James Longstreet and the Canal Street Coup of 1874

Bo and Joey pour themselves another round of Home Brew and talk about the 1874 Canal Street Coup.

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Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:18):
Talking about everybody. We're back. Has anybody I'm curious, has
anybody said anything about the shortened intro yet?

Speaker 2 (00:28):
I'm you know, no, no one cares enough.

Speaker 1 (00:32):
That's fair. But we know now who to blame.

Speaker 2 (00:35):
It's all JD's fault.

Speaker 1 (00:37):
We love you, JD.

Speaker 2 (00:38):
Just kidding if you're if you're upset, the History Underground
might have something to do with that.

Speaker 1 (00:44):
I was gonna say, honestly, it's probably not the first
time JD's had to deal with some lunatic commenting on
his YouTube page. That could be its own comedy Central bit.

Speaker 2 (00:56):
I think he should like do like a come based
off of the responses. But it doesn't matter who says it,
where they're from, or what video it is. It just
it's a cut like a cutover to Archie Bunker. Yeah,
every time, every time you believe.

Speaker 1 (01:16):
This, Oh Jesus, there's an idea.

Speaker 2 (01:22):
Man, Carol O'Connor, what what a guy? Yeah, that he's
the complete opposite or was the complete opposite of Archie Bunker. Anyways,
next week on Homber History, the Exciting Life of Carol
O'Connor more you can tell it's a late nine episode,

(01:48):
getting a little, a little spastic already. This is good good? Uh, well,
you've been good, right.

Speaker 1 (01:57):
All is well? Summer classes have have begun. Those are
always fun. I'm actually I'm teaching an intro to American
history and a second half of Western SIP. So I
know they're just you know, gleaming with excitement. I know, yeah,

(02:17):
I don't know.

Speaker 2 (02:18):
I don't think so probably not like I try to
be like the mystery Sunshine, mister optimism. It's not even
cemicism that makes me think that they're not enjoying it.
It's just that I know you, I know.

Speaker 1 (02:31):
And it's four weeks too, and it's Sunday to Sunday. Oh,
I know they have to see my face every day seven.

Speaker 2 (02:42):
I hate you for them word then.

Speaker 1 (02:47):
I only kind of slightly feel bad.

Speaker 2 (02:49):
Yeah, I mean you know what, Actually they'll probably listen
to this episode for bonus points, so you.

Speaker 1 (02:56):
Know it's it wouldn't be the first time that I
have to you know, shameless you yeah, I have to
shamelessly pump our numbers up. And I'm like, you know,
I try to sell it to my serious life. You
can't get enough of me in the class. Let me
tell you.

Speaker 2 (03:12):
You can see there's a way to get too much
of you. Yes, there is you. You you're a bit much.

Speaker 1 (03:20):
Living together for a year will do that for you.

Speaker 2 (03:22):
Hey, well, you know we almost We only almost killed
each other.

Speaker 1 (03:26):
Once, only once, which is impressive considering.

Speaker 2 (03:30):
Yeah, yeah, okay, nobody came here to hear about that.
They did, though, Come here for a brief commercial break
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Speaker 1 (04:48):
Just like you do it well. You do it well.

Speaker 2 (04:51):
But if I pore through that and I didn't bore you,
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(05:56):
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Speaker 1 (06:07):
No, we don't want Jeff Arts. No one wants that.

Speaker 2 (06:11):
No one, no one wants those, especially the way that
man needs Taco Bell. Nobody nobody needs that. Nobody wants that, nobody,
no one has any desire for that. Uh. And because
we haven't ever done this before. If you're watching this
on YouTube, like and subscribe, and I'm gonna say it
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we're talking about history, history, history and like and subscribe history, history,

(06:35):
history and like and subscribe.

Speaker 1 (06:37):
I'll tell your.

Speaker 2 (06:38):
Friends, I don't care what you do. Put it on
the background. I don't care if you actually watch it
or not. But anyways, bo, we have, we got some
civil war, civil war reconstruction, all kinds of stuff to
talk about to night.

Speaker 3 (06:55):
Chaos in the Crescent City.

Speaker 1 (08:01):
So I came up with this. Yeah, I like that title. Yeah,
Joey brought this to my attention, and it's a it's
an event you know, in New Orleans history that is well,
simply put, complicated. It's complex, and there is still a
lot of debate over its memory.

Speaker 2 (08:21):
Uh So, Joey, where do we begin? I guess we
have to start with what do we call it?

Speaker 1 (08:28):
Yeah?

Speaker 2 (08:28):
Absolutely, because because you know, chaos in the Crescent City
that's nice and in vague. But like, this is an event,
I guess, an incident that has really two names that
it could go by, actually probably three, Uh well known
for sure, you know one of them. You see it everywhere.

(08:50):
It's the Battle of Liberty.

Speaker 1 (08:52):
Place, All Liberty all in one place.

Speaker 2 (08:57):
Right all there. Yeah, the other name is the Canal
Street Coup, and then finally the last one, the Battle
of Canal Street.

Speaker 1 (09:08):
Mhm.

Speaker 2 (09:09):
I think for purposes of our discussion tonight, we're gonna
stick with calling it the Canal Street Coup. We're gonna
come to why a little bit. But I think, uh,
you know a little bit of background. I mean, what
what do you what do you know about place? What
do you know about the Canal Street cop Yeah?

Speaker 1 (09:26):
So I know that there are you know, some white
radical groups like the White the Knights of the White Camelia,
the White League, who are also heavily involved in Louisiana,
but more Southern post Civil War reconstruction violence. And that's
not something that is unique to Louisiana. But we seemingly

(09:49):
do it best. I don't know, Uh, we're I don't know.
Louisiana does some things well, but the bad things we
do well tenfold. Yeah, we do it much better. I
guess we do that worse. We do. And there's also
one of those big sexy names from the American Civil

(10:10):
War that's also heavily involved in this incident, James Longstreet.

Speaker 2 (10:14):
Yeah, but not on the side you expect all right,
so I guess let's dive in.

Speaker 1 (10:19):
Let's dive in.

Speaker 2 (10:21):
So naturally we're talking about Louisiana. But when i's home state,
this is the regional headquarters of Homebrew history is deep
in the heart of Louisiana. But Louisiana during the Civil
War occupies this kind of it's a weird place because
Louisiana is the sixth state to secede from the Union.

(10:43):
It does so in January of eighteen sixty one, leaves
and then within a year, basically New Orleans is captured
by Federal West Coast Blockading Squadron under the command of
David Farragut, and within another year the capitol in Baton
Rouge captured and the Mississippi River falls. By eighteen sixty
three and Vicksburg is captured, and really Louisiana is kind

(11:08):
of tied up. Most of the central kind of urban
centers are captured, New Orleans and Baton Rouge being among them.
Confederate government kind of flees into exile, and then we
start to watch as Louisiana becomes like the it's the
testing ground really for later reconstruction era policies, and I

(11:32):
mean this is something we see really right off the bat,
is how Louisiana will be essentially Abraham Lincoln's proving ground
for his plans for reconstruction, Louisiana, Tennessee being also among them.
But it is a fascinating little chapter. Is this post

(11:53):
war period where it does just kind of seem like
everything falls apart as fast as possible. Yeah.

Speaker 1 (12:03):
No, And you're absolutely right. And one of the things
too that you know, obviously Joey and I do enjoy
studying the American Civil War, but what comes after it
is so crucial to our development. And I'm pretty sure
we've said it on this podcast. I think we were
actually talking about Patrick Young about it how we're kind
of still living in some shadows of unfinished reconstruction and

(12:27):
this is this is really only the beginning here in
the Crescent City.

Speaker 2 (12:31):
Yeah, and you know, I'd go back to something I
said in Patrick's episode, and it feel weird. We've named
dropped Scott Bumpus now like four times on the show,
but Scott Scott even commented on the last one. He
was like, wow, this is deep, and he put what
I said was, you know, we don't understand reconstruction because
we don't understand slavery. We don't understand slavery because we

(12:52):
don't understand race. So we can't understand reconstruction until we
understand race, until we understand slavery. That's why we have
such a flawed understanding of reconstruction. This episode, the reason
it gets so tied up, gets so confusing, is because
it is one of the most explosive moments in reconstruction history. Yeah,

(13:14):
Louisiana history, yes, New Orleans history, Yes, it's all kind
of blended together. But I guess really you're looking for
a place where our story should start. I think it's
April eleventh, eighteen sixty five, two days after roberty Lie
surrenders and diplomatics courthouse, and three days before President Lincoln

(13:34):
is shot at Fort's Theater. From the balcony of the
White House, Lincoln says this, voters in the heretofore slave
state of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, held elections,
organize the state government, adopted a free state constitution, and
empowering the legislature to confer elective franchise upon the colored man.

(14:00):
About a sentence and a half, Lincoln just did something
that no other president in the history of the country
had done. He entertained the idea of black male suffrage.
Now special instances, soldiers, highly educated, all these things. But
it's it's like the Frederick Douglas quote, Lincoln gives you
the wedge and then he shoves the whole rail in,

(14:23):
like this is the This is like the kicking in
of the door or the opening of the door. Then
comes the kicking in of the door. Three days later
he shot. Four days later, he's dead. Easter Sunday. Sorry, yeah, no,
good Friday. Good Friday, eighteen sixty five, So April fourteen fifteen,

(14:43):
he's dead. And then as we go into the post
war period, we're under the administration of Andrew Johnson. But
back in Louisiana, you know, we have kind of the
fallout of the war, so it's been under federal occupation.
A new government is in sto and we start to
watch as the governor administration under Governor James Wells tries

(15:07):
to administer the state. But Wells runs into his own
series of problems with a growing movement the rebel legislature
back in New Orleans because the capital had been moved
from Baton Rouge to New Orleans during the war. Actually
a fire broke out in the old state capital which
forced the capital to be relocated in the city. In

(15:31):
New Orleans, it places itself in this kind of interesting
position because not only is it the military district headquarters
in the state, it's now also a seat of goubernatorial
power and it is a seat of local power. So
we've got really three kind of four governments all running

(15:53):
into one another, because we've also got to count in
the parish government and that becomes important a little bit later.
But Wells will essentially oversee the state from eighteen sixty
five to eighteen sixty seven. But then along comes the
man I think of the hour in Henry C. Warmouth,
And it's Henry Clay Warmouth that I think will run

(16:14):
into a couple times throughout this episode. But Warmouth is
a Northerner, eas a Union officer during the war, served
in the federal Army, comes back as elected into the
state House, and becomes the governor. Warmouth has a kind
of a fascinating place in all of this because by

(16:37):
the time we get to eighteen seventy four, not only
is he not the governor anymore. He's been impeached and
has been effectively cast aside because he's not quite Republican enough.
Because this is a period where Andrew Johnson and Abraham
Lincoln the national ticket. It's broken. We've got the radical

(16:58):
wing of the party, we've got at the more conservative
or wing of the party, and all of a sudden,
the Republicans that had been in power are dealing with
all this infighting, and Warmouth kind of becomes casualty of
that moment. But he a little bit before him. We

(17:20):
have another kind of background to the background here eighteen
sixty six in New Orleans, and we're going to kind
of reference some notes here, so bear with me. But
Louisiana Statehouse in eighteen sixty five boasted that it had
become the rebel legislature in that former Confederates were flocking

(17:42):
to return to power in the state capital. Wells had
effectively governor. Wells had effectively kind of pushed through the
state's kind of floundering economic status in crisis, but the
legisl rallied against him. At first. What they tried to

(18:03):
do with Wells was elect him to the US Senate,
But then he said he wouldn't do that. And so
the second was that the rebel legislature would then try
and undermine the Constitution of eighteen sixty four, which had
been adopted during the war by a unionist installed kind
of republican government. This is also the same time that

(18:25):
we see louising On a representative in the state House.
Kenner will propose kind of the proto black codes. Essentially,
what he says is it's targeting a vagrancy and it's
targeting enticement. But I'm going to use a phrase that
you taught Nebo, it's slavery with extra steps. Kenner's hope here,

(18:48):
the rebel legislatures hope here is to try and draw
the state back to its pre war kind of standard,
under a standard basis of race and racial politics and
racial understanding. In New Orleans. We have a power struggle because,
as I mentioned at the Governor's office, we've got federal offices,

(19:08):
we've got the parish offices, and we've got the city offices. Well,
former Confederate General, those of you who will be listening
to our Gettysburg series forthcoming, or have read about the
Battle of Gettysburg, or know about Louisiana and Civil War
will recognize the name instantly. Confederate General Harry Hayes. Harry

(19:29):
Hayes was elected as the Orleans Parish sheriff and then
immediately went about trying to kind of install his friends
and former soldiers into the ranks of the Orleans Sheriff's office.
But then along comes the pushback within the legislature. They

(19:51):
decide that not only is Wells's administration unfavorable, but the
Constitution of Agencies be four is also unfavorable. And so
this kind of black led movement within the state legislature
votes to try and reconvene the eighteen sixty four Constitutional Convention,

(20:11):
and they're going to automatically bring in some new amendments.
One of them is that they would allow black male suffrage.
This automatically fires up the combative ardor of the new returning,
new renewed. I don't know how I want to refer
to him, but Mayor John T. Monroe had been the

(20:35):
mayor of the city of New Orleans, ousted by Benjamin
Butler during the occupation. Well, he's back back again, and
he says to Wells, he says to anyone that will listen,
that he refuses to allow this meeting to take place
in the city. So we've got a city official telling

(20:55):
the state officials that they can't have a meeting of
the state legislature date, legislature legislative body, try to say
that right in the city. To make things even worse,
Harry Hayes decides to authorize the deputization of a bunch
of volunteers, very limited law enforcement experience, but the one

(21:21):
thing that they kind of all share in common is
they're almost all former Confederate soldiers and are all white Democrats.
Right shock. So along comes the morning of July thirtieth,
eighteen sixty six. A procession is making its way to
the Mechanics Institute where the convention will be held, and

(21:43):
all of a sudden, there's pushing, there's shoving, there's a
physical altercation, and then Hayes's men start to shoot into
this crowd of not only legislators, but of black advocates
of a new constitution. By the time it's kind of
all said and done, we have thirty seven dead, thirty

(22:05):
three white, thirty four black, one hundred and thirty seven
mercuse me, one hundred and thirty six men wounded, seventeen
white one hundred and nineteen black Wow, and it is
kind of just this blood back in the streets. This
leads immediately to Congressional attention being paid to the cities
and got federal authorities looking at what's happening here. And

(22:26):
it also, as Judith K. Schaeffer says, engendered the Reconstruction
Acts of eighteen sixty seven, and this brought federal attention
and federal troops back as a priority into the city,
back to Louisiana. So we have a lot of things
all starting to kind of barrel down. But under this

(22:47):
Reconstruction Act, it the Reconstruction Act Egen sixty seven authorizes
General Phillip Sheridan, Military Governor of Louisiana Military District Commander,
to register eligible black men to vote because they never

(23:07):
swore an oath to the Confederacy. And it's all kind
of a judgment call. If you ever swore an oath
to anyone else other than the United States, you lose
your right to vote. So now we have this emergence
of the enfranchised and the disenfranchised, and formerly disenfranchised and
now the newly disenfranchised. This is why I call it

(23:29):
the world's worst gumbo pot.

Speaker 1 (23:31):
Yes, I love that, and you know, Joey's absolutely right.
I totally agree that this is arguably an ingredients list
that probably don't make a good gumbo. Was kind of
like putting tomatoes, and which, honestly, if you put tomatoes, corn, keine,

(23:53):
wap you put any of that in there, seek seek God,
seek help, or seek John Foltz, he will help you out.
But Joey, what does this ingredients list of a terrible
gumbo look like?

Speaker 2 (24:08):
Well, kind of mentioned We've got the federal government, the
state government, the city government, the parish government, all living
and breathing in the same place, kind of like you
and I living together, right, but make it much worse. Now,
we also have white Northerners, the carpetbaggers will put that

(24:28):
in quotes. We also have the scalo wags, white Southerners
who have now tied themselves to their Republican party into
reconstruction your policies. We have the free people of color
of New Orleans, and we have the formerly enslaved population
now free. The problem is that the two of those
groups even have political and social infighting because the free

(24:52):
people of color now realize that they're going to be
denied any of the rights and privileges that they had
enjoyed because they're no longer a specialized category from the
formerly enslaved. They're just now all black and a white.
Make that even worse, we have a lot of former

(25:13):
Confederate soldiers returning to the city, so we just kind
of keep blending all this up. We've got former planters,
We've got former businessmen, former mercantile businessmen, and former city
and public administrators who don't have jobs anymore. We have
a lot of very very wealthy, very very powerful people,

(25:35):
all living within the city and all fomenting their own
civic strife.

Speaker 1 (25:43):
So why is it the.

Speaker 2 (25:45):
World's worst gumbo pot? Well, imagine all of these people
living in the same town and then you tell half
of them that they can't vote anymore, right, they can't
hold office anymore.

Speaker 1 (25:58):
And so let's I think that's a perfect sague into
this question that I have to ask, because we've been
talking about rival governments, right, and obviously in Louisiana, struggle
would struggle to have have one functioning government, which you know,
functioning government sort of an oxymoron. Yeah, yeah, yeah, we
get that. Pick all the lover hanging fruit that you
can you know, but still these rival the existence of

(26:21):
these rivals governments, how does that affect the people of
New Orleans? And to kind of make us a two
part or two is is the Civil War over politically
for the Crescent City.

Speaker 2 (26:32):
So let's jump ahead a little bit. The rival government
that gets set up comes as a result of the
election of eighteen seventy two, where we see, let's see
can I do this? Am I going to be able
to do this? Might be able to do this? Governor
William Pitt Kellogg or excuse me, candidate William Pitt Kellogg

(26:55):
against candidate John mckenry. John McHenry is a Demo or
what they're calling a Democrat fusionist. This is a kind
of a blend of largely white Democrats and former Whigs,

(27:15):
not necessarily loyal to the Union, but acting kind of
as agents between former Confederates and state government. And then
there's Kellogg, who is a Republican and when he runs
in eighteen seventy two, I think he gets something like
seventy two thousand votes compared to McHenry's fifty five thousand,

(27:40):
So pretty clear cut here, pretty clear cut. But the
election is immediately disputed. There's claims of voter fraud, of
election fraud, of electioneering, of stolen ballots, of political intimidation.
So kind of nothing's changed, right.

Speaker 1 (27:59):
I hate to do that, but ask my wife about
the emails that she gets, right almost every single day.
People still claiming that to be drunk.

Speaker 2 (28:10):
And now we have to go back to this guy.
Remember I said would come back to Henry Clay Warmoth
a couple of times. So Warmuth is impeached at the
end of his term seventy the seventy two going into
seventy three, he is ousted, but he refuses to back Catalog,
the other Republican. In fact, he throws his support behind mckenry,

(28:32):
and because he controls the state's returning board, he says
mckenry won the election. So McHenry installs himself as a
governor and Kellogg installs himself as a governor. Each of
them have their own lieutenant governors, and Davidson Penn for
McHenry and in c c Antoine for Ketlog. But in

(28:56):
the interim, Warmuth is gone, goes up to New York.
He's in New England, and he's replaced for thirty five
days by Pinkney BS Pinchback. PBS Pinchback, who holds the
title at that point as the only black governor in

(29:17):
the reconstruction here South, only black governor in history of
the state of Louiseuma. He only holds the office for
thirty five days. He's essentially a little stopgap measure make
sure that there's someone there. But then we're thrown into
constitutional and political turmoil as McHenry and Kellogg both make

(29:39):
claims to the governorship. So we've got two functioning governments,
both set themselves up. But Kellogg gets the backing from
the federal government, gets the backing from Grant, from the
Grant administration. Because now Johnson's out and Grant is in.
Kellogg starts to try a and prepare his government and

(30:03):
the state for potential political violence because already brewed, we're
already seeing a lot of telltale signs. Eighteen sixty six
was a pretty clear message. The political violence that surrounded
the election of eighteen seventy two is pretty clear. But
now along comes eighteen his election, and then we get
to eighteen seventy four. But Kellogg and McHenry both competing, right,

(30:30):
We've got this kind of fight to the death between
the two. So I guess if you're in New Orleans,
you start picking sides, because not only do you have
mckenry and catalog to pick from, but even within Kellogg's administration,
you have Republican loyalists and partying loyalists. And then you
have the Customs House faction, which is born effectively out

(30:52):
of New Orleans and might not necessarily agree with everything
that Kellogg does, but at least back in one politically
convenient The one contribution maybe that Henry Clay Warmouth makes
in his governorship his gubernatorial reign is that he allows

(31:13):
for the establishment of the Louisiana State Militia, and he
places that militia under a very very interesting choice in
General James Longstreet, the former Confederate general, which might seem

(31:34):
odd but after the war, Longstreet had effectively abandoned the Confederacy,
the Confederate cause, and had decided to become a Republican.
And goes back to a few different things, chief among
them is that he was friends with Ulysses S. Grant

(31:55):
looking for a patronage position within the Grant administration. But
long Street, post war makes his way to New Orleans,
gets involved in the Cotton Exchange with another former Confederate,
William miller Owen. So those familiar maybe with Louisiana's premier
field artillery unit in the Confederate Army, Washington Artillery, would
know the name William miller Owen. Course rights in camp

(32:17):
in battle, which is kind of first hand account of
the battalion's actions throughout the war. But we've got this
influx of former Confederates and long Street becomes this kind
of the symbol of the reconstructed rebel. But long Street
says it best to me, the surrender of my sword

(32:40):
was my reconstruction. I looked upon the lost cause as
a cause totally, irrevocably lost.

Speaker 1 (32:52):
You know, if only he could say that louder for
the people in the bag.

Speaker 2 (32:56):
Well he tried, and then ran him out on a
rail for it. But we're getting that, We're getting the affair.

Speaker 1 (33:01):
I couldn't cart and bore whores here.

Speaker 2 (33:04):
So does that kind of answer the question?

Speaker 1 (33:06):
Yeah, no, absolutely, A long lended way to get to it. No,
But I think it's necessary, especially in this in this
era of history. I think a lot of people are,
you know, sort of ignorant of it because especially in
you know, I've seen anyway, I've seen people sort of go,

(33:28):
especially if you're teaching, you know, history classes, you know,
like for instance, you know, for me, I do my best.
I actually I start my second half of my American
history courses with a reconstruction lecture and I end my
two oh one class with the same lecture. And the
reason I do that is because I find that a
lot of people stop at the American Civil War and

(33:50):
then pick up with the Compromise of eighteen seventy seven.
I'm like, guys, you'd realize that stuff is stuff is
happening between eighteen sixty five and eighteen seventy seven, and
they are absolutely crucial, and this is one of those events.
So no, no, you're absolutely right.

Speaker 2 (34:07):
So I think now we kind of have to introduce
the two factions that get get involved, because I think
we're at the point now where we're already start talking
about what happens on September fourteenth, eighteen seventy four. So
again a little bit of background in apaloosis. In eighteen
seventy four, the newest thing in white paramilitary organizations is born.

(34:38):
The new hip one is the White League. Effectively, they're
they're like political social clubs that become militant. So you
might have something like the you know, the Grant Parish
Political Club. Well then all of a sudden becomes the
Grand Parish White There is you know, the Crescent City

(35:01):
Political Society, Christon City Political Club becomes the Crescent City
White League. They kind of rebrand themselves and they identify
themselves as the white Man's Party. But really what they
fear most of all, because fear is what drives this.
They fear the loss of state control to black roup.

(35:23):
That really is kind of the basis of it. And
in their platform they say that they are meant to
defend the hereditary civilization and Christianity menaced by stupid Africanization.

Speaker 1 (35:35):
They didn't mince words there, No.

Speaker 2 (35:37):
They kind of jump right on right on to the point.
I mean, there's that's the thing with so much of
this stuff is like, you know, why did the Confederate
States succeed? But they didn't mince words, my guy, like,
they said it here it is the White League, they
said it. So then we see two incidents that take

(35:58):
place eighteen seventy three with the cult massacre and then
eighteen seventy four with the massacre at Kushata. Then that
takes us back to New Orleans. Then what starts to
happen throughout the year as we kind of trifle our
way through eighteen seventy four, we start to watch as
the White League begins to arm themselves, and then to

(36:18):
make things even worse, not only are they arming themselves,
but they're actively dressing in military uniforms and parading through
the streets of the city, and they're marching, and they're
doing close order drills, and they're doing kind of all
of the things that you might suspect someone capable of
carrying out a coup de Eta would do. Yeah, same

(36:44):
time that we have the Crescent City White League is
kind of formed up. They very very quickly become a
kind of builder reputation themselves, becoming the best trained and
the best equipped. They also kind of pioneer an idea
of putting in a military rank structure. So you've got
a commanding general, you've got lieutenants, you've got chieftains, and
then down every rank all the way from sergeants all

(37:06):
the way down to privates. And they build this rank
structure out. So we start to see a real military
like kind of atmosphere come along from the military culture
that comes along from them. Politically, they're loyal to mckenry.
They become this kind of an armed militia dedicated to

(37:27):
trying to install John C. McHenry and Davidson Penn to
the governor's office.

Speaker 1 (37:32):
And again it's like, you know, people would ask I
wonder why. It's like, well, clearly we know why.

Speaker 2 (37:38):
Yeah, And that's going to be a big piece of
my boo Hicky, because there's some things I got to say.

Speaker 1 (37:44):
We're always looking away to debunk bad history.

Speaker 2 (37:48):
They're led by Frederick nash Ogden brad Ogden. He had
been a Confederate officer through the war, commanded at one
point in the artillery Unit and then Cavalry Unit. But
he is both president and commanding officer of the Crescent
city wide. On the other side of the coint we

(38:09):
have the Louisian State Militia, which was authorized back onder
the administration of Henry Clay Warmouth and kind of overseen
and organized by James Longstreet. And within that we also
have Metropolitan Police Force. They're two separate entities, but so
many times they kind of get grouped together and thrown
together when we talk about these things, but they do

(38:29):
need to be remembered as two things that kind of
act as one.

Speaker 1 (38:33):
That will come to that.

Speaker 2 (38:35):
So the Louisian State Militia, as I mentioned, comes under Warmouth.
That's back in eighteen seventy one. They're rooted in New Orleans,
although the hope had been to expand them across the state.
There's kind of just not a lot of interest that
ever really comes about because it's a volunteer service. Now,
why aren't people jumping to jumping to join the state militia.

(39:00):
There's no stability in the pay. So today, if you
work for you know, a state agency or a government agency,
or you're in the military, you're going to get paid
like regardless. The State Militia's pay was only given to
the soldiers when they were activated. But if you're activated,

(39:21):
that means you're at training or you're actually active in
the field. But the legislature would only authorize you to
pay them when they were being trained and in the field.
So if you if you go when you train, you
get paid. So how does the legislature get past this?
How does the State House get past this, they decide

(39:42):
to say that they just they don't have the budget,
don't have the budget to do it. You can't do it,
so then you can't train. So then you're kind of
on a back foot and you're ill equipped and you're
ill prepared for when problems start. I wonder, I wonder
why that was almost like it was intentional done, but

(40:04):
again rooted in New Orleans. But it's leadership, it's organization,
I think is really interesting. I'm also a giant nerd,
and a lot of these names kind of jumped off
the page at me because I know that guy, yeah.

Speaker 1 (40:20):
All the time.

Speaker 2 (40:22):
So not only do you have James long Street in
command in eighteen seventy seventy one, but it's divided into
two divisions. The first one is under Major General Hugh Campbell,
who commands the first division, but under him, and this
is where I was like, oh my gosh, what a
cool connection. The first Brigade is commanded by ap Penn Mason.
Penn Mason then on Robert E. Lee Staff in the

(40:44):
Army of the Virginia, then under long Street. But in
November of eighteen sixty.

Speaker 1 (40:48):
Four, do you know where Penn Mason was I'm imagining
he's in Franklin.

Speaker 2 (40:53):
Sure is he's hood staff how about that? So I
was like, huh, I know, Penn Mason, that's a fun name.
And then after him second commands commanded by General A. E. Barber,
there's a bunch of smaller, kind of recognizable names that
get tossed in there, William Miller Ellen being among them.

(41:15):
We'll see him involved, will also see Henry Street involved.
So a lot of names that civil War interest, civil
war enthusiasts would be interested, would be interested to see,
and would be excited to see. I don't know, but
this brings up the question is is the state militia,

(41:36):
as the White League called it, the negro militia because
they just named a whole slew of former Confederates and
white guys who were ranking members of the state militia.
Now there are black companies. Metropolitan Police Force has black officers,

(41:56):
but again there are two different things operating at the
same time. The creed of the Louisiana State Militia is
administered by Longstreet. He effectively says, you're loyal to the
state government. You're loyal to the government that is in
place now equipment wise, training, wise, like we talked about,

(42:18):
poorly funded. Thus it takes forever for them to get uniforms.
The weapons aren't that great, So how do you intervene
on that longstreet? Puts out a call to his friends
in Washington, DC, a call to General Now President uises
s Grant and tries to get federal grant money to
buy weapons and stores for these men. So they get old,

(42:42):
outdated army in fields. Then some of the wealthier companies
you get to carry around a brand new repeating rifle
in Winchester. So we've got now some more well armed guys,
some kind of halfway decently well armed guys. So we've
got them, and we've also got eighteen sixty eight, the
formation of the Metropolitan Police Force is racially integrated. So

(43:07):
by eighteen seventy, of the six hundred and fifty officers
that were in the ranks of the Metro the Metropolitans,
one hundred and eighty two of them were African American
and they're under the command of Algernon S. Badger. They
become kind of like the nucleus of the state militia
in New Orleans. So all the other companies kind of
form around them. They're consolidated under Kellogg and Kellogg's new

(43:32):
adjutant General and Henry Street in eighteen seventy three, and
Street gives Longstreet command of the first Division. That means
that in New Orleans in September, James Longstreet has tactical
command of a integrated militia police force against a band

(43:54):
of white former Confederate radicals.

Speaker 1 (43:58):
How the turns up table.

Speaker 2 (44:01):
I mean, it really does kind of beggar belief, Like
it's just h.

Speaker 1 (44:09):
James long Street said, hanging on this is so worth it.

Speaker 2 (44:18):
Yeah, yeah, buddy, this is Yeah, that's glad to see it.
Glad to see it. So New Orleans by eighteen seventy
four kind of becomes like the last refuge for Republicans

(44:39):
because what's happened over the last couple of years is
the White League has kind of swept across the state
in eliminated Republican opposition. They've done this through political violence,
They've done this through intimidation tactics. They've simply shown up
and said, if you're a Republican and you're still in
your office tomorrow, we'll kill you. And what they noticed

(45:02):
is that very quickly those offices were vacated, as we imagine,
so Republican power kind of falls apart very very quickly.
In New Orleans. Governor Kellogg effectively is kind of on
an island. This is a sort of last remaining Republican
in power within the state and the last influential Republican

(45:24):
in the state. Earlier in the day, on September the thirteenth,
eighteen seventy four, there was a rally that took place
at the base of Henry Clay Statue on Canal Street.
The rally started about mid morning and by two o'clock
had kind of broken up with chance of hang Kellogg.

(45:49):
Kellogg is declared as a usurper of the government, and
it finishes. This rally finishes with a call that says,
declare that you are of right and ought to be
and mean to be free. Well, where does that come from?
That's a kind of spirited imagining, and this kind of

(46:10):
want to tie yourself to the American Revolution. They see
themselves as revolutionaries. So they leave the Henry Clay monument.
These men go home, they grab guns, they grab weapons,
they grab bats and batons, whatever they can, and they
come back four o'clock in the afternoon. Some eighty three

(46:32):
hundred eighty four hundred men are assembled right near the
foot of Canal Street as it gets to the river.
Governor Kellogg leaves the State House, then the Saint Louis Hotel,
and takes shelter at the Customs House because he knows
full well that if the White League attacks the custom House,

(46:53):
they're attacking a federal property, and that's not good either.
They'll bring in the federal government and US Army troops
in the intervention. There's already federal troops making their way
to the city. Halls have already been put out. But
in the meantime, we're gonna have to rely on the
Metropolitans and state militia. H Longstreet and Badger get to

(47:16):
the get to the field, if we'll call it that,
get to get into the downtown area. Uh, and they
start to make their deployments. What Longstreet kind of envisions
is that Badger and the Metropolitans will drive these men
back against the river and pin them into an area,
and very very quickly they could de escalate the situation,
or if they want to give battle, give battle, because

(47:38):
not only are the Metropolitans well trained and uniformed, They
also have a battery of artillery supported by two gatling guns.
So you know, if you want to dance, they're not
the best partners. Now, the Metropolitans move into position in
the White League very very quickly adapts to that. They
take off, moving back towards the river. They kind of

(47:59):
form this ninety degree angle, and all of a sudden,
the Metropolitans as they start to advance with this kind
of a scouting party to see what lies ahead, they
start to take fire, and then the gun battle erupts.
This entire battle, let's put it in quotes. Street battle
maybe takes twenty minutes. Maybe the Metropolitans are routed. They

(48:25):
take out off the field as the state militia sees
that they take off. In the middle of all of this,
badger is wounded. James Longstreet, actually out on horseback trying
to order his men across the field, is thrown from
his horse and injures the exact same place in his
shoulder where you've been wounded during the Battle of the

(48:45):
Wilderness during the war. So he is kind of removed
from the field and there's later speculation about his conduct
of the battle and everything what not. Even get into
that Long Street is where he's supposed to be trying
to bring about order to this this route that's ongoing.

(49:07):
These men take shelter in the State House, it takes
shelter near the Customs House, and by the time it's
all over, Ogden could pretty easily say that he's won
the day. In fact, he does. The coup succeeds, and
Lieutenant Governor of the rump government, Davidson Penn, decides that

(49:33):
he is now the new governor in the state of
Louisiana because John McHenry is out of town. So if
mckenry's gone and Catalog is a usurper, he's the guy.
So Penn installs himself as the governor. Now he only
gets to rule over his stolen kingdom and love that

(49:55):
he ruled his stolen kingdom for three days for William A.
Emory shows up with the United States Army and the
White League realizes that they can't take on the army,
and then Kellogg gets to go back to being it,
gets gets to go back to office, becomes the governor

(50:16):
again as though he had never really lost the position.
But what it proves to the White League and to
people across the state is that Kellogg's administration and Republican
administration can only be maintained through the use of federal
brute force. This really keys the end of reconstruction in Louisiana.

(50:43):
It's going to take another two and a half in
three years, but Kellogg's ability, in fact, anyone's ability to
do anything, carry out any reconstruction policy in the state
is severely hampered. And you can look at this moment
and Wholes and Cushata and the White League riots and

(51:04):
uprisings across the state and Appolusis. It all comes back
to what unfolds in New Orleans.

Speaker 1 (51:13):
Yeah, and this is not a lesson that was unlearned
to them, you know. And and that's why we have
such a complicated understanding of reconstruction. It is because there
is it is a lot of complication. But this is
only a brief glimpse into you know, Southern violence in
the post war era.

Speaker 2 (51:34):
And this should be like a five part series.

Speaker 1 (51:38):
I think that we do.

Speaker 2 (51:40):
We could stretch out the five episodes. Yeah, but just
the fallout from this man, you know, in within three years,
the Metropolitan Police Force effectively doesn't exist anymore. The Louisiana
State Militia that Warmouth created is done away with, and
you know what becomes the new state Militia, in fact,

(52:01):
lays the foundations for the National Guard in the state.

Speaker 1 (52:05):
The white men. That's crazy, isn't it.

Speaker 2 (52:08):
I mean, just nuts. And you get somebody like James Longstreet,
who's run out on a rail. Long Street, though in
September September twenty fourth, eighteen seventy four, so not one
to let this slide. This is only ten days later,
gives an interview for the Indianapolis Journal, and Longstreet says,

(52:29):
my opinion is that the only true solution for Southern
troubles is for the people to cordially accept and in
good faith all the results of the war, including the
reconstruction measures, Acts of Congress, Negro Suffrage, et cetera, and
live up to them like men.

Speaker 1 (52:48):
Yeah. And after this, yeah, because like you said, after this,
Long streets out of here. He's like, you know, what
the hell with this?

Speaker 2 (52:54):
You have no choice? I mean, constantly being intact, constantly
being threatened, and he finds himself increasingly on an island.
But you know the crazy thing is, I don't think
long Street's alone, you know, we talked about all the
other former Confederate officers that are part of the metros
and part of the the state militia. But then what

(53:16):
about the quiet ones that aren't. You know, they might
have the same political leanings that Long Street did. It's
just it's a lot easier to not say anything when
you see what they're doing to him. True, So Long
Street goes to Gainesville, and you know, lives out a
very long, very long.

Speaker 1 (53:36):
Life, a long long street life life. He lives a.

Speaker 2 (53:40):
Long street life, but he also gets run over the rails.
In history, I mean, we've talked about this a million times,
is like who becomes the Confederate scapegoat for everything that
happens to get his burg? Long Street? Who's the blame
for Confederate defeat? A Long Street? He becomes kind of

(54:02):
like the martyr then the whipping boy for jubile early
and the Southern historical papers and the you know, the
postwar Confederate memory that gets constructed. They need someone to blame, Well,
who better?

Speaker 1 (54:16):
Yeah, And it's easier to blame all the bigs and
all the eggs in one basket, you know, than to
discuss the nuance of you know, this is a group
effort of failure.

Speaker 2 (54:26):
Yeah, yeah, yeah, So.

Speaker 1 (54:30):
Joey, let me ask you this, and I know we're
kind of wrapping up here, is what should the legacy
of this be? What can we learn from it?

Speaker 2 (54:40):
I think in the immediate, like in the immediate like
days and weeks and months after, the effects maybe weren't
necessarily known, but within a couple of years you could
see that Reconstructions coming to an end. I mean, eighteen
eighteen seventy six, we get the stolen election, right, you know,

(55:03):
we always use those things in quotes, the contested election
eighteen seventy six. So Rutherford Hayes get gets the presidency
kind of on the condition that he ends Reconstruction with
the Compromise of eighteen seventy seven. And then in Louisiana,
Francis T. Nichols, former Confederate officer, becomes the governor of

(55:25):
the state kind of through some political maneuvering. And by
the time we get to the end of Reconstruction, we
have to ask ourselves why did it fail? How did
it fail? Who let it fail? I mean, like you said,
it's a team effort, a group effort in letting it fail.
But I always like what you know. And we've had

(55:45):
David Stumpfall on the show. David talked to this about
Lyndon Johnson. But David and I used to sit together
and just talk about reconstruction all day long. It's a
fun one to just sit there and listen to him.
Maybe has spent more time learning and reading and writing
about reconstruction than anyone else I know. David just kind

(56:06):
of simply said, reconstruction only failed because we let it.
As a nation, we just decided we were tired. You know,
the panic of eighteen seventy three didn't help things, but
we were tired, We were economically stretched, and we were
just ready to move on. Not in the sense of
like let bygones be bygones. Oh hey, don't do that again.

(56:27):
You know we're watching and we'll fix you up again.
But it was just it felt like it was time.
It had been long enough. How do you convince someone
in Akron, Ohio that they need to care what's going on?
And Athens, Georgia, it's really hard. So reconstruction ends within
just a few years, White rule is restored. I mean,

(56:52):
if you just look at Louisiana, this is I thought
this was an incredible kind of fact. Charles E. Nash
was to the US House of Representatives in eighteen seventy five,
he housted in eighteen seventy six, and from eighteen seventy

(57:13):
six to nineteen ninety one, no other black man ever
represented the state of Louisiana in the US House of Representatives.
It took until nineteen ninety one.

Speaker 1 (57:25):
For those who are bad at math, that's one hundred
and fifteen years, by the way.

Speaker 2 (57:29):
Yeah, so we see Jim crow Ism really born. I mean,
you know, you think about pussy versus Ferguson and that
that comes right out of the city in New Orleans. Yeah,
but you know, all that, all that aside. In November
of eighteen eighty two, the City Council of New Orleans
decides to erect a monument to the heroes of the

(57:54):
Battle of Liberty Place the White League, and that in
etene two was proposed and it doesn't get erect until
eighteen ninety one. Now, what I thought was really kind
of fascinating. And I know, it's fifty seven minutes and
people are going, oh God, and when are they gonna
stop talking about? What was fascinating? What I thought was

(58:16):
really interesting about this though, is eighteen ninety one. Do
you know how they were able to close the gap
on the funding? What else happened in New Orleans right
around the same time frame. They hanged eleven Italians after
the murder of the police chief Hennessy.

Speaker 1 (58:36):
That's true, didn't they?

Speaker 2 (58:38):
And they they basically kind of used the lynching of
the Italians to say, like, this is a monument to
white supremacy, to white rule, to white men, not black men,
not Italians, and like they got a little financial shot
in the arm from that marketing pitch, and so they

(58:59):
paid for had a thirty foot monument obelisk put up.
I mean this thing. You know, let's just look through
the dates. Here's just the dates of every year. That's
something some incident occurred revolving around that monument. Eighteen ninety one,

(59:20):
its erection, Okay, nineteen sixty five, nineteen seventy, nineteen seventy four,
again in nineteen seventy six, nineteen eighty one, nineteen eighty nine,
nineteen eighty three, two thousand and four, twenty twelve, twenty fifteen,
twenty seventeen.

Speaker 1 (59:35):
It's and telling you it's one of those things that's
still is hotly talked about even still today. And obviously
the whole monument's movement, you know, obviously it took its
hold and around the same time twenty sixteen, seventeen. Yeah,
so it's no shock that this one came up for debate, obviously. Yeah.

Speaker 2 (59:56):
Well in two I mean, you think about it. In
nineteen thirty two, they go ahead and they add a
to add a little inscription to it. In nineteen thirty two.
The inscription effectively says, you know, this is being put
up to show a monument to white rule into white supremacy.

Speaker 1 (01:00:16):
Okay.

Speaker 2 (01:00:18):
Then in the nineteen sixties, nineteen seventy four, the city
of New Orleans adds another plaque to it. They say,
although the Battle of Liberty place in this monument are
important parts of New Orleans history, the sentiments in favor
of white supremacy express there on our contrary to the
philosophy and beliefs of present day in New Orleans. So

(01:00:41):
then just a few years later, in nineteen eighty one,
Mayor Ernest Morin out calls for its removal, manages to
kind of out ride that out in nineteen eighty nine
and actually is removed.

Speaker 1 (01:00:52):
For some.

Speaker 2 (01:00:55):
Work and restoration. In nineteen ninety three, it's relocated from
the foot of ol Street to one canal place a
little bit closer to the river, kind of tucked away.
And then in nineteen ninety three, same time frame, another
inscription is added. It says, in honor of those Americans
on both sides who died in the Battle of Live

(01:01:16):
replaced a conflict of the past that should teach us
lessons for the future.

Speaker 1 (01:01:24):
That's kind of like putting a putting a bandit on
the gun job wound. Yeahn't help that much. Yeah.

Speaker 2 (01:01:31):
Oh, by the way, the nineteen thirty two inscription says,
the United States troops took over the state government and
reinstarted the usurpers, but the national election of eighteen seventy
six recognized white supremacy and gave us our state. Again.

Speaker 1 (01:01:45):
They're not really minting words here.

Speaker 2 (01:01:47):
Yeah, So the monument in twenty seventeen was taken down
by the city. And you know, you can argue about
monuments and history and all these things and whatever, right,
I mean, like, if.

Speaker 4 (01:02:01):
There's one maybe that just should that for right, Like,
if that one, I think we close with this though,
when I close with this one, I think this is
a good one to end this on.

Speaker 2 (01:02:16):
I love the way that Elizabeth Varren ended her book
on Long Street, and I think Longstreet is the perfect
way to end. You know there he is, so long
Street mused in eighteen eighty. That goes back to his
quote right to me, surrender is the sort of my
surrender of my sword was my reconstruction. I looked upon

(01:02:38):
the lost causes, totally irrevocable lost, so long Street mused
in eighteen eighty, capturing why he has been the most
unbattled military figure from America Civil War. We like to
bestow praise on historical figures who had the courage of
their convictions. Long street story is a reminder that the
arc of history is sometimes bent by those had the

(01:03:00):
courage to change their convictions. He accepted defeat with a
measure of grace and tried to learn and then to
teach the past lessons, and for that he commands our
attention as one of the most enduringly relevant voices in
American history. I think you can make the same argument
about reconstruction is that it's been kind of this embattled,

(01:03:21):
this controversial, this boot hicky filled period in our time,
and yet it might be the one that can teach us,
teach us the most.

Speaker 1 (01:03:35):
Yeah, you're absolutely right. And you know obviously before we go,
you did mention that word and you wanted to sell
something here. What exactly do you wanted to bunk about
this issue.

Speaker 2 (01:03:51):
Well, one of the things that is maybe kind of
tied directly to the Canal Street Coup or the Battle
of Liberty Place what everyone call it is the idea
that it was about removing a usurper government or reinstalling

(01:04:14):
the democratically elected government. The part about that, though, is
that it removes the racial politics it completely from the discussion.
You don't get the Battle of Liberty Place or the
Canal Street Coup without the installation of black legislature and

(01:04:37):
black legislators in the State House, without the rise of
political figures like BBS Pinchback and Oscar Don Oscar Don,
and you don't get that without the integration of police
forces like the Metropolitans. So what's the bohicky is that

(01:05:00):
it's not just about politics, it's not just about a
surfer government. There's no claim to a spirit of revolution,
there's no claim to the spirit of seventeen seventy six.
It's about race. Yeah, it's about trying to restore a
white rule, this time through violent means.

Speaker 1 (01:05:20):
And let us be clear, we are not putting our
twenty first century lenses on here. We have clearly even Yeah,
I mean, we've clearly given you excerpts, you know, from
the time period, you know, so the words speak for themselves. Yeah,
I like to think, yeah they do. Sure, a comment
section on this one's still going to be a hoop,
I hope. So, I mean again, it wouldn't that long

(01:05:42):
ago that I pissed off Confederate Twitter, which exists. So
that's weird that Twitter doesn't anymore. So that's yeah, yeah,
weird world we're living in. But goodness gracious, what is
in my cup? Well? Again, I am still watching my
caloric intake at least for the next two months or

(01:06:03):
so before we go to the beach and then no
holds barred because it's you know, vacation, right. So I
have some coconut wrong with some Zulu sugar cran apple juice.
It has been perfect. It tastes beechy. How about you, Joey?

Speaker 2 (01:06:22):
Ready to be disappointed? I have hot tea in one cup,
but it's not caffeine and tea. In fact, it is
a cinnamon or chatta cama meal. It sounds like it
shouldn't be good, but it's very good and it makes

(01:06:43):
And then in the other cup, I have my dessert
from earlier, which was you know, inviting someone into my
diet here and then this blueberry, strawberries, oat milk, and
peanut butter powder all blended up and it's just yeah,
that's how I ran that nine minute, forty seven.

Speaker 1 (01:07:03):
Second power and peanut butter power.

Speaker 2 (01:07:09):
That's it. I run on peanut butter power. That's all
I have. That's all I can offer you. So there
we go. There's a number of history.

Speaker 1 (01:07:20):
We hope you learned a little something. I know I
surely did. There's a couple of things I was not
too familiar with, but now I am.

Speaker 2 (01:07:27):
Thank you, Joey.

Speaker 1 (01:07:28):
That's a great presentation. Uh, and I know that you're uh,
you're giving this lecture at some other time. So a
couple of times, yeah, yeah, well a couple of When
you do something, well, it's not unlikely that people are
going to ask you to do it multiple times same time.

Speaker 2 (01:07:46):
I wish they wouldn't. Anyways, Uh, if you like the episode,
remember like and subscribe. I'm gonna say it one more time, Mike.

Speaker 1 (01:07:55):
And subscribe. Don't just don't do we do both?

Speaker 2 (01:07:59):
Yeah, don't do both. And then share this one of
your friends and go, oh, hey, I didn't know about
this and this is great and I'll learn some things.
That's always good to leave us your feedback, leave us
your questions, leave us your comments down below, you know whatever.
Just be nice. That's all.

Speaker 1 (01:08:13):
That's all.

Speaker 2 (01:08:15):
Well, always a pleasure. Always everybody out there on the
airwaves listening or on YouTube AM, we'll get you next
time you and we'll see it. Then talking about

Speaker 1 (01:08:46):
Everybody, Aga