Pollster Rich Baris joins the show to talk about the outcome of the election, Trump's coalition, what Republicans need to do to keep that coalition and more.
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The hotel make a scream out down that found because
the Crown. Tune in the charge for the outdo tune
in the charge for the Outlaw.
Speaker 1 (01:17):
Welcome to a special edition of the Outlaws. This is
Darvey Oda, Kingpin Maul.
Speaker 4 (01:20):
Don't forget too Like us on Facebook at Facebook dot com,
slash the Outlaws Radio, follow us on x and Instagram
at the Outlaws Radio, and make sure that you go
to our brand new website, The Outlawsradio dot com. That's
the Outlaws Radio dot Com. We have a very special guest.
His name is Rich Barris. He is known as the
(01:43):
People's pundit. He is a prominent poster here in the country.
He nailed uh the outcome of the presidential race he
also saw the changing demographics that a lot of people
were trying to deny.
Speaker 1 (01:59):
Uh, We're gonna talk about a lot of that.
Speaker 4 (02:01):
We're going to talk about the outcome of the election,
what happened, why things played out the way that it did.
We're going to talk about the increase that Republicans had
in the black vote and Hispanic vote. We're also going
to talk about some of the dangers that lie and
wait for Republicans if they don't address those voters, if
(02:22):
they don't tend to the needs of those new.
Speaker 1 (02:24):
Voters that they have as well, and a whole bunch
of stuff. So we're gonna we're gonna get into it.
Speaker 4 (02:29):
We're going to tackle everything concerning this election and more,
and we're gonna go to that interview right now. All right,
we have a very special guest on the show today.
Speaker 1 (02:43):
He is a poster.
Speaker 4 (02:44):
He's known as the People's pundit, Rich Bears.
Speaker 1 (02:48):
Welcome to the show. How you doing, sir, Living the Dream?
Speaker 2 (02:50):
Thanks for having.
Speaker 4 (02:51):
Me, absolutely, man, We appreciate you stopping by.
Speaker 1 (02:55):
So it's a lot of things to discuss.
Speaker 4 (02:57):
Man, with this last election, particularly one element of it
that you and me and like a couple of other
people saw, but everybody else wanted to deny. We'll touch
We'll touch on that in the second, but first just
give us like a quick rundown, man, how did what
caused the outcome of the election to be what it was?
Speaker 5 (03:19):
You know, I always thought no matter no matter who
it was, whether it was Biden, Harris or somebody else,
because over the course of the Biden administration, when we
had pulled Donald Trump against different hypothetical candidates, they all
did very poorly. And I really think what happened maybe
(03:39):
starting from the Afghanistan withdrawal. I'm not one of those
guys that would argue that was it. I actually think
it started during the pandemic. We just started to hear
from people who told us things tarviare like, this is
not what we were told. You know that this is
this is not why we threw an incumbent president out
of office. We thought was doing a decent job, the
(04:00):
economy that you know, was not starting new wars, and
we caught onto the buyer's remorse really quick.
Speaker 2 (04:06):
And when this was going to be an ab contest.
Speaker 5 (04:09):
You know, a former president never in our lifetime a
Grover Cleveland like situation, who had a record that even
if people didn't like him, they liked the record and
they would deal with some of the stuff they didn't
personally like about him, and they had that was always
going to be a tough hill, I think for other
people to climb. And then also, you know, the bottom
(04:29):
line is, you know what you were alluding to a
second ago, and I was reading your columns constantly, and
because you seem to get it when so many others didn't.
If Trump had won reelection, we would have all have
been talking about the trends that we all came to
see very clearly this election. But because you lost, we
kind of passed over it and we didn't, you know,
(04:50):
we didn't give a lot of time to it, and
we moved forward. So when this picked up and we
started to see where his strength was coming from, and
his new coalition came from, a lot of other people
were thinking, you know this, this is new, this is
out of the blue right, and people called it all that,
all different names for it, a mirage, And the truth
of the matter is it was there. It had been
for a while, chipping away little by little until these
(05:13):
things tend to cascade. And I think that's what happened
in the Democratic Party. Now that being said, you know,
real quick, just to top that off, this was like
a Trump win. This wasn't a very strong Republican performance
in an environment like this. You know, this is Donald
Trump's coalition and they're gonna have to earn it.
Speaker 4 (05:30):
Man, I'm so glad you said that, because that's one
of the things we're gonna talk about. We're gonna we're
gonna dig into that too, because it I'm seeing some
signs to me that the Republican Party still may not
get it, but we'll get to we'll get to that second.
But talk about that, Ben, how like you saw and
(05:51):
you were one of the one of the few pollsters
who's who not only saw it but gave legitimacy to it.
There there were people that I was seeing that were
trying to dismiss it. Our favorite punching bag WPA was
one of the main people calling it a mirage, which
was always garbage from the beginning. But one of the
(06:14):
reasons why I knew it was real was not only
because of the polls, but I'm black, and I'm in
the black community, and I know black people, and when
you know black people and you're having conversations, you start singeing.
Speaker 1 (06:29):
Okay, wait a minute, there's something different.
Speaker 4 (06:31):
I remember a close friend of mine who's a political
operative and he's.
Speaker 1 (06:35):
Black as well.
Speaker 4 (06:36):
When I first started telling him, hey, man, these Trump
numbers with black folks, like, I think there's something to this,
he was like, no, I can't believe that. Really, he
was like it, just had a very hard time believing
that until he went to the barbershop one day, came
back and called me.
Speaker 1 (06:53):
He was like, man, I think this is real. So
what were you seeing?
Speaker 4 (06:58):
What were you seeing that was confirming it to you
because I was seeing it in real time.
Speaker 5 (07:03):
You know one thing I could say, you know, and
it's the Chris Wilson's of the world over at WPA Intel.
Don't you love when some privileged sweater vests wearing white
Republican tells you it's a black man.
Speaker 2 (07:14):
What's real and what's not? It's a mirage, it's a barrage.
Speaker 5 (07:18):
Okay, thank you, Like I can't go to the barbershop.
But you know, the thing with us is simple.
Speaker 2 (07:23):
We had seen.
Speaker 5 (07:25):
Other people, other polsters over state Republicans and Trumps too,
but you know, Republican in general their support with non
white voters, and we just have never been one of
those pollsters, right, you know, going into sixteen, we had
them I think it's seven or eight percent, maybe it
was ballpark eight or nine percent, you know, nothing, nothing
in double digits.
Speaker 2 (07:44):
And then moving.
Speaker 5 (07:45):
Forward to twenty twenty, we were seeing it go up.
It was inching, but nothing like what happened this year.
But when you put it all together and you plot
it on you know, I went back and put all
of our polling on a on basically good old line graph,
and I just wanted to see over time, is this
a trend?
Speaker 2 (08:04):
Is this and how significant is it?
Speaker 5 (08:06):
And then I mean it jumps right out at you
when you look at that, when you look at that graph,
that's number one. And we have never been someone again.
Speaker 2 (08:13):
So I trust it.
Speaker 5 (08:14):
I trust the work that I do more than I
trust the work others do. I mean, it kind of
sounds self evident, but you know, I try not to
look at the pole, you know, the results of other posters,
especially when we get closer to elections, because I don't
I don't want it to not only potentially influence what
we're doing, but I don't want an affirmation I don't
(08:35):
want a confirmation. So if other people are seeing something,
then great, but I don't want to deny something that
I may see first before it's evident to everyone else.
Speaker 2 (08:47):
So that's what happened here.
Speaker 5 (08:49):
And also the second thing, you know, is that we
had polled during the Republican primary. This was a great
time to test whether it was real because we would
pull Nikki Hilly against Joe Biden and others. We would
pull Ron de Santis against Joe Biden and others. They
didn't do the numbers, and by the way, neither did
Senate Republicans. Neither did generic Republicans on their generic ballot.
(09:12):
They didn't get the numbers with non white voters that
Trump was getting.
Speaker 2 (09:15):
They were consistently running.
Speaker 5 (09:18):
You know, it could be five points among black voters,
seven points among black voters, it could be ten points
among Hispanics. But no matter what it was, how it
varied month over month, it was consistent every month, over
and over and over.
Speaker 2 (09:32):
Ron DeSantis never broke double digits with black voters.
Speaker 5 (09:35):
Nikki Haley people didn't even know who she was, you know,
so they were just inclined to go back and vote
for the Democrat. So it was something about Donald Trump,
and it was specific, and I think obviously some of
them are going to go ahead and give Republicans to
bend for the down ballot. But I think what we
were seeing in the polling did play out. I think
that's why Dave McCormick is not as dominant in Pennsylvania
(09:59):
like Trump was. I think that's why Donald Trump's in
the mid thirties in Wayne County and Michigan.
Speaker 1 (10:04):
Right.
Speaker 5 (10:05):
And I remember when we pulled that, I was, I
had him at thirty six percent. I say, he's going
to be at thirty six percent.
Speaker 2 (10:11):
This is real. If he really If he's at thirty six.
Speaker 5 (10:14):
Percent where Detroit, you know, you know, in Detroit, the
county where Detroit obviously is, then this is real. So
there was just so many, you know, underlying data points
that were confirming that what we were seeing was true.
And it wasn't you know again, it wasn't noise. It
was so consistent. It was month after month after month.
Speaker 4 (10:36):
Absolutely, And you know, I'm here in Cleveland and I
talked to some friends of mine who or Democrats, and
they were like, look, they were analyzing the numbers and
they compared twenty twelve to twenty twenty one to twenty
twenty four, And this actually ended up in one of
the local articles here and Mitt Romney got eleven percent
(10:58):
of the vote in the city of Cleveland in twenty twelve,
and Trump got twenty one.
Speaker 1 (11:04):
Percent of the in the city of Cleveland this year.
Speaker 4 (11:09):
And a buddy of mine said, you know, we have
seventeen wards in the city of Cleveland. They said, Trump
increased his vote average in every single one of them,
the black ones, the white ones, the Hispanic one, like
every single every single one of them. Like, so it's
it's a consistent theme. Now moving forward, there was something
(11:31):
that you talked about on your show when you talked
about political maturation and kind of kind of broke that
down a little bit, and you were talking about like
with different ethnic.
Speaker 1 (11:40):
Groups and stuff like that.
Speaker 4 (11:41):
And one of the things like for black folks, it's
a little different because obviously our history and a lot
of black people believe in the idea of link to fate.
So regardless of where I am personally, what my personal
interests are, a lot of black folks ten vote on
what's in the best.
Speaker 1 (12:01):
Interest of the community as a whole. I think the thing.
Speaker 4 (12:04):
That that Trump did differently than most Republicans is usually
when Republicans would try to make this appeal to black folks,
it's like, oh, you're you're an individual, You're you're not
a monolith.
Speaker 1 (12:18):
You can you can think for yourself. You don't have
to be on that plantation. But but that's not how
black people process voting.
Speaker 4 (12:25):
Trump made the argument is that no, actually, you can
vote for the best interest in you of your community.
My policies are in the best interests of your community.
So he made the argument that black folks are used
to hearing but just saying no, I'm the one that's
in the best interest in the community. It's one thing
that I see that I don't think other Republicans understand.
(12:46):
I don't think they understand how to message to black people,
how to talk to black people, how to frame their
policies in a way that says, these policies are in
your interest, not only individually but collectively.
Speaker 1 (13:00):
And I think that.
Speaker 4 (13:00):
That's something that conversation was just something that Trump did
better than other Republicans.
Speaker 1 (13:05):
What are your thoughts on that?
Speaker 5 (13:06):
Yeah, I think and maybe you know, you're teaching me
something a little bit here because I'm just thinking about you.
Speaker 2 (13:13):
Know, and I do this.
Speaker 5 (13:14):
I don't know that other posters do this anymore, but
I do. I'll listen in, I'll print out transcripts, and
I'll read through interviews because even in the day of
peer to peer texting interviews, we can print out everything
that was sent back and forth between the interviewer or
the agent in that case, and the voter. And there
was very much a community mindset as a theme that
(13:39):
popped out.
Speaker 2 (13:40):
And that's why I think it.
Speaker 5 (13:42):
Trump and his stance on immigration was linked to really
like an economic issue and an issue of the community.
Speaker 2 (13:49):
So, you know, at.
Speaker 5 (13:50):
The expense of certain in urban areas around this country,
at the expense of largely non white populations, the you know,
you had the buy An administration bringing in, you know,
people who were coming here illegally and then dumping it
on their doorstep, you know, and it was like this,
what about our community. You know, We've been loyal to
(14:11):
the Democratic Party for years and now we're kind of
being made to deal with this problem that you created.
And it's hurting our kids. It's going to hurt our schools,
it's going to hurt our healthcare. You know, look at
how Mayor Adams in New York City tried to deal
with it. Obviously, I actually think he was speaking largely
in you know, for those communities when he would break
with the Democratic Party on that issue. Uh, Chicago, there
(14:33):
were obviously, you know, big I don't want to see
big protests, but you could see the pushback in these
areas where they were saying, you know what, this isn't
good for our neighborhood. This isn't good for our community
and our kids. So you know, you just said something
there that made you kind of connected the dots for me,
And it makes it make more sense, it does. It
(14:53):
makes it make more sense because I just there was
something very different about how voters around the country view
an issue like immigration and wages. By the way, right,
because Trump is saying, look, economically, the community is going
to benefit. I did opportunity zones, I did these projects.
This is what I want to do when I come back,
(15:14):
and this is going to help you. Meanwhile, what does
the Democratic Party offer them?
Speaker 2 (15:19):
Right?
Speaker 5 (15:19):
They offer them more influx of illegal immigration that's going
to take away their services, take away jobs, then put
a burden on their on their on their social programs, everything.
Speaker 2 (15:29):
From healthcare to to education for the kids.
Speaker 5 (15:32):
I mean, it's burdening them, and Trump is second, I'm
not going to burden you.
Speaker 2 (15:35):
I'm going to give opportunity. And it just seems to work.
Speaker 5 (15:38):
I mean, it makes it makes more sense to me
now that you said that, because then you know there
are just different ways that people process issues in this country.
And it very clearly had another, you know, a community connotation.
Speaker 2 (15:50):
I guess I wasn't seeing until you said that, but
it makes sense. But it makes perfect sense.
Speaker 4 (15:56):
Right, right, absolutely, Like when when you understand how how
black people think in general, and of course yes we're
not a monolith, but in general, and how we kind
of process information voting, like there was a case to
be made that he had policies that were better for us, right,
and because Black Americans are so communal in our culture,
(16:21):
making a case if you want to win our vote,
it's important to make that case to say this is
what's going to benefit all of you and not just
say well, you're not a monolith like cause black people
don't vote like that. We just if you look at
our history, we've been ninety percent Democrat and before that
and we were voting Republican.
Speaker 1 (16:39):
We were ninety percent Republican. Like that's just been. There's
only been.
Speaker 4 (16:43):
There was only one period of time, like between the
forties and nineteen sixty where the vote was actually relatively competitive,
and it was most competitive between right between nineteen fifty
six and nineteen sixty. So other than that, you know,
black folks tend to vote in the sense of linked fate.
So the interesting thing that I saw and I didn't
(17:04):
know this until you said it on your show and
I went and looked because I was like, man, I
didn't even know it was that hot. That the ap
vocast has him at sixteen percent. Now that that was
I thought he would be around I had been predicting
around fifteen, which is significant. That's the highest since nineteen
seventy six. Is that what your Does that number match
(17:26):
with what you're saying?
Speaker 2 (17:27):
Yeah, it does.
Speaker 5 (17:28):
And I actually would tell people when we would put
out our polling, I would say, look, you know, just
from historically from our polling. You know when I say
we didn't over state now white vote, chair, I'm saying,
you know, we were never the poll that would have
a Republican candidate at like thirty percent of the black vote.
Speaker 2 (17:44):
We just didn't have that.
Speaker 5 (17:46):
Our final was around eighteen percent, and if it's sixteen,
let's see what the voter validated studies show. Although unfortunately,
I'm going to be skeptical with them this year because
the pre election stuff that they released was garbage.
Speaker 2 (17:59):
It was just trying. It was wildly inaccurate.
Speaker 5 (18:02):
So I'm not sure how they're going to do better
talking to people after the election, because they collected seventy
five thousand responses and only had trump ballpark around twelve percent. Obviously,
he didn't do twelve percent or else, he wouldn't be
a twenty plus in Philadelphia, he wouldn't be in the
thirty five range in Wayne County.
Speaker 2 (18:19):
You just can't. The numbers aren't there.
Speaker 5 (18:21):
So we'll see what they say, but it would be normal,
would be in the uh in the range of what
we historically have either under or over.
Speaker 2 (18:30):
You know, shot at two points. That's it.
Speaker 5 (18:32):
So I remember Viva Fry. He's a lot of people
probably watch him. He's a popular YouTuber. He lives in Florida.
Speaker 2 (18:39):
Now.
Speaker 5 (18:39):
He was like a Canadian lawyer would YouTube and got
too much into politics and moved to Florida.
Speaker 2 (18:45):
And now I remember him talking.
Speaker 5 (18:47):
Now, we were kind of batting ideas off of each other,
and he's like, am I just wrong here?
Speaker 2 (18:51):
I take so much heat on Twitter? Am I wrong?
Speaker 5 (18:53):
When I go to X and I say that, you know,
Trump could get sixteen percent, That's exactly the figure. And
I showed him the last poll and I said, you know,
David's actually you know, right in the realm, I wouldn't.
Speaker 2 (19:02):
Be shocked if he got closer to twenty.
Speaker 5 (19:05):
But the most likely is like fifteen to eighteen percent.
And it looks like that's what he's going to get.
And in some states Starvio, like in Texas, he's in
the thirties with black men in Texas. I mean, that
is enormous, enormous tectonic shift.
Speaker 2 (19:20):
It really is.
Speaker 5 (19:21):
It's almost like, you know, I would be making the
argument if I pull Texas before the election and I
got that number, I would be making the argument of
my listeners that look probably will be a little bit over,
but it still is showing the trend. It's showing the trend.
It's indicating that this is a trend. I'm not sure
I would have believed it myself.
Speaker 2 (19:41):
But there it is. He got it.
Speaker 4 (19:42):
Just yeah, yeah, absolutely more with Rich Barris when we
come back here on the Outlaws.
Speaker 3 (19:48):
These days, it seems like everybody's talking, but no one
is actually listening to the things they're saying. Critical thinking
isn't dead, but it's definitely low on oxygen. Join me
Kira Davis on Just Listen to Yourself every week as
we reason through issues big and small, critique our own ideas,
and learn to draw our talking points all the way
out to their logical conclusions. Subscribe to Just Listen to
(20:12):
Yourself with Kira Davis and FCB Radio podcast on Apple,
on Spotify, iHeart, or wherever you get your podcasts, Real.
Speaker 2 (20:25):
Talk, cl conversations.
Speaker 1 (20:28):
We got the heat.
Speaker 4 (20:30):
Yeah, this is the out Lost Radio show.
Speaker 1 (20:37):
Welcome back, Welcome back and listen to the Outlaws. And
now here's more of our interview with Rich Bears.
Speaker 4 (20:42):
We're talking with Rich Bears, People's Pundit. Make sure that
shall follow him on all the social media platforms and
make sure he plugs everything when we get to the
end here. But one of the things that I'm noticing, unfortunately,
and the reason why I say unfortunately is because for me,
as a black person, I'm not in love with either party.
But As a black person, I believe that it's in
(21:03):
our interest to have both parties competing for our vote.
Speaker 1 (21:06):
That that's how you get the best outcome.
Speaker 4 (21:08):
I also believe that, you know, people say, oh, you know,
we need to deracialize our politics, the only legitimate way
that you deracialize politics is if both parties are competing
for everybody. Because if both parties are competing with everybody,
then people feel like either option can address their issues,
can address their needs. So I think it's a good
(21:30):
thing to see. This is the most diverse that both
parties have been in at least fifty years at the
same time, like I've never seen like definitely in our
lifetime for sure, And so I think that that trend
is overall a good thing. Whether you're a Republican or Democrat,
I think it's a good thing to have diversity in
both parties. But one of the things that I'm seeing
(21:51):
is that it still seems like there's resistance to the
new Coalition among some areas of the Publican Party.
Speaker 1 (22:00):
And I would love to get your.
Speaker 4 (22:01):
Thoughts on this because to me, I think it's two
I think the resistance is for two reasons. There are
people tend to fit in one of these two categories.
I think one is a racial reason and the other
is a policy economic reason. I think the racial reasons
just flat out I think there's some Republicans that just
don't want a bunch of black folks showing up at
the Republican Party. I just flat out believe that there's
(22:26):
there's some folks that are like that.
Speaker 1 (22:28):
But I also.
Speaker 4 (22:29):
Think on the economic side, I think that there are
some folks who are resistant to it, and for the
similar reason why they are resistant to white working class voters,
because black voters economically are not that their policy positions
are not that much different than.
Speaker 1 (22:46):
White working class voters.
Speaker 4 (22:47):
They actually have a lot of similarities culturally, and that's
one of the things I'm always talking about again. Being
somebody from Cleveland and grew up in kind of like
a mixed neighborhood, I was able to see firsthand like
there's a lot of commonality at the working class level.
There's a lot of commonalities between black folks and white folks,
and I think the policy positions.
Speaker 1 (23:07):
Are not that different.
Speaker 4 (23:09):
And I think that there are some of the old
guard Republicans and even some folks who claim to be
MAGA who.
Speaker 1 (23:15):
Just don't want to go in that direction.
Speaker 4 (23:16):
They just don't want to go in that economic direction
to now serve Now you have to serve this population,
you have to serve these black voters, you have to
serve these Hispanic voters, you have to serve these working
class white voters. And I think that there are some
folks that just don't want to go in that direction.
Speaker 1 (23:32):
What are your thoughts?
Speaker 5 (23:33):
Yeah, I think you there are two things going on here.
One is really about policy and the agenda and their donors,
you know, their rent seekers, their interest groups don't want
to implement those policies that are more certainly more populist
than nature. And they're going obviously speaking across different racial
groups because you know, whether the media and all the
(23:53):
parties want people to know this or not, I think
you're right. They actually have much more in common with
each other than they do with some of the ruling
class out there, regardless of what party they're voting for.
I mean, I think they're terrified that one day people
are gonna come to that conclusion. They're gonna realize that.
So one of them is definitely about policy. Look at
(24:15):
you know, not to drop any names here, but I'm
going to, like, look at somebody like Mark Mike Garcia
running out in the Orange County competitive district in California.
Just you know, Laura might get you know, get mad
at me for doing this again.
Speaker 2 (24:28):
But it's the truth. This is what happens behind closed doors.
Speaker 5 (24:31):
They you know, bring me out there, tell us you
know where the direction of the party is going. They
didn't like what I had to say, and that was, Look,
you're gonna find yourselves more in common. You know, the
core of your party is going to find that it
has more in common with non whites in the Central
Valley than it does with the upper crust, privileged white
population in Orange County. And if you don't adjust for that,
(24:52):
you're gonna lose these these seats. You're gonna lose these
areas because you know, and by the way, you're likely
going to lose them when Donald Trump is nominee and
it's going to look really bad. And that is exactly
what happened to ARV. We're gonna find out what happens
with somebody like a John Duarte in California thirteen because
they're still counting. But look at how badly he's underperforming them.
They thought somebody like Duarte, who has a somewhat Hispanic
(25:16):
sounding last name, claims a Hispanic heritage, but has no
connection to this Spanic community. They think that that's the
way to win votes. And they're just good with making
that very ephumeral, you know, weak connection to voters, and
because they really the truth is, they are uncomfortable with
(25:36):
the idea of having what it's SAME's true of white
working class. You know, they're just uncomfortable with having being
the representatives of certain types of people. Certain yes, they
simply don't have anything in common with.
Speaker 2 (25:50):
The rest of us.
Speaker 1 (25:51):
You know.
Speaker 5 (25:51):
The truth is the you know, the average tenure of
a Republican legislature in DC, let's call it twelve years
and House of Representatives, they themselves are going to have
much more in common economically and culturally with the Democrat
who sits on the committee with them. Then, you know,
even if they represent Toledo, Ohio or something or or
(26:13):
more let's you know, let's say like somewhere in the
Ohio River Valley, right, even even if they come from that,
you know, that part of the state, they're still not
going to be aligned with them in their in their views,
but also in their economic interests, and so it makes
them uncomfortable. They want their votes, they want the vote,
of course, but they don't actually want to implement that policy.
(26:34):
And so there's a couple I think they're overlapping things
that are going on. But another great case is Mark
Robinson in North Carolina. Obviously, he won that nomination for
the Republican governorship and a lot of people didn't like it.
There's just it's a painful reality, but it's true and
it has to be discussed that there's an old school
Rockefeller wing of the Republican Party that is uncomfortable with
(26:58):
the idea of a black man, especially maga black man,
or someone claiming to be being the standard bearer for
their party. You know, like literally one of them told me, Darrio,
I don't I don't think we're gonna be okay with
him running our government, Like what does that even mean?
And part of it is that he doesn't play ball,
but you know what the other part of that means.
(27:18):
And by the way, for people who don't know this,
it was the Republicans who marked Mark Robinson's campaign that
opposition research was found by Republicans they gave it to
Josh Stein. That's the story which probably a lot of
people don't know, but they were. You know that that's
that wing, that's that old school wing, that's resistance, very
(27:39):
resistant still to America First and the and the movement
that Trump has been bringing forward here, and they there's
there's a lot of reasons that they are resisting, and
unfortunately that's one of them.
Speaker 2 (27:47):
It's just true.
Speaker 4 (27:49):
Well, and I would argue, and I'd love to get
your thoughts on this, and I'm sure you've probably seen
it in the polding, like if they don't adjust to
their new base, they're going to lose because thee that
they have is when you have the political radicalization of
the professional class, it makes it much more difficult for
(28:10):
them to get those voters back. And as those voters
go more and more to the left, it makes it
even more important. You have to go even further. You
gotta get more black votes, and more Hispanic votes, and
more working class white votes in order to be able
to still win races. I think you saw when you
(28:35):
look at what Trump did and then look at the
underperformance of Republicans in the Senate and the House. By
the way, in both chambers that that's a significant issue
that I think they're not understanding.
Speaker 1 (28:49):
You have to change.
Speaker 4 (28:51):
If you want these voters and you want to keep
these voters, you.
Speaker 1 (28:55):
Are going to have to change. You can't.
Speaker 4 (28:57):
The Republican Party as people knew it died on election
deb and if you continue to try to go in
that same direction, if you continue to do things that
either alienate those voters or intentionally antagonize those voters, or
your policies don't improve those.
Speaker 1 (29:15):
Voters' lives, you were going to lose.
Speaker 4 (29:17):
Because I in my opinion, and you could tell me
if you agree or not, I think the professional class
is gone for the Republicans, at least for the next
few cycles.
Speaker 5 (29:25):
Yeah, I've told people this privately, and anytime somebody asked
me a question like this, I'll say it publicly. You know,
the entire working thesis of the DeSantis campaign was operating
under this phony premise that a non Trump candidate is
somehow just going to win back the professional class. That's nonsense,
and that's not going to happen barring a huge economic
(29:47):
calamity or.
Speaker 2 (29:48):
Or maybe the left goes a little bit too.
Speaker 5 (29:50):
Far, and right now, considering where they are, it's unthinkable
to you know, to even consider a time when they
can go even further. But believe me, they can. And I,
you know, to bring up the point you first made.
People look at me sideways when I make statements like this,
but it's one hundred percent true. You're going to start
to lose states in the South that are deeply read
if you don't start winning more non white voters.
Speaker 2 (30:13):
In Mississippi.
Speaker 5 (30:14):
We can see it not only Mississippi in the outer
and Inner South, but even in basically black belt countries,
around black belt counties around the around that region of
the country. You can always see just a little bit
more support for Donald Trump than you can for other
Republican candidates. There was a gubernatorial election in the state
of Mississippi last year and the Republican won, but he
(30:37):
won them by five points. And when we were doing
a comparison around the state, you know, to Trump's performance,
which incredibly he actually improved on from twenty twenty. But
when you look at it, it's not coming from white areas.
Like I hate to break their brains and tell them,
but white voters are going to get more democratic. They're
getting the more they get educated, which I can't stand
(30:59):
that word credentialed. The more credentialed they get, the more
democratic they're going to get. And you cannot possibly listen
to like the and Culters of the world and people
from the Disantis campaign that ran his campaign and think
that you're going to be a national force in politics
for long, because you're not going to be. You can't
win elections nationwide on the backs of white voters.
Speaker 2 (31:22):
It doesn't matter if there's.
Speaker 5 (31:24):
More working class vote that it's just not going to
be enough because they're getting more credentialed and when they do,
that margin just keeps shrinking every year.
Speaker 2 (31:32):
Trump did what he did here.
Speaker 5 (31:34):
Yes, he did better with everyone, which was one of
the really truly magical things about his coalition. You know,
he improved with certain white voters who are educated, and
he also improved the working class. But Republicans did not
everywhere across the board. They did not benefit, you know,
like from just strictly partisan co tails the way that
(31:57):
we have seen in recent elections.
Speaker 2 (31:58):
And that should be screw the.
Speaker 5 (32:00):
Truth to them about the nature of these coalitions going forward.
If they don't know, I don't know how to phrase
this any differently, If they don't completely evolve into the
Trump version of this party, then you're not going to
just see Georgia and North Carolina competitive anymore. By the way,
North Carolina is another great example. Tom Tillis is a
(32:21):
senator from North Carolina, one of the whatever you want
to call them. People use the word rhyino right, whatever
you want to call him. Trump has now won his state,
not once, but twice by margins. He has never been
able to put together in that state. And if you
go around the state you'll see it's not because Trump
is doing exceptionally well in educated suburbs versus Tom Tillis.
(32:41):
That's just not the case. Tillos actually did better than
him in the suburbs in twenty twenty. He's winning votes
from more diverse areas. And until you learn how to
do that, the party learns how to do that, then
some of these other states are going to get tight
real quick. And right now they look like blowouts, But
so did Georgia once upon a time.
Speaker 2 (32:59):
South Carolina is you know, a couple of let's call
it a decade.
Speaker 5 (33:03):
It's a decade away from being a much more competitive
state of Republicans continue to be the party of only
white people, right if they want to go back to
that Florida is not thirteen points right now because Donald
Trump did it on the backs of conservative white men.
I mean, it's just insane for people to have this
conversation still, and that was the working thesis of his
opponents in the primary.
Speaker 2 (33:23):
It's really you know, I'll just tell a story.
Speaker 5 (33:26):
I remember my buddy Steve Cortes calling me before he
decided to support DeSantis, and he gave me the pitch
that Jeff Roh was making to him, and they were
all still making it, and they were arguing that there
are more suburban women.
Speaker 2 (33:41):
And certainly more.
Speaker 5 (33:42):
Like rich targets to get to actually vote for you,
then there are working class white and non white voters
that Trump gets that Republicans do not.
Speaker 2 (33:52):
And I mean, that's just factually incorrect.
Speaker 5 (33:54):
Number one, It's just not true, just the same way
it wasn't true when Chuck Schumer said it's okay if
we keep losing the working class because every three we
lose in western Pennsylvania, or every one we lose in
Western Pennsylvania, we pick three up in southeastern Pennsylvania. Well
guess what, Chuck, That manth is incorrect too. So if
Republicans adopt that kind of mentality, they're going to start
(34:15):
to see some of their more safer states get very close.
And look, we've seen it already. Know in eight John
McCain lost Indiana and almost lost.
Speaker 2 (34:25):
The state of Missouri. It could happen.
Speaker 5 (34:27):
It came very close to losing it. It could happen.
And I'm telling you, like mark my.
Speaker 2 (34:33):
Words, it will happened.
Speaker 5 (34:35):
Are you if they do not adopt this man's vision
going forward, and if they keep up with what we
just call that resistance, right, you'd expect Democrats to resist,
but after what are we in now in the Trump era,
almost ten years of the Trump era. If you're still
resisting now and you're a Republican, then you're just you're
allergic to facts. I guess I don't know, but there's
(34:58):
no way forward. There's just no way forward.
Speaker 4 (35:00):
By going back the conclusion of our interview with Rich Barris,
the People's Pundit, when we come back here on the Outlaws,
Fuck sir.
Speaker 1 (35:19):
Welcome back and listening to the Outlaws.
Speaker 4 (35:21):
Make sure that you subscribe to the show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeart,
or wherever you get your podcast, and if you listen
to this show on Apple. Please make sure you leave
us a five star review and a comment. It's very
important for the algorithm and for those of you who
have already done so, thank you, oh so very much.
Speaker 1 (35:36):
Now for the conclusion of our interview with rich Barris,
the People's Pundit. We're in a situation.
Speaker 4 (35:41):
This is one of the things I've been saying on
social media, like, your policies have to improve these people's lives.
Speaker 1 (35:46):
Yes, or you will lose them. Again. They're dating you.
Speaker 4 (35:49):
They did not marry you, and you have to convince
them that it's worth putting a ring on it, you
know what I mean.
Speaker 6 (35:57):
Yes, the voters are not married to you.
Speaker 4 (36:01):
They are only dating you. And that's one of the
issues that I see coming. And again, you know, you're
one of the only people other than myself who have
pointed out the issues concerning the South in particular, and
we're talking with Richard Barry's People's Punting. We have a
couple of minutes left, but I definitely want to touch
on that because I do not understand other than just
(36:26):
pure ignorance, racism and a refusal to understand the reality
of why Republicans in the South, particularly like establishment Republicans,
the ones who are controlling the party apparatuses down there.
Why they don't understand this. You will lose those states
(36:49):
in the South.
Speaker 1 (36:50):
You have no choice.
Speaker 4 (36:52):
And the thing that boggles the mind to me is
black people in the South, in particular, are.
Speaker 1 (37:00):
Some of the most conservative people.
Speaker 6 (37:03):
Black folks in the country's right in the country. They
are more naturally aligned with the Republican Party in the South,
and Republicans still won't do it.
Speaker 5 (37:15):
You look at a county like Craven County, North Carolina,
typically Republicans will win it anywhere between twelve and sixteen
points in a state wide race. You know, whether it's
a Senate race or well, the Supreme Court seats can
be a little bit different. But whether it's a Senate
race or gubernatorial election, whatever it may be, it's it's
(37:37):
a red county, but it's not uber uber red. And
that's because it's a little over twenty percent I think
it's now twenty two or twenty three percent black right.
And you look at Trump, he always won it by
a pretty decent margin compared to other Republicans. In twenty twenty,
it went for Trump by sixteen points. And you know,
(37:59):
Greg Murphy does decently when you commit that. But the
entire county is not part of his district, but it
runs all the way down to Cape Carteret. But Trump
won it this time by twenty points. It was basically
a sixty to forty split. And if you look around
the county, how did he do this? He didn't squeeze
any more blood out of the white voter stone right, Like,
(38:20):
that's as much as he could squeeze out of it.
You're winning registered Democrats that haven't yet changed their registration.
They're certainly white, working class, the Democratic Party of Old Right,
the remnants of Obama's coalition from eight that kind of
profile demographic for white voters. He's been doing that, DARBYO.
That is not how he put this. You know he
(38:40):
put this twenty point lead up over her in this county.
He did it by winning more black votes. And you
can then you know by precinct obviously, what are more
whiter precincts, more affluent precincts, more non white precincts. You know,
we know this, and it's very clear that he did
this by reaching over in a cross to voters that
(39:01):
I'm totally agreement with you. They have been more conservative
for a while. They just haven't been voting, you know,
any more Republican. It's just like they're stuck in this
stalemate with these voters Republicans, and they have not been
able to make any more progress, you know, moving the
ball forward. Hispanic's a little bit different, but certainly they
(39:22):
came to, you know, a roadblock with black voters, and
Trump broke through it this time and again.
Speaker 2 (39:28):
That's how he took this state.
Speaker 5 (39:29):
By the margin he did, You're not going to find
it going around the map looking at the whitest counties
in the state and seeing whether or not he improved
his margin there. He did you know, a little a
point here, a point there, where he took big leaps
we're in more diverse counties like Craven County. That's a
very big shift, i mean, four to eight points in
(39:51):
some of the most dramatic states you know. From twenty
twenty and we kind of estimated that's what it was
going to be in the national polling.
Speaker 2 (39:58):
You could see it, right, Joe Biden won.
Speaker 5 (40:01):
The popular vote by a little bit over four points,
almost four and a half points, and now Trump is
going to win it, but just under two one and
a half ballpark, So it's roughly, you know, four to
six points, depending where you look, some upwards of eight.
And in the areas that are more non white is
where you see definitely the shift is on the higher
end of the spectrum. And by the way, you can
(40:21):
urban centers. It's not just North Carolina.
Speaker 2 (40:23):
You can see them all over the country.
Speaker 5 (40:25):
The biggest jumps, where he made the most gains came
from urban centers.
Speaker 2 (40:29):
And how did that happen on the back of white voters.
It didn't. The answer is it didn't. Unbelievable they could
even like that.
Speaker 5 (40:38):
This is even a debate now moving forward, right, like
what do we do with the party?
Speaker 2 (40:42):
Now?
Speaker 1 (40:43):
Gee?
Speaker 5 (40:43):
I don't know is that I thought this was very evident,
but apparently it's not because.
Speaker 1 (40:49):
You know exactly.
Speaker 4 (40:51):
I mean, it's like, you don't New Jersey's not competitives
without black and brown voters.
Speaker 2 (40:58):
That's right.
Speaker 4 (40:59):
Illinois is not competitive without second brown voters. You're not
increasing your votes in California.
Speaker 1 (41:08):
Without improving among his pen Like, what are we talking about?
Speaker 5 (41:12):
Biggest shifts in the Central Valley which you're non white,
they're non white working class voters over there.
Speaker 2 (41:18):
That's why the shifts were the most pronounced and largest
in that part of the state. By the way, you just.
Speaker 5 (41:24):
Brought up Illinois thirty six percent in Cook County, Illinois
thirty six percent, Folks, he got twenty four percent.
Speaker 2 (41:33):
In twenty twenty.
Speaker 5 (41:34):
That's it, twenty four and that was thought of as
a pretty decent march, you know, a pretty decent chunk
for a Republican candidate at the presidential level. Bruce Rauner,
when he won that state in a gubernatorial election that
was in an off cycle midterm, which means lower turnout,
right is whiter than a presidential cycle. He still only
(41:56):
got about thirty two percent in Cook So for Trump
to put that number up in Cook County again, tell
tell me he found thirty six percent of the vote
in Cook County with only white voters. In fact, it's
just asdine and in fact, most of you know, the
the the old school silk stocking Republican is now a
Democratic educated voter that lives in a nice part of town.
(42:19):
That's you know, not even not even somewhere a normal
base Republican voter would recognize anymore. So it's just again,
you know, you're not gonna You're not going to increase
these margins by going after the waspius of you know,
the educated white population. It's just not going to happen.
And that's what we saw actually come to fruition. And
you would think moving forward, I mean, the number one
(42:41):
thing a party wants to do is win. You would
think that that's the case, but it's not right. They're
they're going to try to win without being.
Speaker 2 (42:51):
How could I put this.
Speaker 5 (42:53):
They're going to try to win and figure out a
path forward that works for their donors and their benefactors.
Speaker 2 (42:58):
And that's unfortunate, but that's the nature politics.
Speaker 4 (43:01):
Yeah, And I mean it's it's just crazy because when
you look at the numbers, like the numbers are what
they are. And two more questions from me, but I
want to get your thoughts on this because to me,
from my observation and everything I've seen and some of
the poll I've seen, I believe that this is true.
I actually think black and brown voters, if you're a Republican,
(43:22):
it's easy, it's actually easier to move those voters than
they are than it.
Speaker 1 (43:27):
Is to move of the white professional class.
Speaker 4 (43:31):
And to me, it's because of you have to look
at the what is the reason why they were rejecting
you in the first place, And there's two different reasons
for particularly for black folks, it wasn't it wasn't an
issue of policy per se, because black people tend to
be more moderate, right, So, you know, there's only few
research did a great study on this, only twenty five percent.
(43:53):
It was like, either twenty five or thirty percent of
Black Americans identify as liberal. Everybody else identifies as either
moderate or conservative. So the so it wasn't necessarily a
policy issue. It was that we think you don't like us.
So if you want to move, if you want to
move our votes, stop being stop being so hostile to us,
(44:13):
show us that you want us as part of your coalition.
Right to me, that is that's an easier ask than
the white professional class because they are rejecting you ideologically.
Speaker 1 (44:25):
They just don't believe in what you stand for anymore.
Speaker 4 (44:29):
And when someone is rejecting you because of ideology, it's
much more difficult to get them your thoughts on it.
Speaker 5 (44:37):
Yeah, I'd even use the word fanatical at this point,
you know, And you're not seeing that level of fanaticism
out of non white voters or working class voters of
any color, you're just not seeing that level of fanaticism.
Speaker 1 (44:50):
No, white liberals are more, are far more, way more.
Speaker 2 (44:54):
That's right, That's exactly right.
Speaker 5 (44:56):
I mean they and then they're origin and they're not
going to budge the who aren't going to want to
sit down with you for Thanksgiving dinner because Kamala Harris lost.
Speaker 2 (45:05):
You know, I mean we all know the videos.
Speaker 5 (45:07):
We've all seen the tiktoks, you guys know out there
the voters were talking about. I think that this is
a good opportunity for Republicans. Whether they take it as
another another story, but they need to ask themselves why
a white old billionaire from Queens, New York had a bigger,
(45:28):
better connection, a deeper connection with these voters that they've
been saying that they wanted to court now for how long? Right,
And I think back to when Romney lost in twenty twelve,
and they did it. They're what was referred to as
the autopsy. Right, they paid millions of dollars for this,
which was incredible that they would millions of dollars for
anyone which you know, any common sens or street smarts
(45:50):
to tell you, right, if you don't start winning more
non white votes in a country that's getting less white,
you're going to lose elections. Now, handmy five million dollars.
I just did your job. You It's ridiculous.
Speaker 2 (46:01):
But they went going back to that autopsy.
Speaker 5 (46:04):
People after this election should go back and really reread
what that autopsy said. Donald Trump gave them the road
to that autopsy, and yet they still resist him. It's
one of the most remarkable things. So it really begs
the question, are they the only are they really only
paying lift service to this?
Speaker 2 (46:22):
Were they not genuine? Were they not being earnest?
Speaker 5 (46:24):
Like what is it about part of this party that
is making or keeping up this resistance? And I think
we touched on both of the main reasons for that.
One is policy. The other, of course, is I think
cultural or status based. Really maybe cultural is not the
best way to put it. It's status based. They status
is their currency, right, so they they are trying to
(46:46):
tread very carefully with who they want to really bring
into the party. But if they really after twenty twelve,
if they claimed that that's the party that they wanted
to be, then they need to wake up and right
now because the hours late. You know, I know that
all these Republicans are celebrating, but there is no more
Donald Trump on the ballot anymore. There's he can run
(47:06):
around and campaign with you in the midterms, but that'll
never be the same. You're going to have to do
this on your own. Like you said before, that they're
just dating. You know, I would even say, maybe they're
just flirting. And if they don't, you know, maybe they're
just flirting. And that's how little time Republicans have to
convince these voters that they're real, they're genuine, and if
they don't deliver on this agenda, which is the agenda.
Speaker 2 (47:29):
They've voted for. They didn't vote for the Republican agenda.
Nobody even knows what that is.
Speaker 5 (47:33):
I pull people for a living, and I'm telling you,
d Arvie, nobody would be able to tell you what
the Republican agenda is. They know what the Trump agenda
is and they voted for that. And if they don't
deliver that agenda for these voters, they will punish them
severely for letting them down. And it's not going to
be easy to make another attempt, you know, to bring
(47:54):
them over to the camp. It's just not because this
man's not going to be around again, so you know,
we'll see what happens moving forward with the party. Obviously,
I thought JD was a great vice presidential pick and
I think he would do a good job doing it
moving forward. But they have to there can't be this
Paul Ryan like resistance and this Mitch McConnell like resistance
(48:15):
that played the first Trump administration. If they want to
keep these voters, then he's it's got to be the
Trump Show. And I know a lot of Republicans can
outstand that. They're like probably gonna squirm listening, you know,
to this, But that's the way it's got to be.
Otherwise you will go and reverse and you're not going
to be able to make up for it. You know,
with the educated white voter. It's not happening.
Speaker 1 (48:36):
Yeah, it's not happening.
Speaker 4 (48:37):
So last question for me on this topic. You know,
the concern that I have is obviously I think Trump
gets it, you know what I mean? Yeah, And I
think his his background being a New Yorker, has a.
Speaker 1 (48:50):
Lot to do with that.
Speaker 4 (48:51):
Me too, I'm not a hundred percent sure that everybody
around him get I think some of them do. I
think some of them don't. And I'm a little concerned.
And of course, you know, we're the president. You have
this vast administration. You can't see everything, you can't keep
(49:14):
a lookout on everything. So that is one thing that
concerns me. Also, I think he gets it. I have
questions about if everyone around him gets it. I think
JD gets it.
Speaker 1 (49:27):
There are some.
Speaker 4 (49:28):
Times where you know, people will get in his ear
and he kind of goes in one direction or the other.
Speaker 1 (49:32):
But I've talked to JD.
Speaker 4 (49:34):
I've interviewed him three times on my show, and he
told me straight up, like we need to get more
working class black and Hispanic votes into the coalition because
the country club said is never coming back. Like those
are his exact words that he said to me on
this show. So I know that he that, at least intellectually,
he understands it.
Speaker 1 (49:55):
What are your thoughts do you have?
Speaker 4 (49:57):
Do you believe that Trump has the people around him
that he needs that actually understands this.
Speaker 5 (50:04):
That's a great question, and I you know this is
going to be unpopular for his supporters to hear, but
I don't I agree that JD. And I've talked to
him too, so that's probably why. You know, But he does,
you know, have a unique background of his own, and
it's certainly not a privileged sweater vest you know, country
club Republican background for people who you know, for the
(50:25):
very few people who haven't either read Hillbilly Energy or
watched the movie on Netflix or somewhere. But I think
that you know, the core, you know, his family. Don
Junior has great instincts.
Speaker 2 (50:39):
He gets it. I know he does.
Speaker 5 (50:40):
But unfortunately the Republican Party is still you know, they
think it's great. They do, and a lot of people
I don't want to name drop them and embarrass anybody,
but you know, they seem to they they wanted this coalition,
and I'm just not sure DARBYO, that they understand why
he got it. I really, I'm not convinced that some
(51:01):
key people around him understand. And that includes people who
are paid for researching public opinion. Okay, let me just
let mean people can take a guess at probably who
a couple of people I'm talking about.
Speaker 2 (51:14):
These are people who are paid to research.
Speaker 5 (51:16):
Public opinion, and yet when I either listen to them
or read what their thoughts are about why this is
happening or how this happened, they're not they're way off base.
They're not even forget about being off base, they're not
even the same ballpark, you know. As as to under
as to why he appealed to certain people that Republicans
obviously cannot appeal to or have struggled to appeal to.
(51:38):
So that does concern me, and it does worry me.
And there's also part of permanent Washington, whether they have
an r D after their name that really would just
rather wait Donald Trump out. And I don't again, I
I don't recall before the primary anyone else saying, you know.
Speaker 2 (51:55):
What the pathfollower here is to look.
Speaker 5 (51:58):
For a younger, more diverse, a smart, dynamic coalition.
Speaker 2 (52:02):
Uh.
Speaker 5 (52:02):
That was not the argument coming out of a lot
of these people that of course he wants unity, so
he's gonna he's gonna, you know, extend in olive branch
and some of them are gonna have his a year.
And I'm just telling you, like none, none of them,
I ever had the concept and you know that let's
build a coalition like this. You know that we saw
on November fifth. They did not have that concept in
(52:24):
their head. Their concept was, you know, look, look how
Donald Trump struggles in New Hampshire. It's because he can't
win enough white voters. That is what they thought. So
I'm very concerned that they're not appreciating the historical opportunity
they have here and that they're they're the competent and
correct ones to move the ball forward. I'm skeptical at best,
(52:46):
and concerned is probably closer than skepticism, you know, I
mean really, because I I have long advocated this. We
need to stop focusing and obsessing over the suburbs.
Speaker 1 (53:00):
Right.
Speaker 5 (53:00):
We do this every election cycle, and looking at Donald
Trump's potential coalition, which now is his coalition, it was
always this weird bridging of the rural and urban divide,
and that excites me. It does, and it gives me
more promise for the future because I feel like it's
better for our society.
Speaker 1 (53:18):
Right.
Speaker 5 (53:18):
You cannot constantly have the rural and the urban fighting
over the suburban, and then whoever wins that particular election
is the dominant political force for a couple of years,
then we move on and the fight begins all over again. Really,
it should be urban and rural America and the suburbs
kind of just go with whomever you know can put
together the majority and we don't focus our We need
(53:42):
a mindset change, right. We need to completely overhaul how
we think about these coalitions, because it's more than just
what decides an election. It's how stable or unstable our
society could be, right, it really is.
Speaker 2 (53:55):
And we've come a long way, and this is.
Speaker 5 (53:59):
More the historical nature of this is more about winning
more than just about winning votes, is I guess what
I'm trying to say. It's about taking an opportunity to
really make some significant gain here as a society. We've
been kind of stuck in this stasis, right, and we've
not been able to evolve it's a society for a
while because of all these divides. And I think we've
(54:21):
got a really good opportunity here, and I just I
hope more people see it. I hope more people come
to see it and appreciate it and then of course
capitalize on it.
Speaker 1 (54:30):
Of course, Yeah, absolutely, I mean I completely agree.
Speaker 4 (54:32):
I mean, every if people want our politics to not
be so divided by race, the bridging the urban rural
divide is the way that you do it.
Speaker 1 (54:44):
Y's that's that's the way that you do it.
Speaker 4 (54:48):
Let everybody know, man, how to follow you on social media?
Speaker 1 (54:51):
How to watch the show.
Speaker 3 (54:52):
Man.
Speaker 4 (54:53):
I try to catch your show every chance I get.
Let everybody know, man, how to, how to, how to
get to you.
Speaker 2 (54:58):
Yeah, I appreciate that.
Speaker 5 (55:00):
Didn't uh give were on Getter, Twitter, Truth or x
whatever it's called now on X though, there's an underscore
because somebody took that user name. So it's people's underscore
pundit and it's people's pundit everywhere.
Speaker 2 (55:12):
The best place also all.
Speaker 5 (55:13):
You know, the the central hub of it all is
definitely locals. That's probably the best place to follow, and
that's People's pundent dot locals dot com, People's pundit dot
locals dot com, and they.
Speaker 2 (55:24):
Can always check out Big Data poll.
Speaker 5 (55:25):
There's gonna be a cool map up there soon, Dorio
about you know how how how we did with our
polling number one, but also, uh, you know how how
this map is dramatically different than what we have seen
in recent years.
Speaker 2 (55:38):
It's truly remarkable.
Speaker 1 (55:40):
Yeah, I'm looking forward to seeing that. Man, Thanks so
much for spending.
Speaker 2 (55:44):
Time with us, Man, I really appreciate it anytime. Thanks
for having me all the best.
Speaker 4 (55:48):
All right, one more time, I want to send a
special shout out to Rich there's the people's pundent for
coming on the show.
Speaker 1 (55:55):
Really appreciate it. We are out of here. We'll see
you next time.
Speaker 6 (56:12):
This has been a presentation of the FCB podcast Network,
where real Talk lives. Visit us online at FCB podcasts
dot com.
FCB Faith is your rhythm and preystation. I listen, My
mom listens, pretty much the whole family. I cannot, I cannot.
Speaker 2 (00:11):
I can't.
Speaker 3 (00:35):
Listen to FCB Faith on iHeartRadio Odyssey at FCB Faith
dot com, or tell your smart speaker to play FCB
Faith on iHeartRadio.
Speaker 1 (00:47):
This is the FCB Podcast Network.
Speaker 4 (00:56):
Great, this is when they dropped jobs.
Speaker 1 (01:00):
We don't listen to y'all.
Speaker 2 (01:02):
We don't listen to y'all.
Speaker 4 (01:04):
The hotel make a scream out down that found because
the Crown. Tune in the charge for the outdo tune
in the charge for the Outlaw.
Speaker 1 (01:17):
Welcome to a special edition of the Outlaws. This is
Darvey Oda, Kingpin Maul.
Speaker 4 (01:20):
Don't forget too Like us on Facebook at Facebook dot com,
slash the Outlaws Radio, follow us on x and Instagram
at the Outlaws Radio, and make sure that you go
to our brand new website, The Outlawsradio dot com. That's
the Outlaws Radio dot Com. We have a very special guest.
His name is Rich Barris. He is known as the
(01:43):
People's pundit. He is a prominent poster here in the country.
He nailed uh the outcome of the presidential race he
also saw the changing demographics that a lot of people
were trying to deny.
Speaker 1 (01:59):
Uh, We're gonna talk about a lot of that.
Speaker 4 (02:01):
We're going to talk about the outcome of the election,
what happened, why things played out the way that it did.
We're going to talk about the increase that Republicans had
in the black vote and Hispanic vote. We're also going
to talk about some of the dangers that lie and
wait for Republicans if they don't address those voters, if
(02:22):
they don't tend to the needs of those new.
Speaker 1 (02:24):
Voters that they have as well, and a whole bunch
of stuff. So we're gonna we're gonna get into it.
Speaker 4 (02:29):
We're going to tackle everything concerning this election and more,
and we're gonna go to that interview right now. All right,
we have a very special guest on the show today.
Speaker 1 (02:43):
He is a poster.
Speaker 4 (02:44):
He's known as the People's pundit, Rich Bears.
Speaker 1 (02:48):
Welcome to the show. How you doing, sir, Living the Dream?
Speaker 2 (02:50):
Thanks for having.
Speaker 4 (02:51):
Me, absolutely, man, We appreciate you stopping by.
Speaker 1 (02:55):
So it's a lot of things to discuss.
Speaker 4 (02:57):
Man, with this last election, particularly one element of it
that you and me and like a couple of other
people saw, but everybody else wanted to deny. We'll touch
We'll touch on that in the second, but first just
give us like a quick rundown, man, how did what
caused the outcome of the election to be what it was?
Speaker 5 (03:19):
You know, I always thought no matter no matter who
it was, whether it was Biden, Harris or somebody else,
because over the course of the Biden administration, when we
had pulled Donald Trump against different hypothetical candidates, they all
did very poorly. And I really think what happened maybe
(03:39):
starting from the Afghanistan withdrawal. I'm not one of those
guys that would argue that was it. I actually think
it started during the pandemic. We just started to hear
from people who told us things tarviare like, this is
not what we were told. You know that this is
this is not why we threw an incumbent president out
of office. We thought was doing a decent job, the
(04:00):
economy that you know, was not starting new wars, and
we caught onto the buyer's remorse really quick.
Speaker 2 (04:06):
And when this was going to be an ab contest.
Speaker 5 (04:09):
You know, a former president never in our lifetime a
Grover Cleveland like situation, who had a record that even
if people didn't like him, they liked the record and
they would deal with some of the stuff they didn't
personally like about him, and they had that was always
going to be a tough hill, I think for other
people to climb. And then also, you know, the bottom
(04:29):
line is, you know what you were alluding to a
second ago, and I was reading your columns constantly, and
because you seem to get it when so many others didn't.
If Trump had won reelection, we would have all have
been talking about the trends that we all came to
see very clearly this election. But because you lost, we
kind of passed over it and we didn't, you know,
(04:50):
we didn't give a lot of time to it, and
we moved forward. So when this picked up and we
started to see where his strength was coming from, and
his new coalition came from, a lot of other people
were thinking, you know this, this is new, this is
out of the blue right, and people called it all that,
all different names for it, a mirage, And the truth
of the matter is it was there. It had been
for a while, chipping away little by little until these
(05:13):
things tend to cascade. And I think that's what happened
in the Democratic Party. Now that being said, you know,
real quick, just to top that off, this was like
a Trump win. This wasn't a very strong Republican performance
in an environment like this. You know, this is Donald
Trump's coalition and they're gonna have to earn it.
Speaker 4 (05:30):
Man, I'm so glad you said that, because that's one
of the things we're gonna talk about. We're gonna we're
gonna dig into that too, because it I'm seeing some
signs to me that the Republican Party still may not
get it, but we'll get to we'll get to that second.
But talk about that, Ben, how like you saw and
(05:51):
you were one of the one of the few pollsters
who's who not only saw it but gave legitimacy to it.
There there were people that I was seeing that were
trying to dismiss it. Our favorite punching bag WPA was
one of the main people calling it a mirage, which
was always garbage from the beginning. But one of the
(06:14):
reasons why I knew it was real was not only
because of the polls, but I'm black, and I'm in
the black community, and I know black people, and when
you know black people and you're having conversations, you start singeing.
Speaker 1 (06:29):
Okay, wait a minute, there's something different.
Speaker 4 (06:31):
I remember a close friend of mine who's a political
operative and he's.
Speaker 1 (06:35):
Black as well.
Speaker 4 (06:36):
When I first started telling him, hey, man, these Trump
numbers with black folks, like, I think there's something to this,
he was like, no, I can't believe that. Really, he
was like it, just had a very hard time believing
that until he went to the barbershop one day, came
back and called me.
Speaker 1 (06:53):
He was like, man, I think this is real. So
what were you seeing?
Speaker 4 (06:58):
What were you seeing that was confirming it to you
because I was seeing it in real time.
Speaker 5 (07:03):
You know one thing I could say, you know, and
it's the Chris Wilson's of the world over at WPA Intel.
Don't you love when some privileged sweater vests wearing white
Republican tells you it's a black man.
Speaker 2 (07:14):
What's real and what's not? It's a mirage, it's a barrage.
Speaker 5 (07:18):
Okay, thank you, Like I can't go to the barbershop.
But you know, the thing with us is simple.
Speaker 2 (07:23):
We had seen.
Speaker 5 (07:25):
Other people, other polsters over state Republicans and Trumps too,
but you know, Republican in general their support with non
white voters, and we just have never been one of
those pollsters, right, you know, going into sixteen, we had
them I think it's seven or eight percent, maybe it
was ballpark eight or nine percent, you know, nothing, nothing
in double digits.
Speaker 2 (07:44):
And then moving.
Speaker 5 (07:45):
Forward to twenty twenty, we were seeing it go up.
It was inching, but nothing like what happened this year.
But when you put it all together and you plot
it on you know, I went back and put all
of our polling on a on basically good old line graph,
and I just wanted to see over time, is this
a trend?
Speaker 2 (08:04):
Is this and how significant is it?
Speaker 5 (08:06):
And then I mean it jumps right out at you
when you look at that, when you look at that graph,
that's number one. And we have never been someone again.
Speaker 2 (08:13):
So I trust it.
Speaker 5 (08:14):
I trust the work that I do more than I
trust the work others do. I mean, it kind of
sounds self evident, but you know, I try not to
look at the pole, you know, the results of other posters,
especially when we get closer to elections, because I don't
I don't want it to not only potentially influence what
we're doing, but I don't want an affirmation I don't
(08:35):
want a confirmation. So if other people are seeing something,
then great, but I don't want to deny something that
I may see first before it's evident to everyone else.
Speaker 2 (08:47):
So that's what happened here.
Speaker 5 (08:49):
And also the second thing, you know, is that we
had polled during the Republican primary. This was a great
time to test whether it was real because we would
pull Nikki Hilly against Joe Biden and others. We would
pull Ron de Santis against Joe Biden and others. They
didn't do the numbers, and by the way, neither did
Senate Republicans. Neither did generic Republicans on their generic ballot.
(09:12):
They didn't get the numbers with non white voters that
Trump was getting.
Speaker 2 (09:15):
They were consistently running.
Speaker 5 (09:18):
You know, it could be five points among black voters,
seven points among black voters, it could be ten points
among Hispanics. But no matter what it was, how it
varied month over month, it was consistent every month, over
and over and over.
Speaker 2 (09:32):
Ron DeSantis never broke double digits with black voters.
Speaker 5 (09:35):
Nikki Haley people didn't even know who she was, you know,
so they were just inclined to go back and vote
for the Democrat. So it was something about Donald Trump,
and it was specific, and I think obviously some of
them are going to go ahead and give Republicans to
bend for the down ballot. But I think what we
were seeing in the polling did play out. I think
that's why Dave McCormick is not as dominant in Pennsylvania
(09:59):
like Trump was. I think that's why Donald Trump's in
the mid thirties in Wayne County and Michigan.
Speaker 1 (10:04):
Right.
Speaker 5 (10:05):
And I remember when we pulled that, I was, I
had him at thirty six percent. I say, he's going
to be at thirty six percent.
Speaker 2 (10:11):
This is real. If he really If he's at thirty six.
Speaker 5 (10:14):
Percent where Detroit, you know, you know, in Detroit, the
county where Detroit obviously is, then this is real. So
there was just so many, you know, underlying data points
that were confirming that what we were seeing was true.
And it wasn't you know again, it wasn't noise. It
was so consistent. It was month after month after month.
Speaker 4 (10:36):
Absolutely, And you know, I'm here in Cleveland and I
talked to some friends of mine who or Democrats, and
they were like, look, they were analyzing the numbers and
they compared twenty twelve to twenty twenty one to twenty
twenty four, And this actually ended up in one of
the local articles here and Mitt Romney got eleven percent
(10:58):
of the vote in the city of Cleveland in twenty twelve,
and Trump got twenty one.
Speaker 1 (11:04):
Percent of the in the city of Cleveland this year.
Speaker 4 (11:09):
And a buddy of mine said, you know, we have
seventeen wards in the city of Cleveland. They said, Trump
increased his vote average in every single one of them,
the black ones, the white ones, the Hispanic one, like
every single every single one of them. Like, so it's
it's a consistent theme. Now moving forward, there was something
(11:31):
that you talked about on your show when you talked
about political maturation and kind of kind of broke that
down a little bit, and you were talking about like
with different ethnic.
Speaker 1 (11:40):
Groups and stuff like that.
Speaker 4 (11:41):
And one of the things like for black folks, it's
a little different because obviously our history and a lot
of black people believe in the idea of link to fate.
So regardless of where I am personally, what my personal
interests are, a lot of black folks ten vote on
what's in the best.
Speaker 1 (12:01):
Interest of the community as a whole. I think the thing.
Speaker 4 (12:04):
That that Trump did differently than most Republicans is usually
when Republicans would try to make this appeal to black folks,
it's like, oh, you're you're an individual, You're you're not
a monolith.
Speaker 1 (12:18):
You can you can think for yourself. You don't have
to be on that plantation. But but that's not how
black people process voting.
Speaker 4 (12:25):
Trump made the argument is that no, actually, you can
vote for the best interest in you of your community.
My policies are in the best interests of your community.
So he made the argument that black folks are used
to hearing but just saying no, I'm the one that's
in the best interest in the community. It's one thing
that I see that I don't think other Republicans understand.
(12:46):
I don't think they understand how to message to black people,
how to talk to black people, how to frame their
policies in a way that says, these policies are in
your interest, not only individually but collectively.
Speaker 1 (13:00):
And I think that.
Speaker 4 (13:00):
That's something that conversation was just something that Trump did
better than other Republicans.
Speaker 1 (13:05):
What are your thoughts on that?
Speaker 5 (13:06):
Yeah, I think and maybe you know, you're teaching me
something a little bit here because I'm just thinking about you.
Speaker 2 (13:13):
Know, and I do this.
Speaker 5 (13:14):
I don't know that other posters do this anymore, but
I do. I'll listen in, I'll print out transcripts, and
I'll read through interviews because even in the day of
peer to peer texting interviews, we can print out everything
that was sent back and forth between the interviewer or
the agent in that case, and the voter. And there
was very much a community mindset as a theme that
(13:39):
popped out.
Speaker 2 (13:40):
And that's why I think it.
Speaker 5 (13:42):
Trump and his stance on immigration was linked to really
like an economic issue and an issue of the community.
Speaker 2 (13:49):
So, you know, at.
Speaker 5 (13:50):
The expense of certain in urban areas around this country,
at the expense of largely non white populations, the you know,
you had the buy An administration bringing in, you know,
people who were coming here illegally and then dumping it
on their doorstep, you know, and it was like this,
what about our community. You know, We've been loyal to
(14:11):
the Democratic Party for years and now we're kind of
being made to deal with this problem that you created.
And it's hurting our kids. It's going to hurt our schools,
it's going to hurt our healthcare. You know, look at
how Mayor Adams in New York City tried to deal
with it. Obviously, I actually think he was speaking largely
in you know, for those communities when he would break
with the Democratic Party on that issue. Uh, Chicago, there
(14:33):
were obviously, you know, big I don't want to see
big protests, but you could see the pushback in these
areas where they were saying, you know what, this isn't
good for our neighborhood. This isn't good for our community
and our kids. So you know, you just said something
there that made you kind of connected the dots for me,
And it makes it make more sense, it does. It
(14:53):
makes it make more sense because I just there was
something very different about how voters around the country view
an issue like immigration and wages. By the way, right,
because Trump is saying, look, economically, the community is going
to benefit. I did opportunity zones, I did these projects.
This is what I want to do when I come back,
(15:14):
and this is going to help you. Meanwhile, what does
the Democratic Party offer them?
Speaker 2 (15:19):
Right?
Speaker 5 (15:19):
They offer them more influx of illegal immigration that's going
to take away their services, take away jobs, then put
a burden on their on their on their social programs, everything.
Speaker 2 (15:29):
From healthcare to to education for the kids.
Speaker 5 (15:32):
I mean, it's burdening them, and Trump is second, I'm
not going to burden you.
Speaker 2 (15:35):
I'm going to give opportunity. And it just seems to work.
Speaker 5 (15:38):
I mean, it makes it makes more sense to me
now that you said that, because then you know there
are just different ways that people process issues in this country.
And it very clearly had another, you know, a community connotation.
Speaker 2 (15:50):
I guess I wasn't seeing until you said that, but
it makes sense. But it makes perfect sense.
Speaker 4 (15:56):
Right, right, absolutely, Like when when you understand how how
black people think in general, and of course yes we're
not a monolith, but in general, and how we kind
of process information voting, like there was a case to
be made that he had policies that were better for us, right,
and because Black Americans are so communal in our culture,
(16:21):
making a case if you want to win our vote,
it's important to make that case to say this is
what's going to benefit all of you and not just
say well, you're not a monolith like cause black people
don't vote like that. We just if you look at
our history, we've been ninety percent Democrat and before that
and we were voting Republican.
Speaker 1 (16:39):
We were ninety percent Republican. Like that's just been. There's
only been.
Speaker 4 (16:43):
There was only one period of time, like between the
forties and nineteen sixty where the vote was actually relatively competitive,
and it was most competitive between right between nineteen fifty
six and nineteen sixty. So other than that, you know,
black folks tend to vote in the sense of linked fate.
So the interesting thing that I saw and I didn't
(17:04):
know this until you said it on your show and
I went and looked because I was like, man, I
didn't even know it was that hot. That the ap
vocast has him at sixteen percent. Now that that was
I thought he would be around I had been predicting
around fifteen, which is significant. That's the highest since nineteen
seventy six. Is that what your Does that number match
(17:26):
with what you're saying?
Speaker 2 (17:27):
Yeah, it does.
Speaker 5 (17:28):
And I actually would tell people when we would put
out our polling, I would say, look, you know, just
from historically from our polling. You know when I say
we didn't over state now white vote, chair, I'm saying,
you know, we were never the poll that would have
a Republican candidate at like thirty percent of the black vote.
Speaker 2 (17:44):
We just didn't have that.
Speaker 5 (17:46):
Our final was around eighteen percent, and if it's sixteen,
let's see what the voter validated studies show. Although unfortunately,
I'm going to be skeptical with them this year because
the pre election stuff that they released was garbage.
Speaker 2 (17:59):
It was just trying. It was wildly inaccurate.
Speaker 5 (18:02):
So I'm not sure how they're going to do better
talking to people after the election, because they collected seventy
five thousand responses and only had trump ballpark around twelve percent. Obviously,
he didn't do twelve percent or else, he wouldn't be
a twenty plus in Philadelphia, he wouldn't be in the
thirty five range in Wayne County.
Speaker 2 (18:19):
You just can't. The numbers aren't there.
Speaker 5 (18:21):
So we'll see what they say, but it would be normal,
would be in the uh in the range of what
we historically have either under or over.
Speaker 2 (18:30):
You know, shot at two points. That's it.
Speaker 5 (18:32):
So I remember Viva Fry. He's a lot of people
probably watch him. He's a popular YouTuber. He lives in Florida.
Speaker 2 (18:39):
Now.
Speaker 5 (18:39):
He was like a Canadian lawyer would YouTube and got
too much into politics and moved to Florida.
Speaker 2 (18:45):
And now I remember him talking.
Speaker 5 (18:47):
Now, we were kind of batting ideas off of each other,
and he's like, am I just wrong here?
Speaker 2 (18:51):
I take so much heat on Twitter? Am I wrong?
Speaker 5 (18:53):
When I go to X and I say that, you know,
Trump could get sixteen percent, That's exactly the figure. And
I showed him the last poll and I said, you know,
David's actually you know, right in the realm, I wouldn't.
Speaker 2 (19:02):
Be shocked if he got closer to twenty.
Speaker 5 (19:05):
But the most likely is like fifteen to eighteen percent.
And it looks like that's what he's going to get.
And in some states Starvio, like in Texas, he's in
the thirties with black men in Texas. I mean, that
is enormous, enormous tectonic shift.
Speaker 2 (19:20):
It really is.
Speaker 5 (19:21):
It's almost like, you know, I would be making the
argument if I pull Texas before the election and I
got that number, I would be making the argument of
my listeners that look probably will be a little bit over,
but it still is showing the trend. It's showing the trend.
It's indicating that this is a trend. I'm not sure
I would have believed it myself.
Speaker 2 (19:41):
But there it is. He got it.
Speaker 4 (19:42):
Just yeah, yeah, absolutely more with Rich Barris when we
come back here on the Outlaws.
Speaker 3 (19:48):
These days, it seems like everybody's talking, but no one
is actually listening to the things they're saying. Critical thinking
isn't dead, but it's definitely low on oxygen. Join me
Kira Davis on Just Listen to Yourself every week as
we reason through issues big and small, critique our own ideas,
and learn to draw our talking points all the way
out to their logical conclusions. Subscribe to Just Listen to
(20:12):
Yourself with Kira Davis and FCB Radio podcast on Apple,
on Spotify, iHeart, or wherever you get your podcasts, Real.
Speaker 2 (20:25):
Talk, cl conversations.
Speaker 1 (20:28):
We got the heat.
Speaker 4 (20:30):
Yeah, this is the out Lost Radio show.
Speaker 1 (20:37):
Welcome back, Welcome back and listen to the Outlaws. And
now here's more of our interview with Rich Bears.
Speaker 4 (20:42):
We're talking with Rich Bears, People's Pundit. Make sure that
shall follow him on all the social media platforms and
make sure he plugs everything when we get to the
end here. But one of the things that I'm noticing, unfortunately,
and the reason why I say unfortunately is because for me,
as a black person, I'm not in love with either party.
But As a black person, I believe that it's in
(21:03):
our interest to have both parties competing for our vote.
Speaker 1 (21:06):
That that's how you get the best outcome.
Speaker 4 (21:08):
I also believe that, you know, people say, oh, you know,
we need to deracialize our politics, the only legitimate way
that you deracialize politics is if both parties are competing
for everybody. Because if both parties are competing with everybody,
then people feel like either option can address their issues,
can address their needs. So I think it's a good
(21:30):
thing to see. This is the most diverse that both
parties have been in at least fifty years at the
same time, like I've never seen like definitely in our
lifetime for sure, And so I think that that trend
is overall a good thing. Whether you're a Republican or Democrat,
I think it's a good thing to have diversity in
both parties. But one of the things that I'm seeing
(21:51):
is that it still seems like there's resistance to the
new Coalition among some areas of the Publican Party.
Speaker 1 (22:00):
And I would love to get your.
Speaker 4 (22:01):
Thoughts on this because to me, I think it's two
I think the resistance is for two reasons. There are
people tend to fit in one of these two categories.
I think one is a racial reason and the other
is a policy economic reason. I think the racial reasons
just flat out I think there's some Republicans that just
don't want a bunch of black folks showing up at
the Republican Party. I just flat out believe that there's
(22:26):
there's some folks that are like that.
Speaker 1 (22:28):
But I also.
Speaker 4 (22:29):
Think on the economic side, I think that there are
some folks who are resistant to it, and for the
similar reason why they are resistant to white working class voters,
because black voters economically are not that their policy positions
are not that much different than.
Speaker 1 (22:46):
White working class voters.
Speaker 4 (22:47):
They actually have a lot of similarities culturally, and that's
one of the things I'm always talking about again. Being
somebody from Cleveland and grew up in kind of like
a mixed neighborhood, I was able to see firsthand like
there's a lot of commonality at the working class level.
There's a lot of commonalities between black folks and white folks,
and I think the policy positions.
Speaker 1 (23:07):
Are not that different.
Speaker 4 (23:09):
And I think that there are some of the old
guard Republicans and even some folks who claim to be
MAGA who.
Speaker 1 (23:15):
Just don't want to go in that direction.
Speaker 4 (23:16):
They just don't want to go in that economic direction
to now serve Now you have to serve this population,
you have to serve these black voters, you have to
serve these Hispanic voters, you have to serve these working
class white voters. And I think that there are some
folks that just don't want to go in that direction.
Speaker 1 (23:32):
What are your thoughts?
Speaker 5 (23:33):
Yeah, I think you there are two things going on here.
One is really about policy and the agenda and their donors,
you know, their rent seekers, their interest groups don't want
to implement those policies that are more certainly more populist
than nature. And they're going obviously speaking across different racial
groups because you know, whether the media and all the
(23:53):
parties want people to know this or not, I think
you're right. They actually have much more in common with
each other than they do with some of the ruling
class out there, regardless of what party they're voting for.
I mean, I think they're terrified that one day people
are gonna come to that conclusion. They're gonna realize that.
So one of them is definitely about policy. Look at
(24:15):
you know, not to drop any names here, but I'm
going to, like, look at somebody like Mark Mike Garcia
running out in the Orange County competitive district in California.
Just you know, Laura might get you know, get mad
at me for doing this again.
Speaker 2 (24:28):
But it's the truth. This is what happens behind closed doors.
Speaker 5 (24:31):
They you know, bring me out there, tell us you
know where the direction of the party is going. They
didn't like what I had to say, and that was, Look,
you're gonna find yourselves more in common. You know, the
core of your party is going to find that it
has more in common with non whites in the Central
Valley than it does with the upper crust, privileged white
population in Orange County. And if you don't adjust for that,
(24:52):
you're gonna lose these these seats. You're gonna lose these
areas because you know, and by the way, you're likely
going to lose them when Donald Trump is nominee and
it's going to look really bad. And that is exactly
what happened to ARV. We're gonna find out what happens
with somebody like a John Duarte in California thirteen because
they're still counting. But look at how badly he's underperforming them.
They thought somebody like Duarte, who has a somewhat Hispanic
(25:16):
sounding last name, claims a Hispanic heritage, but has no
connection to this Spanic community. They think that that's the
way to win votes. And they're just good with making
that very ephumeral, you know, weak connection to voters, and
because they really the truth is, they are uncomfortable with
(25:36):
the idea of having what it's SAME's true of white
working class. You know, they're just uncomfortable with having being
the representatives of certain types of people. Certain yes, they
simply don't have anything in common with.
Speaker 2 (25:50):
The rest of us.
Speaker 1 (25:51):
You know.
Speaker 5 (25:51):
The truth is the you know, the average tenure of
a Republican legislature in DC, let's call it twelve years
and House of Representatives, they themselves are going to have
much more in common economically and culturally with the Democrat
who sits on the committee with them. Then, you know,
even if they represent Toledo, Ohio or something or or
(26:13):
more let's you know, let's say like somewhere in the
Ohio River Valley, right, even even if they come from that,
you know, that part of the state, they're still not
going to be aligned with them in their in their views,
but also in their economic interests, and so it makes
them uncomfortable. They want their votes, they want the vote,
of course, but they don't actually want to implement that policy.
(26:34):
And so there's a couple I think they're overlapping things
that are going on. But another great case is Mark
Robinson in North Carolina. Obviously, he won that nomination for
the Republican governorship and a lot of people didn't like it.
There's just it's a painful reality, but it's true and
it has to be discussed that there's an old school
Rockefeller wing of the Republican Party that is uncomfortable with
(26:58):
the idea of a black man, especially maga black man,
or someone claiming to be being the standard bearer for
their party. You know, like literally one of them told me, Darrio,
I don't I don't think we're gonna be okay with
him running our government, Like what does that even mean?
And part of it is that he doesn't play ball,
but you know what the other part of that means.
(27:18):
And by the way, for people who don't know this,
it was the Republicans who marked Mark Robinson's campaign that
opposition research was found by Republicans they gave it to
Josh Stein. That's the story which probably a lot of
people don't know, but they were. You know that that's
that wing, that's that old school wing, that's resistance, very
(27:39):
resistant still to America First and the and the movement
that Trump has been bringing forward here, and they there's
there's a lot of reasons that they are resisting, and
unfortunately that's one of them.
Speaker 2 (27:47):
It's just true.
Speaker 4 (27:49):
Well, and I would argue, and I'd love to get
your thoughts on this, and I'm sure you've probably seen
it in the polding, like if they don't adjust to
their new base, they're going to lose because thee that
they have is when you have the political radicalization of
the professional class, it makes it much more difficult for
(28:10):
them to get those voters back. And as those voters
go more and more to the left, it makes it
even more important. You have to go even further. You
gotta get more black votes, and more Hispanic votes, and
more working class white votes in order to be able
to still win races. I think you saw when you
(28:35):
look at what Trump did and then look at the
underperformance of Republicans in the Senate and the House. By
the way, in both chambers that that's a significant issue
that I think they're not understanding.
Speaker 1 (28:49):
You have to change.
Speaker 4 (28:51):
If you want these voters and you want to keep
these voters, you.
Speaker 1 (28:55):
Are going to have to change. You can't.
Speaker 4 (28:57):
The Republican Party as people knew it died on election
deb and if you continue to try to go in
that same direction, if you continue to do things that
either alienate those voters or intentionally antagonize those voters, or
your policies don't improve those.
Speaker 1 (29:15):
Voters' lives, you were going to lose.
Speaker 4 (29:17):
Because I in my opinion, and you could tell me
if you agree or not, I think the professional class
is gone for the Republicans, at least for the next
few cycles.
Speaker 5 (29:25):
Yeah, I've told people this privately, and anytime somebody asked
me a question like this, I'll say it publicly. You know,
the entire working thesis of the DeSantis campaign was operating
under this phony premise that a non Trump candidate is
somehow just going to win back the professional class. That's nonsense,
and that's not going to happen barring a huge economic
(29:47):
calamity or.
Speaker 2 (29:48):
Or maybe the left goes a little bit too.
Speaker 5 (29:50):
Far, and right now, considering where they are, it's unthinkable
to you know, to even consider a time when they
can go even further. But believe me, they can. And I,
you know, to bring up the point you first made.
People look at me sideways when I make statements like this,
but it's one hundred percent true. You're going to start
to lose states in the South that are deeply read
if you don't start winning more non white voters.
Speaker 2 (30:13):
In Mississippi.
Speaker 5 (30:14):
We can see it not only Mississippi in the outer
and Inner South, but even in basically black belt countries,
around black belt counties around the around that region of
the country. You can always see just a little bit
more support for Donald Trump than you can for other
Republican candidates. There was a gubernatorial election in the state
of Mississippi last year and the Republican won, but he
(30:37):
won them by five points. And when we were doing
a comparison around the state, you know, to Trump's performance,
which incredibly he actually improved on from twenty twenty. But
when you look at it, it's not coming from white areas.
Like I hate to break their brains and tell them,
but white voters are going to get more democratic. They're
getting the more they get educated, which I can't stand
(30:59):
that word credentialed. The more credentialed they get, the more
democratic they're going to get. And you cannot possibly listen
to like the and Culters of the world and people
from the Disantis campaign that ran his campaign and think
that you're going to be a national force in politics
for long, because you're not going to be. You can't
win elections nationwide on the backs of white voters.
Speaker 2 (31:22):
It doesn't matter if there's.
Speaker 5 (31:24):
More working class vote that it's just not going to
be enough because they're getting more credentialed and when they do,
that margin just keeps shrinking every year.
Speaker 2 (31:32):
Trump did what he did here.
Speaker 5 (31:34):
Yes, he did better with everyone, which was one of
the really truly magical things about his coalition. You know,
he improved with certain white voters who are educated, and
he also improved the working class. But Republicans did not
everywhere across the board. They did not benefit, you know,
like from just strictly partisan co tails the way that
(31:57):
we have seen in recent elections.
Speaker 2 (31:58):
And that should be screw the.
Speaker 5 (32:00):
Truth to them about the nature of these coalitions going forward.
If they don't know, I don't know how to phrase
this any differently, If they don't completely evolve into the
Trump version of this party, then you're not going to
just see Georgia and North Carolina competitive anymore. By the way,
North Carolina is another great example. Tom Tillis is a
(32:21):
senator from North Carolina, one of the whatever you want
to call them. People use the word rhyino right, whatever
you want to call him. Trump has now won his state,
not once, but twice by margins. He has never been
able to put together in that state. And if you
go around the state you'll see it's not because Trump
is doing exceptionally well in educated suburbs versus Tom Tillis.
(32:41):
That's just not the case. Tillos actually did better than
him in the suburbs in twenty twenty. He's winning votes
from more diverse areas. And until you learn how to
do that, the party learns how to do that, then
some of these other states are going to get tight
real quick. And right now they look like blowouts, But
so did Georgia once upon a time.
Speaker 2 (32:59):
South Carolina is you know, a couple of let's call
it a decade.
Speaker 5 (33:03):
It's a decade away from being a much more competitive
state of Republicans continue to be the party of only
white people, right if they want to go back to
that Florida is not thirteen points right now because Donald
Trump did it on the backs of conservative white men.
I mean, it's just insane for people to have this
conversation still, and that was the working thesis of his
opponents in the primary.
Speaker 2 (33:23):
It's really you know, I'll just tell a story.
Speaker 5 (33:26):
I remember my buddy Steve Cortes calling me before he
decided to support DeSantis, and he gave me the pitch
that Jeff Roh was making to him, and they were
all still making it, and they were arguing that there
are more suburban women.
Speaker 2 (33:41):
And certainly more.
Speaker 5 (33:42):
Like rich targets to get to actually vote for you,
then there are working class white and non white voters
that Trump gets that Republicans do not.
Speaker 2 (33:52):
And I mean, that's just factually incorrect.
Speaker 5 (33:54):
Number one, It's just not true, just the same way
it wasn't true when Chuck Schumer said it's okay if
we keep losing the working class because every three we
lose in western Pennsylvania, or every one we lose in
Western Pennsylvania, we pick three up in southeastern Pennsylvania. Well
guess what, Chuck, That manth is incorrect too. So if
Republicans adopt that kind of mentality, they're going to start
(34:15):
to see some of their more safer states get very close.
And look, we've seen it already. Know in eight John
McCain lost Indiana and almost lost.
Speaker 2 (34:25):
The state of Missouri. It could happen.
Speaker 5 (34:27):
It came very close to losing it. It could happen.
And I'm telling you, like mark my.
Speaker 2 (34:33):
Words, it will happened.
Speaker 5 (34:35):
Are you if they do not adopt this man's vision
going forward, and if they keep up with what we
just call that resistance, right, you'd expect Democrats to resist,
but after what are we in now in the Trump era,
almost ten years of the Trump era. If you're still
resisting now and you're a Republican, then you're just you're
allergic to facts. I guess I don't know, but there's
(34:58):
no way forward. There's just no way forward.
Speaker 4 (35:00):
By going back the conclusion of our interview with Rich Barris,
the People's Pundit, when we come back here on the Outlaws,
Fuck sir.
Speaker 1 (35:19):
Welcome back and listening to the Outlaws.
Speaker 4 (35:21):
Make sure that you subscribe to the show on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeart,
or wherever you get your podcast, and if you listen
to this show on Apple. Please make sure you leave
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Speaker 1 (35:36):
Now for the conclusion of our interview with rich Barris,
the People's Pundit. We're in a situation.
Speaker 4 (35:41):
This is one of the things I've been saying on
social media, like, your policies have to improve these people's lives.
Speaker 1 (35:46):
Yes, or you will lose them. Again. They're dating you.
Speaker 4 (35:49):
They did not marry you, and you have to convince
them that it's worth putting a ring on it, you
know what I mean.
Speaker 6 (35:57):
Yes, the voters are not married to you.
Speaker 4 (36:01):
They are only dating you. And that's one of the
issues that I see coming. And again, you know, you're
one of the only people other than myself who have
pointed out the issues concerning the South in particular, and
we're talking with Richard Barry's People's Punting. We have a
couple of minutes left, but I definitely want to touch
on that because I do not understand other than just
(36:26):
pure ignorance, racism and a refusal to understand the reality
of why Republicans in the South, particularly like establishment Republicans,
the ones who are controlling the party apparatuses down there.
Why they don't understand this. You will lose those states
(36:49):
in the South.
Speaker 1 (36:50):
You have no choice.
Speaker 4 (36:52):
And the thing that boggles the mind to me is
black people in the South, in particular, are.
Speaker 1 (37:00):
Some of the most conservative people.
Speaker 6 (37:03):
Black folks in the country's right in the country. They
are more naturally aligned with the Republican Party in the South,
and Republicans still won't do it.
Speaker 5 (37:15):
You look at a county like Craven County, North Carolina,
typically Republicans will win it anywhere between twelve and sixteen
points in a state wide race. You know, whether it's
a Senate race or well, the Supreme Court seats can
be a little bit different. But whether it's a Senate
race or gubernatorial election, whatever it may be, it's it's
(37:37):
a red county, but it's not uber uber red. And
that's because it's a little over twenty percent I think
it's now twenty two or twenty three percent black right.
And you look at Trump, he always won it by
a pretty decent margin compared to other Republicans. In twenty twenty,
it went for Trump by sixteen points. And you know,
(37:59):
Greg Murphy does decently when you commit that. But the
entire county is not part of his district, but it
runs all the way down to Cape Carteret. But Trump
won it this time by twenty points. It was basically
a sixty to forty split. And if you look around
the county, how did he do this? He didn't squeeze
any more blood out of the white voter stone right, Like,
(38:20):
that's as much as he could squeeze out of it.
You're winning registered Democrats that haven't yet changed their registration.
They're certainly white, working class, the Democratic Party of Old Right,
the remnants of Obama's coalition from eight that kind of
profile demographic for white voters. He's been doing that, DARBYO.
That is not how he put this. You know he
(38:40):
put this twenty point lead up over her in this county.
He did it by winning more black votes. And you
can then you know by precinct obviously, what are more
whiter precincts, more affluent precincts, more non white precincts. You know,
we know this, and it's very clear that he did
this by reaching over in a cross to voters that
(39:01):
I'm totally agreement with you. They have been more conservative
for a while. They just haven't been voting, you know,
any more Republican. It's just like they're stuck in this
stalemate with these voters Republicans, and they have not been
able to make any more progress, you know, moving the
ball forward. Hispanic's a little bit different, but certainly they
(39:22):
came to, you know, a roadblock with black voters, and
Trump broke through it this time and again.
Speaker 2 (39:28):
That's how he took this state.
Speaker 5 (39:29):
By the margin he did, You're not going to find
it going around the map looking at the whitest counties
in the state and seeing whether or not he improved
his margin there. He did you know, a little a
point here, a point there, where he took big leaps
we're in more diverse counties like Craven County. That's a
very big shift, i mean, four to eight points in
(39:51):
some of the most dramatic states you know. From twenty
twenty and we kind of estimated that's what it was
going to be in the national polling.
Speaker 2 (39:58):
You could see it, right, Joe Biden won.
Speaker 5 (40:01):
The popular vote by a little bit over four points,
almost four and a half points, and now Trump is
going to win it, but just under two one and
a half ballpark, So it's roughly, you know, four to
six points, depending where you look, some upwards of eight.
And in the areas that are more non white is
where you see definitely the shift is on the higher
end of the spectrum. And by the way, you can
(40:21):
urban centers. It's not just North Carolina.
Speaker 2 (40:23):
You can see them all over the country.
Speaker 5 (40:25):
The biggest jumps, where he made the most gains came
from urban centers.
Speaker 2 (40:29):
And how did that happen on the back of white voters.
It didn't. The answer is it didn't. Unbelievable they could
even like that.
Speaker 5 (40:38):
This is even a debate now moving forward, right, like
what do we do with the party?
Speaker 2 (40:42):
Now?
Speaker 1 (40:43):
Gee?
Speaker 5 (40:43):
I don't know is that I thought this was very evident,
but apparently it's not because.
Speaker 1 (40:49):
You know exactly.
Speaker 4 (40:51):
I mean, it's like, you don't New Jersey's not competitives
without black and brown voters.
Speaker 2 (40:58):
That's right.
Speaker 4 (40:59):
Illinois is not competitive without second brown voters. You're not
increasing your votes in California.
Speaker 1 (41:08):
Without improving among his pen Like, what are we talking about?
Speaker 5 (41:12):
Biggest shifts in the Central Valley which you're non white,
they're non white working class voters over there.
Speaker 2 (41:18):
That's why the shifts were the most pronounced and largest
in that part of the state. By the way, you just.
Speaker 5 (41:24):
Brought up Illinois thirty six percent in Cook County, Illinois
thirty six percent, Folks, he got twenty four percent.
Speaker 2 (41:33):
In twenty twenty.
Speaker 5 (41:34):
That's it, twenty four and that was thought of as
a pretty decent march, you know, a pretty decent chunk
for a Republican candidate at the presidential level. Bruce Rauner,
when he won that state in a gubernatorial election that
was in an off cycle midterm, which means lower turnout,
right is whiter than a presidential cycle. He still only
(41:56):
got about thirty two percent in Cook So for Trump
to put that number up in Cook County again, tell
tell me he found thirty six percent of the vote
in Cook County with only white voters. In fact, it's
just asdine and in fact, most of you know, the
the the old school silk stocking Republican is now a
Democratic educated voter that lives in a nice part of town.
(42:19):
That's you know, not even not even somewhere a normal
base Republican voter would recognize anymore. So it's just again,
you know, you're not gonna You're not going to increase
these margins by going after the waspius of you know,
the educated white population. It's just not going to happen.
And that's what we saw actually come to fruition. And
you would think moving forward, I mean, the number one
(42:41):
thing a party wants to do is win. You would
think that that's the case, but it's not right. They're
they're going to try to win without being.
Speaker 2 (42:51):
How could I put this.
Speaker 5 (42:53):
They're going to try to win and figure out a
path forward that works for their donors and their benefactors.
Speaker 2 (42:58):
And that's unfortunate, but that's the nature politics.
Speaker 4 (43:01):
Yeah, And I mean it's it's just crazy because when
you look at the numbers, like the numbers are what
they are. And two more questions from me, but I
want to get your thoughts on this because to me,
from my observation and everything I've seen and some of
the poll I've seen, I believe that this is true.
I actually think black and brown voters, if you're a Republican,
(43:22):
it's easy, it's actually easier to move those voters than
they are than it.
Speaker 1 (43:27):
Is to move of the white professional class.
Speaker 4 (43:31):
And to me, it's because of you have to look
at the what is the reason why they were rejecting
you in the first place, And there's two different reasons
for particularly for black folks, it wasn't it wasn't an
issue of policy per se, because black people tend to
be more moderate, right, So, you know, there's only few
research did a great study on this, only twenty five percent.
(43:53):
It was like, either twenty five or thirty percent of
Black Americans identify as liberal. Everybody else identifies as either
moderate or conservative. So the so it wasn't necessarily a
policy issue. It was that we think you don't like us.
So if you want to move, if you want to
move our votes, stop being stop being so hostile to us,
(44:13):
show us that you want us as part of your coalition.
Right to me, that is that's an easier ask than
the white professional class because they are rejecting you ideologically.
Speaker 1 (44:25):
They just don't believe in what you stand for anymore.
Speaker 4 (44:29):
And when someone is rejecting you because of ideology, it's
much more difficult to get them your thoughts on it.
Speaker 5 (44:37):
Yeah, I'd even use the word fanatical at this point,
you know, And you're not seeing that level of fanaticism
out of non white voters or working class voters of
any color, you're just not seeing that level of fanaticism.
Speaker 1 (44:50):
No, white liberals are more, are far more, way more.
Speaker 2 (44:54):
That's right, That's exactly right.
Speaker 5 (44:56):
I mean they and then they're origin and they're not
going to budge the who aren't going to want to
sit down with you for Thanksgiving dinner because Kamala Harris lost.
Speaker 2 (45:05):
You know, I mean we all know the videos.
Speaker 5 (45:07):
We've all seen the tiktoks, you guys know out there
the voters were talking about. I think that this is
a good opportunity for Republicans. Whether they take it as
another another story, but they need to ask themselves why
a white old billionaire from Queens, New York had a bigger,
(45:28):
better connection, a deeper connection with these voters that they've
been saying that they wanted to court now for how long? Right,
And I think back to when Romney lost in twenty twelve,
and they did it. They're what was referred to as
the autopsy. Right, they paid millions of dollars for this,
which was incredible that they would millions of dollars for
anyone which you know, any common sens or street smarts
(45:50):
to tell you, right, if you don't start winning more
non white votes in a country that's getting less white,
you're going to lose elections. Now, handmy five million dollars.
I just did your job. You It's ridiculous.
Speaker 2 (46:01):
But they went going back to that autopsy.
Speaker 5 (46:04):
People after this election should go back and really reread
what that autopsy said. Donald Trump gave them the road
to that autopsy, and yet they still resist him. It's
one of the most remarkable things. So it really begs
the question, are they the only are they really only
paying lift service to this?
Speaker 2 (46:22):
Were they not genuine? Were they not being earnest?
Speaker 5 (46:24):
Like what is it about part of this party that
is making or keeping up this resistance? And I think
we touched on both of the main reasons for that.
One is policy. The other, of course, is I think
cultural or status based. Really maybe cultural is not the
best way to put it. It's status based. They status
is their currency, right, so they they are trying to
(46:46):
tread very carefully with who they want to really bring
into the party. But if they really after twenty twelve,
if they claimed that that's the party that they wanted
to be, then they need to wake up and right
now because the hours late. You know, I know that
all these Republicans are celebrating, but there is no more
Donald Trump on the ballot anymore. There's he can run
(47:06):
around and campaign with you in the midterms, but that'll
never be the same. You're going to have to do
this on your own. Like you said before, that they're
just dating. You know, I would even say, maybe they're
just flirting. And if they don't, you know, maybe they're
just flirting. And that's how little time Republicans have to
convince these voters that they're real, they're genuine, and if
they don't deliver on this agenda, which is the agenda.
Speaker 2 (47:29):
They've voted for. They didn't vote for the Republican agenda.
Nobody even knows what that is.
Speaker 5 (47:33):
I pull people for a living, and I'm telling you,
d Arvie, nobody would be able to tell you what
the Republican agenda is. They know what the Trump agenda
is and they voted for that. And if they don't
deliver that agenda for these voters, they will punish them
severely for letting them down. And it's not going to
be easy to make another attempt, you know, to bring
(47:54):
them over to the camp. It's just not because this
man's not going to be around again, so you know,
we'll see what happens moving forward with the party. Obviously,
I thought JD was a great vice presidential pick and
I think he would do a good job doing it
moving forward. But they have to there can't be this
Paul Ryan like resistance and this Mitch McConnell like resistance
(48:15):
that played the first Trump administration. If they want to
keep these voters, then he's it's got to be the
Trump Show. And I know a lot of Republicans can
outstand that. They're like probably gonna squirm listening, you know,
to this, But that's the way it's got to be.
Otherwise you will go and reverse and you're not going
to be able to make up for it. You know,
with the educated white voter. It's not happening.
Speaker 1 (48:36):
Yeah, it's not happening.
Speaker 4 (48:37):
So last question for me on this topic. You know,
the concern that I have is obviously I think Trump
gets it, you know what I mean? Yeah, And I
think his his background being a New Yorker, has a.
Speaker 1 (48:50):
Lot to do with that.
Speaker 4 (48:51):
Me too, I'm not a hundred percent sure that everybody
around him get I think some of them do. I
think some of them don't. And I'm a little concerned.
And of course, you know, we're the president. You have
this vast administration. You can't see everything, you can't keep
(49:14):
a lookout on everything. So that is one thing that
concerns me. Also, I think he gets it. I have
questions about if everyone around him gets it. I think
JD gets it.
Speaker 1 (49:27):
There are some.
Speaker 4 (49:28):
Times where you know, people will get in his ear
and he kind of goes in one direction or the other.
Speaker 1 (49:32):
But I've talked to JD.
Speaker 4 (49:34):
I've interviewed him three times on my show, and he
told me straight up, like we need to get more
working class black and Hispanic votes into the coalition because
the country club said is never coming back. Like those
are his exact words that he said to me on
this show. So I know that he that, at least intellectually,
he understands it.
Speaker 1 (49:55):
What are your thoughts do you have?
Speaker 4 (49:57):
Do you believe that Trump has the people around him
that he needs that actually understands this.
Speaker 5 (50:04):
That's a great question, and I you know this is
going to be unpopular for his supporters to hear, but
I don't I agree that JD. And I've talked to
him too, so that's probably why. You know, But he does,
you know, have a unique background of his own, and
it's certainly not a privileged sweater vest you know, country
club Republican background for people who you know, for the
(50:25):
very few people who haven't either read Hillbilly Energy or
watched the movie on Netflix or somewhere. But I think
that you know, the core, you know, his family. Don
Junior has great instincts.
Speaker 2 (50:39):
He gets it. I know he does.
Speaker 5 (50:40):
But unfortunately the Republican Party is still you know, they
think it's great. They do, and a lot of people
I don't want to name drop them and embarrass anybody,
but you know, they seem to they they wanted this coalition,
and I'm just not sure DARBYO, that they understand why
he got it. I really, I'm not convinced that some
(51:01):
key people around him understand. And that includes people who
are paid for researching public opinion. Okay, let me just
let mean people can take a guess at probably who
a couple of people I'm talking about.
Speaker 2 (51:14):
These are people who are paid to research.
Speaker 5 (51:16):
Public opinion, and yet when I either listen to them
or read what their thoughts are about why this is
happening or how this happened, they're not they're way off base.
They're not even forget about being off base, they're not
even the same ballpark, you know. As as to under
as to why he appealed to certain people that Republicans
obviously cannot appeal to or have struggled to appeal to.
(51:38):
So that does concern me, and it does worry me.
And there's also part of permanent Washington, whether they have
an r D after their name that really would just
rather wait Donald Trump out. And I don't again, I
I don't recall before the primary anyone else saying, you know.
Speaker 2 (51:55):
What the pathfollower here is to look.
Speaker 5 (51:58):
For a younger, more diverse, a smart, dynamic coalition.
Speaker 2 (52:02):
Uh.
Speaker 5 (52:02):
That was not the argument coming out of a lot
of these people that of course he wants unity, so
he's gonna he's gonna, you know, extend in olive branch
and some of them are gonna have his a year.
And I'm just telling you, like none, none of them,
I ever had the concept and you know that let's
build a coalition like this. You know that we saw
on November fifth. They did not have that concept in
(52:24):
their head. Their concept was, you know, look, look how
Donald Trump struggles in New Hampshire. It's because he can't
win enough white voters. That is what they thought. So
I'm very concerned that they're not appreciating the historical opportunity
they have here and that they're they're the competent and
correct ones to move the ball forward. I'm skeptical at best,
(52:46):
and concerned is probably closer than skepticism, you know, I
mean really, because I I have long advocated this. We
need to stop focusing and obsessing over the suburbs.
Speaker 1 (53:00):
Right.
Speaker 5 (53:00):
We do this every election cycle, and looking at Donald
Trump's potential coalition, which now is his coalition, it was
always this weird bridging of the rural and urban divide,
and that excites me. It does, and it gives me
more promise for the future because I feel like it's
better for our society.
Speaker 1 (53:18):
Right.
Speaker 5 (53:18):
You cannot constantly have the rural and the urban fighting
over the suburban, and then whoever wins that particular election
is the dominant political force for a couple of years,
then we move on and the fight begins all over again. Really,
it should be urban and rural America and the suburbs
kind of just go with whomever you know can put
together the majority and we don't focus our We need
(53:42):
a mindset change, right. We need to completely overhaul how
we think about these coalitions, because it's more than just
what decides an election. It's how stable or unstable our
society could be, right, it really is.
Speaker 2 (53:55):
And we've come a long way, and this is.
Speaker 5 (53:59):
More the historical nature of this is more about winning
more than just about winning votes, is I guess what
I'm trying to say. It's about taking an opportunity to
really make some significant gain here as a society. We've
been kind of stuck in this stasis, right, and we've
not been able to evolve it's a society for a
while because of all these divides. And I think we've
(54:21):
got a really good opportunity here, and I just I
hope more people see it. I hope more people come
to see it and appreciate it and then of course
capitalize on it.
Speaker 1 (54:30):
Of course, Yeah, absolutely, I mean I completely agree.
Speaker 4 (54:32):
I mean, every if people want our politics to not
be so divided by race, the bridging the urban rural
divide is the way that you do it.
Speaker 1 (54:44):
Y's that's that's the way that you do it.
Speaker 4 (54:48):
Let everybody know, man, how to follow you on social media?
Speaker 1 (54:51):
How to watch the show.
Speaker 3 (54:52):
Man.
Speaker 4 (54:53):
I try to catch your show every chance I get.
Let everybody know, man, how to, how to, how to
get to you.
Speaker 2 (54:58):
Yeah, I appreciate that.
Speaker 5 (55:00):
Didn't uh give were on Getter, Twitter, Truth or x
whatever it's called now on X though, there's an underscore
because somebody took that user name. So it's people's underscore
pundit and it's people's pundit everywhere.
Speaker 2 (55:12):
The best place also all.
Speaker 5 (55:13):
You know, the the central hub of it all is
definitely locals. That's probably the best place to follow, and
that's People's pundent dot locals dot com, People's pundit dot
locals dot com, and they.
Speaker 2 (55:24):
Can always check out Big Data poll.
Speaker 5 (55:25):
There's gonna be a cool map up there soon, Dorio
about you know how how how we did with our
polling number one, but also, uh, you know how how
this map is dramatically different than what we have seen
in recent years.
Speaker 2 (55:38):
It's truly remarkable.
Speaker 1 (55:40):
Yeah, I'm looking forward to seeing that. Man, Thanks so
much for spending.
Speaker 2 (55:44):
Time with us, Man, I really appreciate it anytime. Thanks
for having me all the best.
Speaker 4 (55:48):
All right, one more time, I want to send a
special shout out to Rich there's the people's pundent for
coming on the show.
Speaker 1 (55:55):
Really appreciate it. We are out of here. We'll see
you next time.
Speaker 6 (56:12):
This has been a presentation of the FCB podcast Network,
where real Talk lives. Visit us online at FCB podcasts
dot com.
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