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October 23, 2024 53 mins
Guest hosting The Power Hour today is Douglas V. Gibbs, Constitution educator, who will be discussing “what would the Founding Fathers think about today's America?”.Douglas V. Gibbs is a Radio Host, Author, President of the Constitution Association, and Instructor on the United States Constitution.  As host of Constitution Radio on KMET 1490-AM, and with his constant media presence on various streaming platforms, Mr. Gibbs has been recognized as one of the America's leading authorities on the U.S. Constitution.  Douglas V. Gibbs has appeared on Fox News, One America News, NPR, and Al Jazeera America, as well as various other smaller television and radio outlets.   Doug is a free lance newspaper columnist whose articles appear in print, and online. Doug is a member of the California Republican Assembly, "Unite Inland Empire " patriot group coalition, the “American Authors Association”, and “The Military Writers Society of America.” He received the Golden Anchor Award for his patriotic commentary in 2008, and received a California State Senate Certificate of Recognition in 2014 for his "Outstanding Patriotic Service."Website: https://www.douglasvgibbs.com/  


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Episode Transcript

Available transcripts are automatically generated. Complete accuracy is not guaranteed.
Speaker 1 (00:00):
The Power Hour has been in existence since the turn
of the twenty first century. The need for independent media
is more critical than ever as people search for the truth.
For the past twenty years, The Power Hour has focused
on subjects which inform and educate about the real challenges
we face as a nation. Join us as we discussed

(00:23):
the Constitution, current events, and natural health solutions with the
best experts on radio. Learn from some of the most
insightful commentators you'll find and talk radio.

Speaker 2 (00:37):
My name is Douglas Wee Gibbs. I'm a guest host
today on this show, The Power Hour on Bbsradio dot com.
Slash the Power Hour if you want to check out
the archive later. And I have been in radio. As
I was telling my engineer earlier off Mike, I've been
in AM radio since twenty eleven. I host two programs

(00:59):
in Southern California, Constitution Radio on KMBT fourteen ninety AM
in the Riverside market and you can look that up
at km e T fourteen ninety AM dot com. And
I am also on two stations in the San Diego
market with a show called The Mister Constitution Hour by
Mister by Douglas V. Gibbs. That's on kPr Z and

(01:23):
KCBQ the Answer of San Diego kPr Z B and
k Praise down in San Diego on Saturday night, KCBQ
at eight pm Pacific and k Praise at nine pm Pacific.
And you can just go to Douglas V. Gibbs dot
com my website Douglas A. V. Gibbs dot com and
check out all that I do. And as for those

(01:44):
radio shows in San Diego, they are also on all
of the podcast networks. So if you want to check
out what I do with that program by podcast, go
to your favorite podcast iHeart or Apple or Odyssey or Spotify.
I'm on pretty much all of them.

Speaker 1 (02:01):
Uh.

Speaker 2 (02:02):
And you just look up in the search bar mister
Constitution Hour by Douglas V. Gibbs and you should be
able to find all of my past shows there. All right,
welcome to the program I have. I'm excited to spend
time with you this audience. Like I said, I've been
on the Power Houp before, but it's usually as a
co host. This is going to be the first time
I'm the host, and I'm very happy about it. And

(02:25):
I got to thinking about what do we want to
talk about now. The Power Hour is known for talking
about topics that are important educational topics, and the Constitution.
I remember way back when Joyce was you know that
the Constitution was even back then a part of all
of what this show was about. And so, as mister

(02:46):
Constitution that's my nickname online, I thought it. You know,
of course I talk about the Constitution, but I didn't
want to be some lesson where I'm just going through
the Constitution. So I got to thinking, what would the
Founding Fathers think if they could, if they had a
portal window view of today's world, they were able to

(03:07):
look through time at this day here in America. What's
going on at this moment? What would the Founding Fathers think?
How would they react? You know, as a friend of
mine years ago wrote a book about what would the
Founding Fathers think? It's kind of what inspired me for
today's program. And on the cover of the image the

(03:28):
three Founding Fathers that are in the book, the image
of the front, they're all looking through this window and
their jaws are just dropped all the way to the
ground because they're so shocked at what they see. Are
we even close to what they designed? And what did
they think about the kind of society we have today?
And you know, let me begin with that matter of fact,

(03:50):
We'll start with what they thought about people being piled
up in cities and their rural areas on. Because see,
our system was designed to be a republic, not a democracy.
I know, we use the word democracy all the time.
We see it with our favorite pundits out there, right,
and we've got to you know, we've got Democracy twenty

(04:11):
twenty four coming up. And then we hear particular people
of particular parties saying, well, we've got to save our
democracy or that person's a threat to our democracy. And
my joke has been I hope that Donald Trump is
a threat to our democracy, because we're supposed to be
a democracy. We're supposed to be a republic, and it
was designed to be a republic. Now, those mechanisms of

(04:34):
republicanism or a republican form of government have been largely
either maligned or swept away. What few mechanisms still exist
which remain, like the Electoral College, are under attack because
see they understand when I say they, I mean the

(04:55):
enemies of the constitution. I'm not going to use parties
and ideologies and left, right, up, down, red, blue, whatever,
because when it comes to the machine, they all feed
from the same trough. But really who concerns you know,
those who are enemies of the constitution, and they know
that democracy moves systems from where they are to where

(05:20):
they're going. In other words, democracy is a transitional form
of government, republics, or any other type of system. Once
they become a democracy, they are transforming into an oligarchy
where a powerful few rule over the many. And a
matter of fact, it why you can't find an exact

(05:43):
quote of this being attributed to Karl Marx, this is
essentially what he said in his writings. Karl Marx being
the father of communism wasn't a new idea. He was
just rehashing something that goes all the way back to
you know, the serpent in the garden. But he said
basically through his writings that democracy is the road to

(06:04):
socialism and democracy. What democracy is, it is the voice
of the population, mob rule, majority rule. Now, majority is fine,
and democracy to a point is fine. The founding follows

(06:24):
believe that democracy should be an important part of our
system because the House of Representatives from day one were
democratically voted in by people based on population in districts
that are based on their size based on population. All
that so democracy democratic processes were to be included in

(06:46):
our republican form of government. But we're not to be
a pure democracy where everything is democratic. If we were
a pure democracy, you know, amendments of the Constitution would
just be voted on. The judges wouldn't be appointed and
confirmed by Senate, they would just be voted in. The
President would be just directly voted in national popular vote,

(07:07):
minus that electoral college. But the founding fathers understood that
that can be dangerous. It comes down to a distribution
of power. The Constitution its purpose was to properly distribute
power in a manner where nothing had complete power. In
other words, you don't want the president to have too

(07:27):
much power. You don't want Congress to have too much power,
or the judges, or the states or the federal government.
But you also don't want the people to have too
much power. If you put too much power in one place,
it becomes dangerous. Even we as voters mess it up
if we have all the power. So democracy is only
a part of the republic. President wasn't voted in by

(07:49):
a democratic vote. We have an electoral college. And even
the electoral college has transformed a little bit over time,
it was designed to be slightly different. The people didn't
vote for the president at all. They voted for their electors,
and their electors voting for president. It wasn't a winn
or take all from the states, it was, you know,

(08:11):
whatever the electoral voted for, that's where the electoral vote went.
So for example, in California, which has fifty four electoral votes,
and all of them go, you know, whoever wins the state,
all of them go to that candidate. It will be
you know, actually very possible for those votes go in
all different directions. Wherever that electoral vote voted, that's where

(08:32):
it would go. There are two states today who still
splits up their electoral votes, Nebraska and may So anyway,
so I think the first thing that the founding fathers
will be shocked by is that democracy has so grabbed
the reins in our system. Now as I go through this,

(08:53):
as I as I discussed this program with what my topic,
I guess with you, if you want to part anticipate,
I'll be happy to take callers. I'd like to get
at least through maybe the first quarter to a third
of the show, before we really start getting into those questions.
I want to lay down some groundwork here, but I
want you to write this down. If you want to

(09:15):
call in, excuse me, call in and be on the
air with mister Constitution Douglas cy Gibbs eight eight eight
four fifty four seventy one triple eight four two nine
fifty four seventy one eight eight eight four two ninety
five four seven to one, if you want to call
in once again, I mean, I'll take callers now if

(09:35):
you want, but I'd rather let's get some groundwork done
and then about fifteen minutes or so, fifteen or twenty minutes,
if you want to call in, you got a question,
you got the burning thing, you got a constitution question,
especially or what I'm talking about, I'd be more than
happy to accept your call and let's have a conversation.
Now here's the thing, and then I get back to
what I was saying earlier about democracy. So democracy really

(10:00):
the population centers where the majority is that's going to
rule the day when you have a peer democracy. So
in other words, democracy, as Jefferson put it, is the
is the tyranny of the majority, where fifty one percent
can vote away the rights of the other forty nine percent,
and that fifty one percent or hire tended to live

(10:20):
in the cities. These are the population centers. Now. Don't
get me wrong, I don't think everybody in a large
city is problematic. I don't think every single city is problematic.
But for the most part, cities tend to be. And
Thomas Jefferson, one of my favorite founding fathers, was not
fond of large cities. He believed that tyranny rose from

(10:41):
large centralized population centers. James Madison shared that sentiment in
Federal's paper number ten, referring to large impetuous mobs as
factions quote united and actuated by some common impulse of
passion or of interest, adverse to the rights of other
cities or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.

(11:04):
And this is where he believed democracy became dangerous. Jefferson
was clearer in his writings regarding the dangers of people
piled upon each other in the large cities, and his quote,
when we get piled upon one another in large cities,
as in Europe, we shall become as corrupt as Europe.

(11:27):
Now see when we're They were making this system, creating
the Decoration of Independence, the Articles of Association, the Articles Confederation,
and the and the US Constitution, the four Founding Documents.
The aim was to become as unlike Europe as possible
and to separate from Europe.

Speaker 3 (11:43):
To.

Speaker 2 (11:45):
Untie those binds, to cut those lines that connected us
to Europe. This is not to say that they were
to ignore Europe, the European countries who are our greatest
trading partners. The Founding Fathers unders that this new, fledgling
republic was existing in a world full of empires, and

(12:07):
so they had to be strong enough to handle this life,
this world of empires, and they need to stay connected
because of trading partners and things like that. But the
same token, they didn't want to be anything like the
old world. The idea was to be as unlike the
old world as possible. And what they saw in the

(12:31):
cities of Europe, this large populations tended to require more regulations,
more government influence on the lives of the people. Thomas
Jefferson said, my reading of history convinces me that most
bad government results from too much government, and that's what
would go on in the cities when you got people
piled up by each show, and you got a sign

(12:52):
for everything, and you know governments. You know, it's funny
because Lexis Date Tolkville visited the United States in the
eighteen thirties and one of the things that he noticed.
He was from France, and one of the things he
noticed was that the people operated without a lot of
government influence. He thought that was strange, but he came
to realize that was a good thing. The United States

(13:13):
of America was founded on principles designed to protect liberty,
to secure the rights of the citizens, and state sovereignty
against a potentially tyrannical federal government that was being created
by the Constitution for the purpose of protecting, preserving, and
promoting the union of states. The old world mocked the attempt.

(13:36):
It was this experiment that was not going to succeed,
and they were just waiting for America to fail and
then they'd come in and pick up the pieces and
grab what they could. So they mocked it, determining that
self governance without a ruling elite that was laitists who
you know no better than you you know, and they
know how to take care of things for the greater

(13:59):
or good you've heard it right here today, right. And
Europe decided that self governance without that ruling lee to
ensure the common good was falling. The new country put
its trust in a system rejected by Europe called republicanism.
Americans determined that as a republic, freedom would be best protected. Now,

(14:23):
some fear that if the population became too great, that
the United States population grew to a size that was
beyond when a republicand handled it, and if too many
cities were built, while that republic would might descend into
a democracy, which always becomes an oligarchy, the mini ruled

(14:43):
over by a powerful few. How could a system where
local issues were supposed to be navigated by local government
without the watchful eye of a centralized system filled with
bureaucrats be anything other than utter failure. When the bureaucracy
is filled the persons who only care most about the

(15:03):
interests of the cities, how can a system like that survive?
Do you really want these representatives also that are all
about the cities, say, telling a farmer how to farm.
And so now this goes back to our question at
the beginning of program, What would the founding fathers think
about what they're seeing they would see all this democracy,
they would see this bureaucracy, they'd see the deep state

(15:26):
and all of that. And like that image I told
you about the beginning of the program on the front
of that book, where their jaws hitting the ground, I
think that's what it would be. But at the same
time they recognized that was the possibility. That's why they
wrote the Constitution the way they did. A limited government,
a government that only had expressly enumerated powers in the constitution.

(15:52):
If the power's not listed in the constitution, government doesn't
have the power. That's supported by the way by the
tenth Amendment. Tenth Amendments said that the powers not delegated
to the United States, in other words, not listed in
the Constitution, nor prohibited to the states, or reserved to
the states or to the people. So we have a

(16:15):
federal government. That's unlike see and that corrects me up
because see, what we hear is national government. The idea
was not to create a national government. National government is
a full umbrella where the government has all power over
all things. What they say goes. That's the way it is.
A federal government in a republic like ours has limited powers.

(16:39):
They don't have say over everything. In Federal's Paper number
forty five, James Madison explains that the powers given to
the federal government are few and defined, but what's given
to the states is numerous and indefinite. That the powers
that have to that are given to the federal government,

(17:02):
the United States government, the general government, the federal government.
Those are for external issues and issues that concern the Union,
like disputes between the states, maybe your postal services, things
like that that have to do with the Union. But
the things that concern the citizens with their lives, their liberties,

(17:28):
their property, and the internal the internal improvement and the
internal prosperity of the state, those powers remained with the states.
None of the federal government's business. The states handle their
own affairs when it comes to that stuff. Well, gosh, Doug, well,
then you'll have states doing all kinds of things that
will be make them different from each other. And right,

(17:51):
that's the point. The states, like you and I, are
supposed to be unique individuals that do things their way.
Each state, after all, has its own culture, does it not.
We even have our own languages. And if you don't
believe me, try speaking whatever language you speak in your state.

(18:12):
In Boston. Oh, I know it's all English, right, But
English in California, Minnesota, the South, and Boston and New
York are all very different languages from each other, are
they not? Because each culture, each region, and each state
are unique. They should be. That was the idea. And

(18:32):
then they service like laboratories in this system. Where state
tries something, the other states are watching say, well, let's
see what happens when such and such state does that.
Wow that was a crash and burn. We're not doing that.
Or wow, that works and that succeeded. Maybe we can
make it better, maybe we don't like what's going on there.

(18:52):
And then the states adjust themselves. It's almost like a
free market system where innovation emerges out of competition. After all,
the states are competing for population, for taxpayers, some of
them not so much. They don't want a lot of people,

(19:13):
just ask Wyoming. So this is what this is the
nature of our republic. This is what the founders, and
you know Jefferson, Thomas Jefferson actually hope that America would
remain an agrarian society, a country full of small farms,
small family farms. His distaste for cities was well known.
He called them pestilential to the morals, the health, and

(19:36):
the liberties of man. And he called them not only that,
but he this goes back to his studies of Latin
and Greek. At Jefferson amazing individual. It was said that
he could write in Latin with one hand and Greek
the other. But anyways, so Jefferson derived his belief from

(19:58):
all of this, all of his research and all that
he knew that the ideal citizen was one who was
a modest family farmer who produced everything he needed, making
him truly free. His relations to the surrounding populations would
then be voluntary rather than necessary. He wouldn't be dependent
upon anybody or any system. City dwellers could not grow

(20:21):
their own food, cut their down trees, and build their
own homes, nor create their own clothing or products for market.
So they were less free. They were dependent, maybe not
necessarily always depend on government, but they were dependent on something.
For the food, they are dependent on the grocery store,
for example. So according to Jefferson, they were shackled with

(20:43):
economic and political dependency. Quote this is Thomas Jefferson when
he wrote one time, those who labor in the earth
are the chosen people of God, The mobs of great cities,
he wrote, add just so much to the support of
pure government as sores do to the strength of the

(21:03):
human body. It is the manners and spirit of the
people which preserve a republican vigor. A degeneracy in these
is a canker which soon eats to the heart of
its laws in Constitution. Now, at the time, Philadelphia was
already considered a metropolitan center, a hub of societal organization

(21:25):
where it's more than fifty thousand residents. Fifty thousand, that
was a big city. I don't know the southern California.
I used to live in the Temechila Valley. Temechula is
like one hundred and eight thousand, Marietta one hundred and
thirteen thousand, and Menifee like ninety thousand, and then I
think wildemar is like seventy five thousand. So I mean,

(21:47):
you've got you know, third of a million people right
there in those four little towns. And that area is
considered a rural area compared to Los Angeles and San Diego.
Kind of out there in the middle of nowhere, an
hour hour and a half north of San Diego, and
if there was no traffic, maybe an hour hour and
a half south southeast of Los Angeles. Of course with

(22:10):
the traffic is about two and a half three hours.
But so back then, fifty thousand residents, that was a
pretty that was that was a metropolitan city. That was Philadelphia,
and the majority of the remainder of America, though, was
nothing like Philadelphia. Ninety five percent of Americans were farmers.
And when we get back to the Power Hour, I'm

(22:32):
going to continue on this discussion, and don't forget your calls.
Are welcome triple eight nine four two nine fifty four
seventy one, and they'll be right back.

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Speaker 2 (27:09):
Welcome back, Patriots. My name is Douglas pH Gibbs. I
am your host today, mister Constitution on the Power Hour.
So if anybody should be talking about the constitutions, I
will get it to say a little bit about the constitutions.
A matter of fact, I also want to encourage you
if you have any questions comments. I want to discuss

(27:30):
something I said triple eight four two nine fifty four
seventy one eight eight eight four two nine five four
seven one. So I was talking about Thomas Jefferson and
his dislike for cities, his belief that we really should
be in a grarian society. That was true freedom. Ninety

(27:51):
five percent of Americans at the time were farmers, as
I said, right before the break. And now there were cities,
you know, Philadelphia fifty thousand people, but the vast majority
of the American people lived either on farms or were
scattered along the coast of fishing villages or things like that.
To Jefferson, cities were unhealthy places both for the body

(28:13):
and the mind. Without open spaces, he argued, people were
confined and destined to be dependent upon the government or
upon other things. Once again, you know, you can't grow
your own food. You're dependent upon, if not the government
for certain things regarding your food, such as food stamps
or whatever. Today, a grocery store or things like that.

(28:35):
A market. Now, that's not to say there weren't markets
out in the country, but people it was a more
free market system. It was a more want to take
care of myself, self determination, all of that jazz and so.
But as the country grew, urban life was inevitable. As

(28:56):
the American population grew rapidly, cities began to dot the
landscape across the map. And that's the reality of growth
in any society. But despite his anti urban bias, you know,
you read the writings of Jefferson, sometimes he seems to
be a man of paradox. He called his five year
residency in Paris from seventeen eighty four to seventeen eighty

(29:18):
nine a time of thriving, and he regarded his years
in Philadelphia as the most satisfying of his life. Now,
when we get back to the Constitution and once again
feel free to call in triple eight four two nine
fifty four, sony one, I encourage you. I love to
talk to folks, so you're not interrupting, call in triple

(29:38):
eight four two ninety five, four seven to one. I
am all hears and answers hopefully for you if you
call in triple eight for two ninety five for someone.
But what I was talking about earlier about the limited government,
how the federal government had only the powers listen. This
is called the enumeration doctrine, numeration meaning listed or enumerated,

(30:02):
numbered and in listed. So the enumeration doctrine says that
the federal government only has an authority if it is
listened to the Constitution. This is where Dobs v. Jackson
at twenty twenty one was kind of drawing from. This
is the case if you remember that invalidated Roe v.
Wade and sent abortion back to the states. According to

(30:24):
the United States Supreme Court, and rightly so, Roe v.
Wade was an unconstitutional ruling and that the federal government,
the federal courts should have never even taken the case.
It is up to each state what they do, because
there's no in the Constitution. Getting back to our enumeration doctrine,
there is no listing of abortion, or or any medical

(30:49):
procedure or health services, any of that in the Constitution
as a power to the federal government. And you'll be
honest with you, you know, we hear this all the time.
Those who are enemies of the constutor they say, well, yeah,
but your health care is a right. The federal government
has to you know, guarantee and protect that right. That's
not how rights work. The government's job when it comes

(31:11):
to rights as hands off, not to guarantee and protect.
They can't even guarantee that. They can, you know, do
take care of a budget, and they're going to guarantee
you your rights because they and you know, protecting your
rights they're the greatest threat to your rights. If they're
the greatest threat to your rights, why would you want
them protecting your rights. So that's part of the problem

(31:33):
right there.

Speaker 5 (31:33):
Right, So.

Speaker 2 (31:35):
You go back to the Declaration of Independence. Really, when
it comes to our rights, right, what does it say life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It's kind of the
way your rights operate. You don't have a right to
be happy, you have a right to pursue it. So
you don't have a right to health care for to
be guaranteed and protected. You have a right to pursue it.
How do you pursue your health care? You go to

(31:56):
the free market, you compare prices, You decide for yourself,
what's it going to be best for you, what you
can afford, and so on and so forth. What's government's
job to get out of the way and let it happen.
You have a right to pursue your rights. Government's job
is to restrain itself and others from interfering with your rights. Now,

(32:17):
if your right is interfered with, then it comes down to, well,
it was this a clash of rights or is this
another right being practice? Rights cannot hit each other, run
into each other. It's like, you have a right to
go through the intersection there in near street, and there's
a stop light there though, so that everybody knows the

(32:37):
rules that you can navigate that intersection without running into
each other. So the government getting involved with the stoplight
doesn't take away your right, but it does help that
right be carried out in an orderly fashion. Otherwise, government's business,
and once they put up that little thing that we
all just agreed upon, that stop light or stop sign
or whatever it may be, then they get out of

(32:59):
the way. Only time they get involved is when the
laws are violated, or we run into each other because
somebody wasn't paying attention, and you know, my right to
go through that intersection stops at the edge of somebody
else's bumper. So as long as we're taking doing our
rights without colliding and all that and breaking the rules,
it's not a government's business. Second we hit each other,

(33:22):
suddenly government has to get involved. So the law enforcement officer,
your police or sheriff or whoever it is, shows up
and they take a report, and then from that report
it's determined, and you know, goes from there. You know,
it's funny. That's why I say about the police and
the law enforcement in our country. You know, I ever
notice on the police cars used to say this all

(33:43):
the time. I don't know how much it does anymore,
but to protect and serve, Well, they're not there to
protect and serve if they're there to take a report
after it happens. Now, yeah, there is a certain protection
of service, don't get me wrong. But really, their their
main job is because because you're in proven guilty and
if there's no crime committ is none of their business, right,

(34:03):
they don't show up till after whatever happened happened. We
don't live in the minority report where they can prevent crime.
That would be well anti liberty. But you know, way
I get back to my point here. So this enumeration
doctrine means that government is not as it only has

(34:25):
the powers given to it. And when it comes to
our rights, where are there to pursue our rights? And
they're to stay out of the way unless there's a problem.
I'll give you another example. Let me do this, so
life liberty to pursue a happiness. So you don't have
a right to be happy, you have a right to
pursue being happy. You don't have a right to your
health care, you have a right to pursue it. They'll

(34:45):
tell you have a right to education. You don't have
a right to education. You have a right to pursue it.
It's your job to decide how much education you want,
what you can afford, so on and so forth, where
you want to go. Government now has they've guaranteed everybody
gets an education. Well, now we have so many bachelor's

(35:05):
degrees out there that it's sort of like the dollar
that are losing their value because there's more bachelor's degrees.
The jobs out there needing bachelor's degrees. So they've actually
messed it all up by interfering and making sure everybody
got a degree and everybody goes to college. Not for
everybody to go to college. Some people don't. Some people

(35:29):
pursue things in a different way, trade schools, just working
real hard. Self taught on certain things. When I was
in high school, I was considered one of the people
that was expected to go to college. But for some reason,
I thought marrying my high school girlfriend, getting her pregnant,

(35:52):
and enlisting in the navy was a much better idea.
Don't get me wrong, it was a wonderful idea. Forty
years later, excuse me, forty years later, she and I
are still married, two kids, seven grandkids. I did go
back to school for a while when I was working
in construction industry, went to night school, got some I

(36:16):
think I got like thirty two units. Never got my degree.
My wife went back to school. She did get her degree,
she has a bachelor's. I helped her out. I actually
helped her with her homework and writing papers stuff. I'm
a writer. I have ten books. Matter of fact, if
you want to purchase any of my books, just get
up on Amazon and look up books by Douglas phe Gibbs.
My store at my website is not complete, but it

(36:38):
should be soon. But that is something we pursue. You
don't have a right to education, you have a right
to pursue it. How about this one. You don't have
the right to have a cake baked exactly the way
you want, but you have a right to pursue it.
So if you want a cake baked with a couple
of guys on the top with a wedding fringe, and

(37:00):
you go out there to pursue that right and the
Christian baker says, well, we don't offer that product, the
answer is not to sue the baker for not making
your cake. They don't offer the product. They have a
right to offer the products that they desire to offer,
and as Christians, they don't want to offer that product.

(37:23):
This is not to say that you shouldn't get your cake.
Somebody out there is going to bake it. You don't
have a right to have that kick baked the way
you want, You have a right to pursue it. So
pursue it with the next baker, and then the next
baker until you find it. But see this is what
tyranny does. And well, this is what people do when
they think they're in a democracy. Well, yeah, but the

(37:45):
majority says you should make that cake. It doesn't matter
what the majority thinks, because what's important is not the majority.
What's important is something called the rule of law, and
that's what the Constitution is all about. The rule of law.
Our representative are not lawmakers, although we call them that.
They're representatives, and while they do represent us, they also

(38:06):
represent the rule of law. The rule of law is
the natural order of things right and wrong, the moral standard,
God's law, the rule of law. So if we live
in a pure democracy and majority rules, and whatever the
majority says happens. And let's say the majority decides to
vote that everybody with green eyes needs to be arrested

(38:31):
and face the death penalty for having green eyes, the
role of law says that's wrong. And so our representative's
job is not to do with the constituency says, but
to say, well, wait, rule of law says that's wrong.
We're not going to do it. I don't care what
the population thinks. I don't care if they will democratically

(38:52):
vote me out. The role of law is what is
at the top. Here in a republic. Democracy the most
prodius Greek for a rule of the people, and respublica

(39:15):
Latin for the thing. And now you know, the public
thing or the law, rule of law. That's the basis
of those two words. So so democracy on purpose was avoided.

(39:41):
Democracy on purpose is not what this country is about,
is not what it was designed to be. I don't
want to preserve my democracy. I don't want to save
the democracy. I want to restore the republic, the republic.
Restore the republic. That's more important to me. You want
to preserve the democracy in this election. If you are

(40:03):
trying to save democracy, then you're part of the problem.
You're part of the tyranny that knows that democracy is
the road to ruin. Democracy is the road to socialism.
Democracy is the road to dictatorship. For the enemy's constution
out there saying that the folks that I might prefer

(40:25):
as a candidate like Donald J. Trump, well he's the problem.
He's the authoritarian, he's a fascist. How they still have Well,
he said he's gonna be a dictator on day one.
It was a tongue in cheek, your dummies. In other words,
he's gonna make sure hit what he wants is gonna
get done on day one when it comes to immigration

(40:48):
and getting his executive orders and all that. And that's
what he meant. He was being facetious on purpose because
he knew they would grab that and go nuts with it.
One of the things that appeals to me about j
Trump is his way of getting them to react. So
once again, triple eight four nine fifty four seventy one.
So as a democracy, we are in trouble. As a republic,

(41:18):
be on the road back to what we originally were
intended to be. And that's what the Constitution is all about,
making this country a republican, a federal republic, not just
any republic. There's a lot of countries that call themselves republics.
People's Republic of China, right, the French Republic, Democratic Republic

(41:39):
of this, and Democratic Republican of that. North Korea calls
it itself a republic, and so on and so forth.
Anything can call itself a republic. Just like you know,
I put a chicken suit on my dog, I can
call it a chicken. Doesn't make it a chicken still
a dog. Those countries are all themselves republics. Are not

(42:01):
really true republics. They're just putting a little lipstick on,
throw an address on, claiming that they're something else. Not
that we would know anything about that in our society.
But a federal republic, what our system was designed to be,
is a not a democracy, not a rule of the cities.

(42:25):
The rural areas were also given an ability to have
a voice. That's the reason why our Senate is too
per state, so that no state in the Senate can
rule over any other state. Population doesn't matter that way.
The smaller states outnumber of the bigger states, so if
they have more of a voice. Federal's paper number ten

(42:48):
Madison said, how do you control the factions as you
set them against each other, give them you give them
the ability to debate. Debate equals liberty, compromise, rather than
just one part of this of society running away and
controlling everything, like you see in a democracy where the

(43:11):
cities the population centers, the majority becomes a mob and
throws this weight around, dictating fifty voting away the rights
of the other forty nine percent. We're designed to be
a republic, and that's what a republic is. Even in

(43:35):
our states, our states, even half used to have a
more republican form of government an Article four, Section four.
It says in the United States guaranteed to every state
a republican form of government. The word democracy doesn't appear
in the Constitution or the Decoration of Independence anywhere, but
the word republic does, and states are required to be republics.

(43:55):
Says so in the Constitution Art. Four, Section four. And
how the states used to be republics. One of the
mechanisms of the many that made them a republic was
that the state senates, also like the US Senate, were
not voted in directly democratically. US Senate didn't used to
be voting democratically. Seventeenth Amendment in nineteen thirteen changed that.

(44:17):
They used to be appointed by each house of the
state legislature, one senator for one house, the other senator
for the other. And then at the state level, the
state senators were voted in not by the people, but
by the county legislatures. Today we call them board of supervisors.
In California, for example, you have these board of supervisors

(44:44):
that reflect more so population of that region than would
the board of supervisors somewhere else or the democratic vote.
And then on top of that, it was one per county.
Get back to California. So California has some Senate district
State Senate districts where you might have one senator representing

(45:04):
eight counties or twelve counties are the rural counties. Meanwhile,
the County of Los Angeles has fifteen Senate districts. So,
in other words, in the state Senate, the rural counties
might get one senator for like eight of them or
twelve of them, but one county La County gets fifteen.

(45:26):
That's democracy. But originally it was one per county appointed
by the county legislature. Well, if using California as example,
if that's the way they did it, one per county,
do you think that the Estate Senate would look a
little different. Absolutely, a party, political party that sides more

(45:47):
with rural style thinking would dominate that that branch, that body.
The legislative bodies then would be choosing their US senators,
and suddenly California would have one senator of each party
rather than dominating a particular party. How many other states

(46:07):
would that happen? If we were to go just back
to being a republic. While the House of Representatives may
battle and often wind up more blue. The US Senate
based on the bodies, the legislative bodies of the states
choosing their senators rather than being voted in, and the

(46:28):
state senates going back to the old way of one
per county and being chosen. Suddenly, the US would look
very different. In fact, a court of my calculations, you
would have seventy six Republican senators, twenty three Democrats, that
one independent, and those Republicans wouldn't be voted in through democracy,

(46:49):
with the cities also having their voice, so the senator
thinking they need to become more moderate in order to win.
These would be senators representing rural areas because the state
Senate is going to be very rural, and so I
hate to say it this way, but you have a
higher quality Republican. That is what a republic would be.

(47:14):
That is how they safeguarded against one party, one faction
controlling everything. And I don't care who you are, right, left,
upside down, in between wearing a dress, whatever, you should
understand that it's in the best interest of any society
that one voice doesn't control everything. You don't want one

(47:40):
voice controlling everything you do. That you get Nazi Germany,
you get the Soviet Union, you get communists China, you
get North Korea, you get Cuba, you get Venezuela, you
get the Roman Empire after it ceased to be a republic.
You get the Egypt under the Pharaohs. You get Greece

(48:03):
under Alexander. The great great societies, but troubled the societies
that collapse because of the tyranny. They collapsed under the tyranny.
That's what happens when you allow democracy, mob rule, and

(48:24):
ultimately that leads to one party or one ideological rule.
But in a republic, a federal republic like we were
intended to have here in the United States, the minority
voice is a voice now those who say they believe
in quote unquote democracy. Kimerinsky is a dean of a

(48:47):
Berkeley wrote a book about it. Because if the tyranny
of the minority, so are you saying the minority shouldn't
have a voice. That it has to be one or
the other, either the minority is the tyranny or the major. Already,
as attorney, how about a federal republic where both voices
are going at it and compromises are made. Isn't that

(49:09):
what you want? Isn't that what anybody would want. Why
would anybody want a single party rule except for maybe
the powermongers of that single party founding fathers with the
United States Constitution created a republic, a limited government where
the mechanisms were created through different means. The House of

(49:32):
Representatives voted in democratically, the Senate appointed by the state legislatures.
One senator, her body legislative body of that legislature. The
President elected by an electoral college. The judges appointed by
the President but confirmed by the Voice of the States,
which was appointed by the state legislatures. Treaties that could

(49:58):
be negotiated, and trying to buy a president, but he
doesn't have all that power. It's no good until the
Voice of the States to the Senate ratify it. Gosh,
it wouldn't be nice of the states made sure the
federal government had to ask before they did something. That's
what it was, That's the way it was originally intended.

(50:23):
You don't have a lot of minutes left, so if
you're gonna call in, this is your last chance. Triple
eight four two nine fifty four to seventy one. Triple
eight four two nine fifty eight seventy one, appreciate this audience.
I hope you'll learn something that's kind of the goal here.
I educate on the United States Constitution. I've written a
couple of textbooks. I've taught in the past, economics, government,

(50:48):
US History, and Constitution to middle schoolers and high schoolers
in homeschool systems. The public schools want nothing to do
with me, and I never seemed to be able to
break into private schools, although there was one school Vista
that's kind of a kind of a private school with
a homeschool on paper, kind of. That was the last
school I taught at the UH. The whole system here

(51:15):
was designed. This is what I teach, is why I
teach to be a republic. This is what I tell
my classes in the homeschools is what I tell I
used to teach Southern Constitution classes. Well, actually, more over
over time, I used to teach adult constitution classes at
night and a couple of them during the day there
in southern California. Now right now, the only teaching I'm

(51:37):
doing is on Tuesday nights. If you want to check
it out, Tuesdays three thirty Pacific six point thirty Eastern.
It's on a friend of mine's page, So you type
in mister Constitution dot com, but put a hyphen between
the mister and the Constitution, so it's Mr hyphen Constitution
dot com. And then find the episodes that say learn

(52:00):
the Constitution. This is my friend's uh rumble page, so
it's a lot of his other videos, and he and
I don't always agree on everything, so if you want
to look at the videos I'm doing with him, look
for the ones that say learn the Constitution, and I
go through the whole Constitution line by line. I also
do a lot of videos with my friend Brady the
Warhamster Rumble dot com slash Warhamster Rumble dot com slash

(52:27):
war Hamster.

Speaker 8 (52:28):
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