like that,
(10:26):
in genteel, almost parliamentary fashion, influencing the members of the
Zemsky Sabor Poor Russia. It has been said that she
always wears the old fashioned bonnets that europe discards. We
have no parliament as yet, even bull Yegan has not
(10:47):
yet promised one, but we have any amount of parliamentary
cretanism quote. How should this interference be affected? First of all,
we shall demand that the Zemski Sabor be convened on
the basis of universal and equal suffrage, direct elections and
(11:09):
secret ballot, simultaneously with the announcement in Iskra of this
method of election. Complete freedom to carry on the election
campaign i e. Freedom of assembly, of speech and of
the press, the inviolability of the electors and the candidates,
(11:30):
and the release of all political prisoners must be made
law by Nicholas. The elections themselves must be fixed as
late as possible, so that we have sufficient time to
inform and prepare the people. And since the drafting of
the regulations governing the convocation of the Sabor has been
(11:51):
entrusted to a commission headed by Buyigan, Minister of the Interior,
we should also exert pressure on this commission and on
its own members. So this is what is meant by
the tactics of eliminating the Conservatives from the government. If
the Bliegan Commission refuses to satisfy our demands. But surely
(12:14):
such a thing cannot happen if we follow these correct
and profound tactics and grant suffrage only to property owners.
Then we must interfere in these elections and by revolutionary
means force the voters to elect progressive candidates, and in
the Zemski Sabor demand a constituent Assembly. Finally, we must,
(12:37):
by all possible measures demonstrations, strikes and insurrection, if need be,
compel the Zemsky Sibort to convene a constituent assembly or
declare itself to be such. The armed proletariat must constitute
itself the defender of the constituent Assembly, and both together,
(12:59):
both the armed proletariat and the conservatives eliminated from the government,
will march forward to a democratic republic. Such are the
social democratic tactics, and they alone will secure us victory.
Let not the reader imagine that this incredible nonsense is
simply a maiden attempt at writing on the part of
(13:22):
some new escraw adherent with no authority or influence. Now
this is what is stated in the organ of an
entire committee of New Escriists, the Tiflis Committee. More than that,
this nonsense has been openly endorsed by the Escra in
(13:43):
number one hundred, of which we read the following about
that issue of The Social Democrat. The first issue is
edited in a lively and talented manner. The experienced hand
of a capable editor and publicist is perceptible. It may
be said with all confidence that the newspaper will brilliantly
(14:05):
carry out the task it has set itself. Yes, if
that task is clearly to show all in Sundry the
utter ideological decay of new Escriism, then it has indeed
been carried out brilliantly. No one could have expressed the
new Escriist's degradation to liberal bourgeois opportunism in a more lively,
(14:30):
talented and capable manner end of chapter seven. This recording
is in the public domain.
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