September 25, 2025 • 25 mins
Amidst the turmoil of the failed 1905 revolution in Russia, Lenin provides a critical analysis of the Bolshevik political program and tactics, contrasting them with the erratic and subservient factions within the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party. Join us as we explore this insightful examination of revolutionary strategy and political clarity. (Summary by Christian Pecaut) This edition was edited by George Hanna.
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
PostScript, Part one of two Tactics of Social Democracy by Lenin,
recorded for Librevox dot org by Christian Picot at Communist
Revolution dot org. PostScript once again Osvobgenia trend once again
(00:30):
new ESCRA trend Numbers seventy one to seventy two of
the Asvobjenia and numbers one o two to one oh
three of the ESCRA provide a wealth of additional material
on the question to which we have devoted chapter eight
of our pamphlet. Since it is quite impossible to make
(00:54):
use of the whole of this rich material here, we
shall confine ourselves to the most import Curton points only
firstly to the kind of realism in social democracy that
Oswabjenia praises, and why the latter must praise it. Secondly
(01:15):
to the relationship between the concepts.
Speaker 2 (01:18):
Revolution and dictatorship. Part one, What do the bourgeois liberal
realists praise the social democratic realists for? The articles entitled
the Split in Russian social Democracy and the Triumph of
(01:41):
common Sense Ozwabijenia number seventy two set forth the opinion
on social democracy held by the representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie,
an opinion which is of remarkable value for class conscious proletarians.
We cannot too strongly recommend every Social Democrat to read
(02:04):
these articles in full and to ponder over every sentence
in them. We shall reproduce, first of all, the most
important propositions contained in both these articles. It is fairly difficult,
writes the Aswabgenia, for an outside observer to grasp the
(02:25):
real political meaning of the disagreements that have split the
Social Democratic Party into two factions. A definition of the
majority faction as the more radical and unswerving, as distinct
from the minority which allows of certain compromises in the
(02:46):
interests of the cause, would not be quite exact, and
in any case would not provide an exhaustive characterization. At
any rate. The traditional dogmas of Marxian orthodox uxi are
observed by the minority faction with even greater zeal, perhaps
than by the Lenin faction. The following characterization would appear
(03:11):
to us to be more accurate. The fundamental political temper
of the majority is abstract revolutionism, rebellion for the sake
of rebellion, an eagerness to stir up insurrection among the
popular masses by any and every means and to seize
(03:33):
power immediately in their name. To a certain extent, this
brings the Leninists.
Speaker 1 (03:41):
Close to the socialist.
Speaker 2 (03:42):
Revolutionaries and over shadows in their minds the idea of
the class struggle with the idea of a Russian revolution
involving the whole people, while abjuring in practice much of
the narrow mindedness of the social democratic doctrine. The Leninists are,
(04:03):
on the other hand, thoroughly imbued with the narrow mindedness
of revolutionism. Renounce all practical work except the preparation of
an immediate insurrection, Ignore on principle all forms of legal
and semi legal agitation, and every species of practically useful
(04:24):
compromise with other oppositional trends. The minority, on the contrary,
while steadfastly adhering to the doctrine of Marxism, at the
same time preserves the realistic elements of the Marxian world outlook.
The fundamental idea of this faction is to oppose the
(04:45):
interests of the proletariat to the interests of the bourgeoisie.
But on the other hand, the struggle of the proletariat
is conceived, of course, within certain bounds dictated by the
immutable dogmas of social democracy in realistically sober fashion, with
(05:06):
a clear realization of all the concrete conditions and aims
of this struggle. Neither of the two factions pursues its
basic point of view quite consistently, for in their ideological
and political activity they are bound by the strict formulae
of the social democratic Catechism, which keep the Leninists from
(05:31):
becoming unswerving rebels after the fashion of some at least
of the socialist revolutionaries, and the Eschriists from becoming the
practical leaders of the real political movement of the working class.
And after quoting the contents of the most important resolutions,
(05:52):
the Aswobgenia writer goes on to illustrate his general thoughts
with several concrete remarks about them. In comparison with the
Third Congress, he says, the Minority Conference takes a totally
different attitude towards armed insurrection. In connection with the attitude
(06:13):
towards armed insurrection, there is a difference in the respective
resolutions on a provisional government. A similar difference is revealed
in relation to the workers trade unions. The Leninists do
not say a single word in their resolution about this
most important starting point in the political education and organization
(06:37):
of the working class. The minority, on the other hand,
drew up a very weighty resolution with regard to the Liberals,
both factions, he says, are unanimous. But the Third Congress
repeats almost word for word Plikanov's resolution on the attitude
(06:58):
towards the Liberals adpted at the Second Congress, and rejects
Starover's resolution adopted by the same Congress, which was more
favorably inclined towards the liberals. Although the Congress and the
Conference resolutions on the peasant movement coincide on the whole,
(07:18):
the majority lays more emphasis on the idea of the
revolutionary confiscation of the landlord's estates and other land while
the minority wants to make the demand for democratic state
and administrative reforms the basis of its agitation. Finally, the
(07:39):
Aswabjenia cites from the ESCRA number one hundred a Menshevik resolution,
the main clause of which reads as follows, in view
of the fact that at the present time, underground work
alone does not secure adequate participation of the masses in
party life, and in some degree leads to the masses
(08:02):
as such, being contrasted to the party as an illegal organization.
The latter must assume leadership of the trade union struggle
of the workers on a legal basis, strictly linking up
this struggle with the social democratic tasks. Commenting on this resolution,
(08:22):
the Oswabijenia exclaims, we heartily welcome this resolution as a
triumph of common sense, as evidence that a definite section
of the Social Democratic Party is beginning.
Speaker 1 (08:35):
To see the light with regard to tactics.
Speaker 2 (08:40):
The reader now has before him all the essential opinions
of the OSWA Bijenia. It would of course be the
greatest mistake to regard these opinions as correct in the
sense that they correspond.
Speaker 1 (08:53):
To objective truth.
Speaker 2 (08:56):
Every Social Democrat will easily detect mistakes in them at
every step. It would be naive to forget that these
opinions are thoroughly permeated with the interests and the points
of view of the liberal bourgeoisie, and that accordingly they
are utterly biased and tendentious. They reflect the views of
(09:19):
the social Democrats in the same way as objects are
reflected in a concave or convex mirror. But it would
be an even greater mistake to forget that in the
final analysis, these bourgeois distorted opinions reflect the real interests
of the bourgeoisie, which as a class undoubtedly understands correctly
(09:44):
which trends in social democracy are advantageous, close, akin and agreeable,
and which trends are harmful, distant, alien, and antipathetic to it.
A bourgeois philosopher or a bourgeois publicist can never understand
(10:05):
social democracy properly, neither Menshevik nor bolshevik social democracy. But
if he is at all a sensible publicist, his class
instinct will not deceive him, and he will always grasp
the significance for the bourgeoisie of one or another trend
in the social democratic movement on the whole correctly, although
(10:30):
he may present it in a distorted way. That is
why the class instinct of our enemy, his class opinion,
is always deserving of the most serious attention of every
class conscious proletarian. What then, does the class instinct of
the Russian bourgeoisie, as expressed by the Asvobjenzi tell us,
(10:56):
It quite definitely expresses its satisfaction with the trend represented
by the New escra praises it for its realism, sober mindedness,
the triumph of common sense, the seriousness of its resolutions,
its beginning to see the light on questions of tactics,
(11:16):
its practicalness, et cetera. And it expresses dissatisfaction with the
trend of the Third Congress censers it for its narrow mindedness, revolutionism,
its rebel spirit, its repudiation of practically useful compromises, et cetera.
(11:38):
The class instinct of the bourgeoisie suggests to it exactly
what has been repeatedly proved with the help of the
most precise facts in our literature, namely, that the New
Escraists are the opportunists and their opponents the revolutionary wing
of the present day Russian social democratic movement. The liberals
(12:02):
cannot but sympathize with the trend of the former and
cannot but censure the trend of the latter. The liberals,
being the ideologists of the bourgeoisie, perfectly well understand the
advantages to the bourgeoisie of practicalness, sober mindedness, and seriousness
(12:24):
on the part of the working.
Speaker 1 (12:25):
Class, i e.
Speaker 2 (12:27):
Of actually restricting its field of activity within the boundaries
of capitalism, reforms, the trade union struggle, et cetera. Dangerous
and terrible to the bourgeoisie is the revolutionary narrow mindedness
of the proletariat and its endeavor in order to promote
(12:50):
its own class aims to win the leadership in a
popular Russian revolution. That this is the real meaning of
the word realism as employed by the Osvobjenya is evident,
among other things, by the way it was used previously
by the Asvo Bjenya, and mister Struve that Eskra itself
(13:16):
could not but admit that this was the meaning of
the Osvobjenia's realism. Take for instance, the article entitled it
is high time in the supplement to the Iskra number
seventy three to seventy four. The author of this article,
(13:36):
a consistent exponent of the views of marsh at the
Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, frankly
expressed the opinion that at the Congress Akimov played the
part of the ghost of opportunism rather than of its
real representative, and the editors of the Eskra were forthwith
(13:58):
obliged to correct the author of the article it is
high time by stating in a note quote, we cannot
agree with this opinion. Comrade Akimov's views on the program
bear the clear imprint of opportunism, which fact is admitted
even by the Azvabjenia critic, who in one of its
(14:20):
recent issues stated that Comrade Akimov is an adherent of
the realist read revisionist tendency. Thus, the Eskra itself is
perfectly aware that the Ozvbgenia's realism is simply opportunism and
nothing else. If in attacking liberal realism Iskra number one
(14:45):
oh two that ISKRA now says nothing about how it
was praised by the liberals for its realism. The explanation
of this circumstance is that such praise, which the Asvbgenia uttered,
not by mere chance and not for the first time,
actually proves the affinity between liberal realism and those tendencies
(15:09):
of social democratic realism read opportunism that run through every
resolution of the new Esgrists as the result of the
mistaken character of their whole tactical line. Indeed, the Russian
bourgeoisie has already fully revealed its inconsistency and egoism in
(15:30):
the popular revolution, has revealed it in mister Struve's arguments,
by the whole tone and content of the numerous liberal newspapers,
and by the nature of the political utterances of the
bulk of the Zemsphoists, the bulk of the intellectuals, and
in general of all the adherents of Messrs. Thrubotovsky, Petrunkovich,
(15:56):
Radishev and company. Of course, the bourgeoisie does not always
clearly understand, but in general and on the whole, its
class instinct enables it to grasp perfectly well that on
the one hand, the proletariat and the people are useful
for its revolution as cannon fodder, as a battering ram
(16:18):
against the autocracy, but that on the other hand, the
proletariat and the revolutionary peasantry will be terribly dangerous to
it if they win a decisive victory over Czarism and
carry the democratic revolution to completion. That is why the
(16:38):
bourgeoisie strains every effort to induce the proletariat to be
content with a modest role in the revolution, to be
more sober minded, practical and realistic, to be guided in
its activities by the principle lest the bourgeoisie recoil. The
(17:01):
bourgeois intellectuals know full well that they will not be
able to get rid of the working class movement. That
is why they do not come out against the working
class movement. They do not come out against the class
struggle of the proletariat. No, they even pay lip service
to the right to strike, to a genteel class struggle,
(17:23):
understanding the working class movement and the class struggle in
the Brentano or hirsch Dunker sense. In other words, they
are fully prepared to yield to the workers the right
to strike and to organize in trade unions, which in
fact has already almost been won by the workers themselves,
(17:46):
provided the workers renounce their rebelliousness, their narrow minded revolutionism,
their hostility to practically useful compromises, their claims and asses
inspirations to put on the popular Russian revolution the imprint
of their class struggle, the imprint of proletarian consistency, proletarian determination,
(18:13):
and plebeian Jacobinism. That is why the bourgeois intellectuals all
over Russia exert every effort resort to thousands of ways
and means, books, lectures, speeches, talks, et cetera, to imbue
the workers with the ideas of bourgeois sober mindedness, liberal practicalness,
(18:40):
opportunist realism, Brentano class struggle, hirsch Dunker, trade unions, et cetera.
The latter two slogans are particularly convenient for the bourgeois
of the Constitutional Democratic Party or the Party of Liberation,
(19:01):
since outwardly they coincide with the Marxian slogans, since with
a few small omissions and slight distortions, they can easily
be confused with and sometimes even passed off as social
democratic slogans. For instance, the legal liberal newspaper Rasviette, which
(19:22):
we will try someday to discuss in greater detail with
the readers of the Proletari, frequently say such bold things
about the class struggle, about the possible deception of the
proletariat by the bourgeoisie, about the working class movement, about
the initiative of the proletariat, et cetera, et cetera, that
(19:45):
the inattentive reader or an unenlightened worker might easily be
led to believe that its social democratism is genuine. Actually, however,
it is a bourgeois imitation of social democratism. An opportunist
distortion and perversion of the concept class struggle. At the
(20:10):
bottom of the whole of this gigantic in breadth of
influence on the masses bourgeois subterfuge lies the tendency to
reduce the working class movement mainly to a trade union movement,
to keep it as far away as possible from an
independent i e. Revolutionary and directed towards a democratic dictatorship policy.
(20:36):
To quote, overshadow in the minds of the workers the
idea of a Russian revolution involving the whole people with
the idea of the class struggle. As the reader will perceive,
we have turned the Aswabgenia formulation upside down. This is
(20:56):
an excellent formulation that excellently expresses the two views of
the role of the proletariat in a democratic revolution, the
bourgeois view and the social democratic view. The bourgeoisie wants
to confine the proletariat to the trade union movement and
(21:16):
thereby to overshadow in its mind the idea of a
Russian revolution involving the whole people with the idea of
the Brentano class struggle, which is wholly in the spirit
of the Bernstinian authors of the credo, who overshadowed in
the minds of the workers the idea of the political
(21:38):
struggle with the idea of a purely working class movement.
Social Democracy, however, wants, on the contrary, to develop the
class struggle of the proletariat to the point where the
latter will take the leading part in the popular Russian Revolution.
Speaker 1 (21:58):
I e.
Speaker 2 (21:58):
Will lead this revolution to a democratic dictatorship of the
proletariat and the peasantry. The revolution in our country is
one that involves the whole people, says the bourgeoisie to
the proletariat. Therefore, you, as a separate class, must confine
(22:18):
yourselves to your class struggle. Must, in the name of
common sense, devote your attention mainly to the trade unions
and their legalization. Must consider these trade unions as the
most important starting point in your political education and organization. Must,
(22:39):
in a revolutionary situation, draw up for the most part,
serious resolutions like the New Escras resolution. Must pay careful
heed to resolutions that are more favorably inclined towards the liberals.
Must show preference for leaders who display a tendency to
(23:00):
become practical leaders of the real political movement of the
working class. Must preserve the realistic elements of the Marxian
world outlook. If you have unfortunately already become infected with
the strict formulae of this unscientific catechism, the revolution in
(23:24):
our country is one involving the whole people. Social democracy
says to the proletariat. Therefore, you, as the most progressive
and the only thoroughly revolutionary class, must strive not only
to take the most active part, but also the leading
part in it. Therefore, you must not confine yourselves to
(23:47):
narrowly conceived limits of the class struggle, meaning mainly the
trade union movement.
Speaker 1 (23:54):
But on the.
Speaker 2 (23:55):
Contrary, you must strive to widen the limits and the
content of your class struggle to include not only all
the aims of the present democratic Russian revolution of the
whole of the people, but the aims of the subsequent
socialist revolution as well. Therefore, while not ignoring the trade
(24:17):
union movement, while not refusing to take advantage of even
the slightest legal possibilities, you must, in a revolutionary period
put in the forefront the tasks of armed insurrection and
the formation of a revolutionary army and a revolutionary government
as being the only way to the complete victory of
(24:40):
the people over Czarism, to the winning of a democratic
republic and real political liberty. It would be superfluous to
speak about the half hearted and inconsistent stand which naturally
is so pleasing to the bourgeoisie that the new Escras
resolution took on this question. Because of their mistaken line.
Speaker 1 (25:07):
End of PostScript, Part one. This recording is in the
public domain.
PostScript, Part one of two Tactics of Social Democracy by Lenin,
recorded for Librevox dot org by Christian Picot at Communist
Revolution dot org. PostScript once again Osvobgenia trend once again
(00:30):
new ESCRA trend Numbers seventy one to seventy two of
the Asvobjenia and numbers one o two to one oh
three of the ESCRA provide a wealth of additional material
on the question to which we have devoted chapter eight
of our pamphlet. Since it is quite impossible to make
(00:54):
use of the whole of this rich material here, we
shall confine ourselves to the most import Curton points only
firstly to the kind of realism in social democracy that
Oswabjenia praises, and why the latter must praise it. Secondly
(01:15):
to the relationship between the concepts.
Speaker 2 (01:18):
Revolution and dictatorship. Part one, What do the bourgeois liberal
realists praise the social democratic realists for? The articles entitled
the Split in Russian social Democracy and the Triumph of
(01:41):
common Sense Ozwabijenia number seventy two set forth the opinion
on social democracy held by the representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie,
an opinion which is of remarkable value for class conscious proletarians.
We cannot too strongly recommend every Social Democrat to read
(02:04):
these articles in full and to ponder over every sentence
in them. We shall reproduce, first of all, the most
important propositions contained in both these articles. It is fairly difficult,
writes the Aswabgenia, for an outside observer to grasp the
(02:25):
real political meaning of the disagreements that have split the
Social Democratic Party into two factions. A definition of the
majority faction as the more radical and unswerving, as distinct
from the minority which allows of certain compromises in the
(02:46):
interests of the cause, would not be quite exact, and
in any case would not provide an exhaustive characterization. At
any rate. The traditional dogmas of Marxian orthodox uxi are
observed by the minority faction with even greater zeal, perhaps
than by the Lenin faction. The following characterization would appear
(03:11):
to us to be more accurate. The fundamental political temper
of the majority is abstract revolutionism, rebellion for the sake
of rebellion, an eagerness to stir up insurrection among the
popular masses by any and every means and to seize
(03:33):
power immediately in their name. To a certain extent, this
brings the Leninists.
Speaker 1 (03:41):
Close to the socialist.
Speaker 2 (03:42):
Revolutionaries and over shadows in their minds the idea of
the class struggle with the idea of a Russian revolution
involving the whole people, while abjuring in practice much of
the narrow mindedness of the social democratic doctrine. The Leninists are,
(04:03):
on the other hand, thoroughly imbued with the narrow mindedness
of revolutionism. Renounce all practical work except the preparation of
an immediate insurrection, Ignore on principle all forms of legal
and semi legal agitation, and every species of practically useful
(04:24):
compromise with other oppositional trends. The minority, on the contrary,
while steadfastly adhering to the doctrine of Marxism, at the
same time preserves the realistic elements of the Marxian world outlook.
The fundamental idea of this faction is to oppose the
(04:45):
interests of the proletariat to the interests of the bourgeoisie.
But on the other hand, the struggle of the proletariat
is conceived, of course, within certain bounds dictated by the
immutable dogmas of social democracy in realistically sober fashion, with
(05:06):
a clear realization of all the concrete conditions and aims
of this struggle. Neither of the two factions pursues its
basic point of view quite consistently, for in their ideological
and political activity they are bound by the strict formulae
of the social democratic Catechism, which keep the Leninists from
(05:31):
becoming unswerving rebels after the fashion of some at least
of the socialist revolutionaries, and the Eschriists from becoming the
practical leaders of the real political movement of the working class.
And after quoting the contents of the most important resolutions,
(05:52):
the Aswobgenia writer goes on to illustrate his general thoughts
with several concrete remarks about them. In comparison with the
Third Congress, he says, the Minority Conference takes a totally
different attitude towards armed insurrection. In connection with the attitude
(06:13):
towards armed insurrection, there is a difference in the respective
resolutions on a provisional government. A similar difference is revealed
in relation to the workers trade unions. The Leninists do
not say a single word in their resolution about this
most important starting point in the political education and organization
(06:37):
of the working class. The minority, on the other hand,
drew up a very weighty resolution with regard to the Liberals,
both factions, he says, are unanimous. But the Third Congress
repeats almost word for word Plikanov's resolution on the attitude
(06:58):
towards the Liberals adpted at the Second Congress, and rejects
Starover's resolution adopted by the same Congress, which was more
favorably inclined towards the liberals. Although the Congress and the
Conference resolutions on the peasant movement coincide on the whole,
(07:18):
the majority lays more emphasis on the idea of the
revolutionary confiscation of the landlord's estates and other land while
the minority wants to make the demand for democratic state
and administrative reforms the basis of its agitation. Finally, the
(07:39):
Aswabjenia cites from the ESCRA number one hundred a Menshevik resolution,
the main clause of which reads as follows, in view
of the fact that at the present time, underground work
alone does not secure adequate participation of the masses in
party life, and in some degree leads to the masses
(08:02):
as such, being contrasted to the party as an illegal organization.
The latter must assume leadership of the trade union struggle
of the workers on a legal basis, strictly linking up
this struggle with the social democratic tasks. Commenting on this resolution,
(08:22):
the Oswabijenia exclaims, we heartily welcome this resolution as a
triumph of common sense, as evidence that a definite section
of the Social Democratic Party is beginning.
Speaker 1 (08:35):
To see the light with regard to tactics.
Speaker 2 (08:40):
The reader now has before him all the essential opinions
of the OSWA Bijenia. It would of course be the
greatest mistake to regard these opinions as correct in the
sense that they correspond.
Speaker 1 (08:53):
To objective truth.
Speaker 2 (08:56):
Every Social Democrat will easily detect mistakes in them at
every step. It would be naive to forget that these
opinions are thoroughly permeated with the interests and the points
of view of the liberal bourgeoisie, and that accordingly they
are utterly biased and tendentious. They reflect the views of
(09:19):
the social Democrats in the same way as objects are
reflected in a concave or convex mirror. But it would
be an even greater mistake to forget that in the
final analysis, these bourgeois distorted opinions reflect the real interests
of the bourgeoisie, which as a class undoubtedly understands correctly
(09:44):
which trends in social democracy are advantageous, close, akin and agreeable,
and which trends are harmful, distant, alien, and antipathetic to it.
A bourgeois philosopher or a bourgeois publicist can never understand
(10:05):
social democracy properly, neither Menshevik nor bolshevik social democracy. But
if he is at all a sensible publicist, his class
instinct will not deceive him, and he will always grasp
the significance for the bourgeoisie of one or another trend
in the social democratic movement on the whole correctly, although
(10:30):
he may present it in a distorted way. That is
why the class instinct of our enemy, his class opinion,
is always deserving of the most serious attention of every
class conscious proletarian. What then, does the class instinct of
the Russian bourgeoisie, as expressed by the Asvobjenzi tell us,
(10:56):
It quite definitely expresses its satisfaction with the trend represented
by the New escra praises it for its realism, sober mindedness,
the triumph of common sense, the seriousness of its resolutions,
its beginning to see the light on questions of tactics,
(11:16):
its practicalness, et cetera. And it expresses dissatisfaction with the
trend of the Third Congress censers it for its narrow mindedness, revolutionism,
its rebel spirit, its repudiation of practically useful compromises, et cetera.
(11:38):
The class instinct of the bourgeoisie suggests to it exactly
what has been repeatedly proved with the help of the
most precise facts in our literature, namely, that the New
Escraists are the opportunists and their opponents the revolutionary wing
of the present day Russian social democratic movement. The liberals
(12:02):
cannot but sympathize with the trend of the former and
cannot but censure the trend of the latter. The liberals,
being the ideologists of the bourgeoisie, perfectly well understand the
advantages to the bourgeoisie of practicalness, sober mindedness, and seriousness
(12:24):
on the part of the working.
Speaker 1 (12:25):
Class, i e.
Speaker 2 (12:27):
Of actually restricting its field of activity within the boundaries
of capitalism, reforms, the trade union struggle, et cetera. Dangerous
and terrible to the bourgeoisie is the revolutionary narrow mindedness
of the proletariat and its endeavor in order to promote
(12:50):
its own class aims to win the leadership in a
popular Russian revolution. That this is the real meaning of
the word realism as employed by the Osvobjenya is evident,
among other things, by the way it was used previously
by the Asvo Bjenya, and mister Struve that Eskra itself
(13:16):
could not but admit that this was the meaning of
the Osvobjenia's realism. Take for instance, the article entitled it
is high time in the supplement to the Iskra number
seventy three to seventy four. The author of this article,
(13:36):
a consistent exponent of the views of marsh at the
Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, frankly
expressed the opinion that at the Congress Akimov played the
part of the ghost of opportunism rather than of its
real representative, and the editors of the Eskra were forthwith
(13:58):
obliged to correct the author of the article it is
high time by stating in a note quote, we cannot
agree with this opinion. Comrade Akimov's views on the program
bear the clear imprint of opportunism, which fact is admitted
even by the Azvabjenia critic, who in one of its
(14:20):
recent issues stated that Comrade Akimov is an adherent of
the realist read revisionist tendency. Thus, the Eskra itself is
perfectly aware that the Ozvbgenia's realism is simply opportunism and
nothing else. If in attacking liberal realism Iskra number one
(14:45):
oh two that ISKRA now says nothing about how it
was praised by the liberals for its realism. The explanation
of this circumstance is that such praise, which the Asvbgenia uttered,
not by mere chance and not for the first time,
actually proves the affinity between liberal realism and those tendencies
(15:09):
of social democratic realism read opportunism that run through every
resolution of the new Esgrists as the result of the
mistaken character of their whole tactical line. Indeed, the Russian
bourgeoisie has already fully revealed its inconsistency and egoism in
(15:30):
the popular revolution, has revealed it in mister Struve's arguments,
by the whole tone and content of the numerous liberal newspapers,
and by the nature of the political utterances of the
bulk of the Zemsphoists, the bulk of the intellectuals, and
in general of all the adherents of Messrs. Thrubotovsky, Petrunkovich,
(15:56):
Radishev and company. Of course, the bourgeoisie does not always
clearly understand, but in general and on the whole, its
class instinct enables it to grasp perfectly well that on
the one hand, the proletariat and the people are useful
for its revolution as cannon fodder, as a battering ram
(16:18):
against the autocracy, but that on the other hand, the
proletariat and the revolutionary peasantry will be terribly dangerous to
it if they win a decisive victory over Czarism and
carry the democratic revolution to completion. That is why the
(16:38):
bourgeoisie strains every effort to induce the proletariat to be
content with a modest role in the revolution, to be
more sober minded, practical and realistic, to be guided in
its activities by the principle lest the bourgeoisie recoil. The
(17:01):
bourgeois intellectuals know full well that they will not be
able to get rid of the working class movement. That
is why they do not come out against the working
class movement. They do not come out against the class
struggle of the proletariat. No, they even pay lip service
to the right to strike, to a genteel class struggle,
(17:23):
understanding the working class movement and the class struggle in
the Brentano or hirsch Dunker sense. In other words, they
are fully prepared to yield to the workers the right
to strike and to organize in trade unions, which in
fact has already almost been won by the workers themselves,
(17:46):
provided the workers renounce their rebelliousness, their narrow minded revolutionism,
their hostility to practically useful compromises, their claims and asses
inspirations to put on the popular Russian revolution the imprint
of their class struggle, the imprint of proletarian consistency, proletarian determination,
(18:13):
and plebeian Jacobinism. That is why the bourgeois intellectuals all
over Russia exert every effort resort to thousands of ways
and means, books, lectures, speeches, talks, et cetera, to imbue
the workers with the ideas of bourgeois sober mindedness, liberal practicalness,
(18:40):
opportunist realism, Brentano class struggle, hirsch Dunker, trade unions, et cetera.
The latter two slogans are particularly convenient for the bourgeois
of the Constitutional Democratic Party or the Party of Liberation,
(19:01):
since outwardly they coincide with the Marxian slogans, since with
a few small omissions and slight distortions, they can easily
be confused with and sometimes even passed off as social
democratic slogans. For instance, the legal liberal newspaper Rasviette, which
(19:22):
we will try someday to discuss in greater detail with
the readers of the Proletari, frequently say such bold things
about the class struggle, about the possible deception of the
proletariat by the bourgeoisie, about the working class movement, about
the initiative of the proletariat, et cetera, et cetera, that
(19:45):
the inattentive reader or an unenlightened worker might easily be
led to believe that its social democratism is genuine. Actually, however,
it is a bourgeois imitation of social democratism. An opportunist
distortion and perversion of the concept class struggle. At the
(20:10):
bottom of the whole of this gigantic in breadth of
influence on the masses bourgeois subterfuge lies the tendency to
reduce the working class movement mainly to a trade union movement,
to keep it as far away as possible from an
independent i e. Revolutionary and directed towards a democratic dictatorship policy.
(20:36):
To quote, overshadow in the minds of the workers the
idea of a Russian revolution involving the whole people with
the idea of the class struggle. As the reader will perceive,
we have turned the Aswabgenia formulation upside down. This is
(20:56):
an excellent formulation that excellently expresses the two views of
the role of the proletariat in a democratic revolution, the
bourgeois view and the social democratic view. The bourgeoisie wants
to confine the proletariat to the trade union movement and
(21:16):
thereby to overshadow in its mind the idea of a
Russian revolution involving the whole people with the idea of
the Brentano class struggle, which is wholly in the spirit
of the Bernstinian authors of the credo, who overshadowed in
the minds of the workers the idea of the political
(21:38):
struggle with the idea of a purely working class movement.
Social Democracy, however, wants, on the contrary, to develop the
class struggle of the proletariat to the point where the
latter will take the leading part in the popular Russian Revolution.
Speaker 1 (21:58):
I e.
Speaker 2 (21:58):
Will lead this revolution to a democratic dictatorship of the
proletariat and the peasantry. The revolution in our country is
one that involves the whole people, says the bourgeoisie to
the proletariat. Therefore, you, as a separate class, must confine
(22:18):
yourselves to your class struggle. Must, in the name of
common sense, devote your attention mainly to the trade unions
and their legalization. Must consider these trade unions as the
most important starting point in your political education and organization. Must,
(22:39):
in a revolutionary situation, draw up for the most part,
serious resolutions like the New Escras resolution. Must pay careful
heed to resolutions that are more favorably inclined towards the liberals.
Must show preference for leaders who display a tendency to
(23:00):
become practical leaders of the real political movement of the
working class. Must preserve the realistic elements of the Marxian
world outlook. If you have unfortunately already become infected with
the strict formulae of this unscientific catechism, the revolution in
(23:24):
our country is one involving the whole people. Social democracy
says to the proletariat. Therefore, you, as the most progressive
and the only thoroughly revolutionary class, must strive not only
to take the most active part, but also the leading
part in it. Therefore, you must not confine yourselves to
(23:47):
narrowly conceived limits of the class struggle, meaning mainly the
trade union movement.
Speaker 1 (23:54):
But on the.
Speaker 2 (23:55):
Contrary, you must strive to widen the limits and the
content of your class struggle to include not only all
the aims of the present democratic Russian revolution of the
whole of the people, but the aims of the subsequent
socialist revolution as well. Therefore, while not ignoring the trade
(24:17):
union movement, while not refusing to take advantage of even
the slightest legal possibilities, you must, in a revolutionary period
put in the forefront the tasks of armed insurrection and
the formation of a revolutionary army and a revolutionary government
as being the only way to the complete victory of
(24:40):
the people over Czarism, to the winning of a democratic
republic and real political liberty. It would be superfluous to
speak about the half hearted and inconsistent stand which naturally
is so pleasing to the bourgeoisie that the new Escras
resolution took on this question. Because of their mistaken line.
Speaker 1 (25:07):
End of PostScript, Part one. This recording is in the
public domain.
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